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Ethnic residential segregation among seasonal migrant workers: from temporary tents to new rural ghettos in southern Turkey
Abstract
This paper analyses three underlying reasons for the unprecedented socio-spatial changes that have resulted in the emergence of rural ghettos in southern Turkey. First, neoliberal agricultural transformation has led to changes in crop composition, which have caused a need for cheap labour over longer periods of time. Second, the extreme poverty levels of Kurdish seasonal labourers compels them not to return to their homes and stay in tent settlements around farms. Third, the high level of poverty and vulnerability of Syrian refugees compels them to accept the lowest-paying jobs and the most rudimentary types of accommodation, such as tent settlements. I therefore argue that the co-existence of agrarian transformation and contemporary migration flows resulted in a socio-spatial change in Turkey’s rural areas.
... A large portion of this labour power is comprised of Turkey's internally displaced and ethnically discriminated Kurdish population (Duruiz, 2015), while the arrival of Syrian refugees after the onset of the Syrian civil war introduced a new segment of racialised workers placed at the bottom of power relations in agricultural landscapes (Akay Ertürk, 2016;Pelek, 2019). On this point, Pelek (2020) argues that while the making of "new peasantry" under neoliberal restructuring attracted signifi cant scholarly attention, ethnicisation of the agricultural labour market in Turkey was not fully investigated. As Atasoy (2017) also attests in her study of the case of Turkey within the global agri-food system, "there is no comprehensive study of the employment of Kurdish migrant workers in the commercialisation of Turkish agriculture, its e ects on migrants' livelihoods and the various interactions with the rural society in which they