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Obesity of politicians and corruption in post‐Soviet countries
Abstract
We collected 299 frontal face images of 2017 cabinet ministers from 15 post‐Soviet states (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan). For each image, the minister's body‐mass index is estimated using a computer vision algorithm. The median estimated body‐mass index of cabinet ministers is highly correlated with conventional measures of corruption (Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index, World Bank worldwide governance indicator Control of Corruption, Index of Public Integrity). This result suggests that physical characteristics of politicians such as their body‐mass index can be used as proxy variables for political corruption when the latter are not available, for instance at a very local level.
... This system of unofficial gift-offering, particularly in the medical sector, is still common today, especially among the elderly, who do not realise that these gifts are essentially bribes. There is a very low level of anti-corruption awareness among those who grew up in the Soviet Union (Shlapentokh, 2013;Blavatskyy, 2021), with many still believing that bribery is a widely accepted way of achieving a positive outcome from an uncomfortable situation (Baimenov and Liebert, 2019); "if almost everyone is being engaged in various forms of informal payments it cannot be a very bad thing" (Osipian, 2012). As we are specifically investigating the younger generation, we wonder if this cultural legacy still plays a role in shaping anticorruption attitudes in the younger generations, so we formulate our fourth hypothesis: ...
... The size of the Coben effect is average (0.164), so there are significant relationships between constructs, and the determined discriminant validity (0.444) is acceptable. We assume that young people do not have ingrained habits of a corrupt nature, such as offering gifts to doctors, which were identified as a Soviet legacy; this signals the possibility to avoid post-Soviet legacy shaping in an economic (Berkowitz and DeJong, 2011), political (Blavatskyy, 2021), electoral (Leukavets et al., 2023) and cultural (Kim and Comunian, 2022;Yerken and Luu, 2022) context and hindering the socio-economic development and Westernisation processes in Baltic countries ( Agh, 2019) part of which Lithuania is. Since the studied sample consists of young people, the negative path coefficient is related to the age of individuals and the political system. ...
Purpose
This paper embarks on revealing the main factors behind the intentions of youth in Lithuania to get involved in bribery.
Design/methodology/approach
A questionnaire survey of 432 respondents served as a source of primary data. The structural equation modelling – partial least squares techniques was employed as a main research tool.
Findings
It was revealed that youth in Lithuania display a high value congruity with their counterparts in Western Europe and a relatively reluctant to offer bribes. It can be stated that youths’ positive attitude towards some shadow economy activities is a forced response to government failures, rather than an intrinsic motivation created by cultural legacy or psychological issues.
Originality/value
It is one of the first scientific attempt to investigate reasons behind the formation of the positive attitude towards bribery and intentions to get involved in bribery among the youth.
... Attempts to overcome corruption ties made in the USSR in the 1980s did not lead to significant success, so post-Soviet states, including Ukraine, inherited this Soviet corruption practice. In addition, the impoverishment of the population and the criminalisation of society in the 1990s led to an increase in the level of corruption at that time (Blavatskyy, 2021;Lyra, 2022). ...
Corruption is one of the phenomena that hinder the development of independent Ukraine. The anti-corruption reforms carried out after the Revolution of Dignity have brought the fight against corruption in Ukraine to a new level, and the investigation of this topic is therefore of undeniable relevance. The purpose of the study was to examine the impact of the fight against corruption in Ukraine, especially the anti-corruption reforms of 2014-2015, on Ukrainian society and economic development. During the study, general scientific methods were used, in particular, analysis and synthesis, comparative method, generalisation, dialectical method, and statistical method. As a result of the study, it was found that the fight against corruption in Ukraine continued throughout all the years of independence. Ukrainian society demanded that the authorities overcome this phenomenon. The fight against corruption in Ukraine reached a higher level after the Revolution of Dignity in 2014. In 2014-2015, an anti-corruption reform was carried out, specialised anti-corruption bodies were launched, and mandatory electronic declaration for public officials was designed to prevent corruption. According to the Transparency International rating, the situation with corruption in Ukraine improved between 2014 and 2023, but Ukraine still remains on the list of corrupt countries. Ukraine's economic performance has also improved significantly since the introduction of the anti-corruption reform, as the fight against corruption creates better conditions for entrepreneurship development. Further effective fight against corruption in Ukraine will contribute to positive social and economic changes, and successful European integration of Ukraine. The practical significance of the study lies in the fact that its results can be used for further investigation of the social phenomenon of corruption and further development of possible anti-corruption strategies
... Emamoli Rahmon merupakan presiden ke-3 Tajikistan sejak tahun 1994 hingga saat ini. Defisit demokrasi ini menunjukkan pula tingkat korupsi yang besar di Tajikistan (Blavatskyy, 2021)Dapat disimpulkan dari fenomena di atas, tiga negara miskin teratas di Kawasan Asia memiliki faktor-faktor yang menjadikan negaranya sebagai negara termiskin. Defisit demokrasi, political instability, dan tingkat korupsi tinggi menjadikan negara-negara tersebut sulit keluar dari kemiskinan. ...
Kemiskinan merupakan masalah multidimensional dan multistruktural yang menjadikan pengentasan kemiskinan sebagai tantangan utama bagi pembangunan di abad ke-21. Kemiskinan umumnya terjadi di negara berkembang, namun tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa kemiskinan dapat ditemukan di negara maju. Hal ini menyebabkan tidak dapat terlepasnya negara-negara di Kawasan Asia dari kemiskinan. Pada tahun 2017 terdapat penurunan sebesar 29,1% dari total kemiskinan di Kawasan Asia. Namun adanya pandemi Covid-19 sedikit menghambat pengentasan kemiskinan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui substansi bagaimana intensifikasi demokrasi, stabilitas politik. dan tingkat korupsi dapat memengaruhi pengentasan kemiskinan, dengan rentang waktu penelitian selama 7 tahun (2015-2021). Hasil penelitian ini Demokrasi dan Stabilitas Politik berpengaruh negative signifikan dan Korupsi berpengaruh positif signifikan pada pengentasan kemiskinan. Selanjutnya diharapkan penelitian ini dapat meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat di negara-negara Kawasan Asia secara ekonomi dan non ekonomi. Dengan meningkatnya kesejahteraan rakyat maka taraf hidup akan meningkat dan kesenjangan pada aspek kehidupan akan berkurang.
... As a result, this challenge is becoming more complex for sustainability and tourism development. Corruption in several industries of Uzbekistan is a vital issue that has long-term damaging effects on society [75]. Therefore, the reduction of corruption will significantly increase tourism competitiveness, as clear from previous literature [76,77]. ...
Tourism is one of the fastest-growing and most visible sectors of the global economy, contributing significantly to boosting a nation’s economy. Currently, tourism-led economic growth considering sustainable approaches is becoming increasingly important in public policy. Recent urban and regional studies have begun to focus on the sustainability of tourism from social, economic, environmental, and cultural perspectives. The research aims to identify the most important issues and barriers to sustainable tourism development in Uzbekistan and proposes the most effective culturalization strategies to overcome those barriers. This paper involves the application of Global RPM (Globalization, Rationality, Professionalism, and Morality) analysis in combination with SANEL HERMES (Sightseeing, Admission paying, Night touring, Experiencing, Learning, Healing, Enjoying, Rest and Relaxing, Memento shopping, Eating and Drinking, and Staying) model based on data from a variety of sources, including literature review, participation interview, tourist survey, and expert questionnaire to identify and classify influencing factors that show existing barriers to sustainable tourism in Uzbekistan. Finally, a set of culturalization strategies is proposed, evaluated, and ranked by experts using a Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix. The results of the survey have shown that tourism activities are currently not sustainable in a satisfactory manner. However, if the policymakers consider the relevant strategies and take this study into account, as well as its findings, then Uzbekistan can be made more attractive in terms of sustainable tourism.
... This 'hedonic theory of corruption' postulates the existence of a positive relationship between median body mass index of public officials and the level of grand political corruption in society. Blavatskyy (2020) tested this conjecture and found high cross-country correlation between conventional measures of corruption and a median body mass index of cabinet ministers estimated using a computer vision algorithm developed by Kocabey et al. (2017). Kis (2020) questioned this result since the sample used by Blavatskyy (2020) -15 former republics of the Soviet Union -arguably constitutes an ad hoc group of countries cherry-picked for spurious correlation. ...
We collected 469 frontal face images of Ukrainian cabinet ministers who were in office in 2000–2020. For each image, the minister's body mass index was estimated using a computer vision algorithm. The time series of median estimated body mass index of cabinet ministers co‐moves over time with two existing measures of corruption – World Bank worldwide governance indicator Control of Corruption, and the discrepancy between the quantity of luxury wristwatches exported from Switzerland to Ukraine (reported by Swiss statistics) and the corresponding quantity imported by Ukraine from Switzerland (reported by Ukrainian statistics).
... Ukrainian officials. Moreover,Blavatskyy (2021a) employs the median estimated body-mass index of cabinet ministers to capture the prevalence of corruption across 15 post-Soviet economies.Hlatshwayo et al. (2018) exploit news media coverage of corruption to measure the degree of political corruption. More recently,Cheung et al. (2020) provide a novel measure of corruption for 60 world economies using detected cases of corruption of governmental officials between 1975 and 2015. ...
It has been commonly observed that tropical countries tend to suffer from intense corruption and underdevelopment. This study provides an explanation for this long-standing disparity across the world based on variation in the intensity of ultraviolet radiation (UV-R). The central hypothesis is that UV-R is positively associated with the (historical) prevalence of eye diseases, which significantly shortens work-life expectancy as a skilled worker. This helps shape the worldwide distribution of corruption by affecting the incumbents’ window of opportunity. Using data for up to 139 countries, I consistently find empirical support for the positive relationship between UV-R and corruption. The main findings withstand accounting for numerous alternative explanations for international differences in corruption levels. Employing individual-level data from the World Values Survey, I document suggestive evidence that exposure to UV-R is linked to surveyed respondents’ tolerance towards corrupt activities. Furthermore, a subnational analysis for China lends credence to the cross-country evidence.
This study empirically studied the repercussions of corrupt practices in the Nigeria public sector and the Nigerian police service as a case study. The study adopted the correlational survey methodology wherein, Corrupt Practices Questionnaire (CPQ) were developed and validated by the researchers. Data for the study were analysed using the Chi-square and Pearson correlation analytical procedures. Findings of the study revealed there is no relationship between gender and corruption in the Nigeria Police Service. Corrupt practices in the Nigeria Police Service are statistically dependent upon poor remuneration and conditions of service. There is also empirical evidence that corrupt practices persist in the service as a result of inadequate discipline and control in the rank and file of the service. The study therefore, recommended up-scale of discipline, control and better remuneration in the Nigerian Police Service. It further recommended that the officers should undergo periodic trainings to boost their competence, morale and level of commitment to service.
Статья посвящена анализу мер, принимаемых Казахстаном по борьбе с коррупцией, и оценке их эффективности. Основная цель статьи – выявить проблемы и недостатки казахстанской антикоррупционной системы с особым упором на подотчетность и наказание государственных чиновников. Установлено, что чем больше масштабы коррупции, тем более благоприятными становятся условия для ее возникновения и существования. На масштабы коррупции в Казахстане влияют такие факторы, как культура, социальная динамика, политика, экономика и правовая система. Коррупция в стране определяется как моральная, экономическая, политическая и правовая проблема. Результаты нашего исследования показывают, что борьба с коррупцией, особенно на высших уровнях власти в Казахстане, будет сложной из-за отсутствия интереса у некоторых чиновников, их безответственности и степени наказания за подобные преступления.
Woran forschen Menschen abseits von Chemie, und was lässt sich mit ihren Ergebnissen anfangen? Wenn schon auf den ersten Blick nichts, dann doch vielleicht auf den zweiten. Und einen genauen Blick wirft das Ig‐Nobelpreis‐Komitee. Unter den Geehrten: Forschung zu Katzen, Kinoluft, Bärten und Orgasmen.
Corruption is a form of dishonesty or criminal offense undertaken by a person or organization entrusted with a position of authority to acquire illicit benefit or abuse power for one's private gain. Corruption may include many activities including bribery and embezzlement, though it may also involve practices that are legal in many countries. Political corruption occurs when an officeholder or other governmental employee acts in an official capacity for personal gain. Corruption is most commonplace in kleptocracies, oligarchies, narco-states, and mafia states. Corruption can occur on different scales. Corruption ranges from small favors between a small number of people (petty corruption) to corruption that affects the government on a large scale (grand corruption) and corruption that is so prevalent that it is part of the everyday structure of society, including corruption as one of the symptoms of organized crime.
En este artículo se propone una definición múltiple de corrupción que tome en consideración los tres tipos de corrupción -individual, institucional y sistémicasusceptibles de ser encontradas en cualquier régimen político. Se propone estudiar la corrupción en directa continuidad con la propensión a la cooperación y se procede a anclar la corrupción sistémica como causa del cambio de régimen político en la tradición política occidental, mostrando su relevancia para las democracias modernas. Se estudian los impactos de la corrupción, procediendo al cuestionamiento de la teoría del ciclo de vida de la corrupción y su relación con desarrollo económico. Se señala la necesidad de imaginar alternativas para abordar la corrupción sistémica, que incluyen diferentes y mejores mediciones de la corrupción, especialmente de la corrupción institucional y sistémica, imprescindibles para mejorar la eficacia de las intervenciones anticorrupción.
Many scholarly articles on corruption give the impression that the world is populated by two types of people: the 'sanders' and the 'greasers'. The 'sanders' believe that corruption is an obstacle to development, while the 'greasers' believe that corruption can (in some cases) foster development. This paper takes a critical look at these positions. It concludes that the evidence supporting the 'greasing the wheels hypothesis' is very weak and shows that there is no correlation between a new measure of managers' actual experience with corruption and GDP growth. Instead, the paper uncovers a strong negative correlation between growth in genuine wealth per capita --a direct measure of sustainable development--and corruption. While corruption may have little average effect on the growth rate of GDP per capita , it is a likely source of unsustainable development. Copyright 2009, Oxford University Press.
I examine whether elections influence perceived corruption in the public sector. Perceived corruption in the public sector is measured by the reversed Transparency International's Perception of Corruption Index (CPI). The dataset includes around 100 democracies over the period 2012–2016, a sample for which the CPI is comparable across countries and over time. The results show that the reversed CPI was about 0.4 points higher in election years than in other years, indicating that perceived corruption in the public sector increased before elections. The effect is especially pronounced before early elections (1.0 points) compared to regular elections (0.4 points). Future research needs to investigate why perceived corruption in the public sector increased before elections.
We model the relationship between bilateral foreign direct investment (FDI) and the level of corruption in multinational firms’ (MCNs’) home and host countries. We construct and test a model of bilateral FDI between countries that differ in their levels of corruption. FDI is affected negatively both by the level of corruption in the host country and by differences in home- and host-country corruption. Our model emphasizes that MNCs develop skills for dealing with home-country corruption, and these skills become a competitive advantage in similarly corrupt host countries. We test the model using data on bilateral FDI stocks among a large number of home and host countries, using a variety of specifications and estimation strategies to provide robustness. Our results show that the effects of host-country corruption and of differences in corruption levels between home and host countries are statistically and economically significant.
This paper looks at the impact of corruption on the effectiveness of antiretroviral drugs in preventing AIDS deaths and the potential channels that generate this relationship. This is based on a unique panel dataset of countries in sub-Saharan Africa, which combines information on all imported antiretroviral drugs (ARVs) from the World Health Organization’s Global Price Reporting Mechanism, with measures of corruption, estimates of the HIV prevalence, and the number of AIDS deaths in each year and in each country. Countries with higher levels of corruption experience a significantly smaller drop in AIDS deaths as a result of the same quantity of ARVs imported. This is robust to different measures of corruption and to a measure of overall death rates as well as HIV-specific death rates as the outcome. A case-study analysis of the Kenyan experience illustrates one potential mechanism for the observed effect, demonstrating that disproportionately more clinics begin distributing ARVs in areas that are predominantly represented by the new leader’s ethnic group.
This paper presents evidence of corruption during China's leadership transitions when governmental positions are open for competition. The import value of luxury watches, a popular medium for corrupt exchanges, peaked during regular leadership transitions in 1996–97, 2001–02, and 2006–07. However, imports of nonluxury watches and other luxury items unpopular for corrupt exchanges did not exhibit the same cycle. Nor did imports of luxury watches increase in Hong Kong, Singapore, or the US. During the leadership transition of 2011–12, since wearing a conspicuous luxury watch was by then likely to be exposed on social media and trigger an anti-corruption investigation, this “Swiss watch cycle” vanished.
This article offers the first comprehensive review of the interdisciplinary state of knowledge regarding anti-corruption policies, with a particular focus on reducing corruption among civil servants. Drawing on the work of economists, political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists, we examine seven policy categories: (1) rewards and penalties; (2) monitoring; (3) restructuring bureaucracies; (4) screening and recruiting; (5) anti-corruption agencies; (6) educational campaigns; and (7) international agreements. Notably, rigorous empirical evaluation is lacking for the majority of commonly prescribed anti- corruption policies. Nevertheless, we find growing evidence of the effectiveness of policies based on monitoring, including anti-corruption audits and e-governance. In addition, adequate civil service wages seem to be a necessary but insufficient condition for control of corruption. An emerging skepticism regarding the effectiveness of anti-corruption agencies also is apparent in the literature. We conclude with broader lessons drawn from our review, such as the recognition that when corruption is a systemic problem, it cannot be treated in the long term with individual-level solutions.
Politically-driven corruption is a pervasive challenge for development, but evidence of its welfare effects are scarce. Using data from a major rural road construction programme in India we document political influence in a setting where politicians have no official role in contracting decisions. Exploiting close elections to identify the causal effect of coming to power, we show that the share of contractors whose name matches that of the winning politician increases by 83% (from 4% to 7%) in the term after a close election compared to the term before. Regression discontinuity estimates at the road level show that political interference raises the cost of road construction and increases the likelihood that roads go missing.
In this paper we study the effects of corruption using an open economy version of the endogenous growth model with international capital mobility. In particular, the model predicts that corruption negatively affects the stock of international investment in the host country. In addition, the model predicts that growth should be impaired by the uncertainty caused by corruption. Bribes, unlike taxes, involve unpredictable distortion in the discretionary and uncertain use of the government power. This results in additional costs to businesses and alongside with resources allocated to unproductive activities impose an extra burden on the economy. We test empirically the predictions of the theory using a sample of 142 countries for the period 1994–2014 and GMM methods. Using indicators of control of corruption from the World Bank, the lack of corruption is found to have a positive and statistically significant effect on the growth rate of real per capital GDP and increased the investment ratio. Hence, the empirical results suggest that corruption directly hinders economic growth by hampering investment. The estimated effects are robust to changes in specifications and estimation methods. Thus, it can be concluded that richer countries with better access to international financing should be growing faster and be less prone to the adverse effects of corruption than the emerging economies.
Human faces encode plenty of useful information. Recent studies in psychology and human perception have found that facial features have relations to human weight or body mass index (BMI). These studies focus on finding the correlations between facial features and the BMI. Motivated by the recent psychology studies, we develop a computational method to predict the BMI from face images automatically. We formulate the BMI prediction from facial features as a machine vision problem, and evaluate our approach on a large database with more than 14,500 face images. A promising result has been obtained, which demonstrates the feasibility of developing a computational system for BMI prediction from face images at a large scale.
This paper analyses the effect of corruption on Multinational Enterprises' (MNEs) incentives to undertake FDI in a particular country. We contribute to the existing literature by modelling the relationship between corruption and FDI using both parametric and non-parametric methods. We report that the impact of corruption on FDI stock is different for the different quantiles of the FDI stock distribution. This is a characteristic that could not be captured in previous studies which used only parametric methods. After controlling for the location selection process of MNEs and other host country characteristics, the result from both parametric and non-parametric analyses offer some support for the ‘helping-hand’ role of corruption.
This article is the first to show that foreign investors care about economic freedoms, rather than political freedoms, in making decisions about where to locate capital. Hence more democratic countries may receive less Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) flows if economic freedoms are not guaranteed. One reason could be that democratizing developing economies are often unable to push through the kind of economic reforms that investors desire due to the presence of competing political interests. This could potentially explain why countries like China and Singapore that rank poorly on the democracy index but are relatively high on the property rights index do well in terms of FDI inflows.
Evidence from the International Crime Victimization Survey and the World Business Environment Survey suggests that actual corruption experience is a weak predictor of reported corruption perception, and that some of the factors commonly found to "reduce" corruption, such as economic development, democratic institutions or Protestant traditions, systematically bias corruption perception indices downward from corruption experience. In addition, perception indices are influenced by absolute (as opposed to relative) levels of corruption, which tends to penalize large countries, and they exhibit diminishing sensitivity to both absolute and relative corruption, indicating that they may better capture differences among countries with low levels of corruption than among highly corrupt ones. Individual characteristics such as education, age, or employment status, and firm-level characteristics such as the number of competitors are also found to influence corruption perceptions holding experience constant.
We examine bribery in a dynamic setting with a partially honest bureaucracy. The presence of honest officials lowers the bribe that a corrupt official can extract from efficient applicants. Consequently, efficient applicants may face delays in receiving licenses, or may never receive licenses, as inefficient applicants are serviced ahead of them. An increase in the proportion of honest officials, while directly increasing the incidence of socially optimal decisions, can also induce greater inefficiencies (misallocation and delay) from corrupt officials. As a result, social welfare may be non-monotonic in the proportion of honest officials, and small differences in monitoring costs may lead to very different levels of corruption. Competition between officials can hurt efficiency; its desirability depends on the prevalence of applicants' ability to pay bribes.
This study provides the first systematic measure of bribery using micro-level data on reported earnings, household spending and asset holdings. We use the compensating differential framework and the estimated sectoral gap in reported earnings and expenditures to identify the size of unobserved (unofficial) compensation (i.e., bribes) of public sector employees. In the
case of Ukraine, we find that public sector employees receive 24-32% less wages than their private sector counterparts. The gap is particularly large at the top of the wage distribution. At the same time, workers in both sectors have essentially identical level of consumer expenditures and asset holdings that unambiguously indicate the presence of non-reported compensation in the
public sector. Using the conditions of labor market equilibrium, we develop an aggregate
measure of bribery and find that the lower bound estimate of the extent of bribery in Ukraine is between 460 mln and 580 mln U.S. dollars (0.9-1.2% of Ukraine’s GDP in 2003).
We use a data set of federal corruption convictions in the U.S. to investigate the causes and consequences of corruption. More educated states, and to a smaller degree richer states, have less corruption. This relationship holds even when we use historical factors like Congregationalism in 1890 as an instrument for the level of schooling today. The level of corruption is also correlated with the level of income inequality and racial fractionalization, and uncorrelated with the size of government. There is a weak negative relationship between corruption and economic development in a state. These results echo the cross-country findings, and support the view that the correlation between development and good political outcomes occurs because education improves political institutions.
This paper will first distinguish between the non-economist's approach to corruption largely on the basis of public morals and norms and the economist's approach in terms of incentives and organization. I then discuss why otherwise similar countries may end up with different equilibrium levels of corruption, why such equilibria tend to persist, and why corruption in some Countries seems to be more damaging to the economy than in others. I then try to derive some policy lessons. (c) 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Empirical analyses of public corruption focus predominantly on international differences; regional differences in public corruption within a single country receive little attention. We empirically investigate the effect of public corruption in the United States on state bond ratings, which previous research shows are inversely related to net interest costs on public debt. After controlling for various economic influences on bond ratings, we find that more corrupt states have lower bond ratings, which implies that taxpayers in more corrupt states face a negative pecuniary externality by paying a premium for debt. Copyright Springer Science + Business Media, Inc. 2006
This paper discusses survey techniques aimed at a better measurement of corruption at the micro-level and argues that with appropriate survey methods and interview techniques, it is possible to collect quantitative micro-level data on corruption. Public expenditure tracking surveys, service provider surveys, and enterprise surveys are highlighted with several applications. These surveys permit measurement of corruption at the level of individual agents, such as schools, health clinics, or firms. They also permit the study of mechanisms responsible for corruption, including capture of public funds and bribery.
Economic transition in Russia and the New States of Eurasia
- D. Kaufmann
- A. Kaliberda
Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media (ICWSM)
- E. Kocabey
- M. Camurcu
- F. Ofli
- Y. Aytar
- J. Marin
- A. Torralba
- I. Weber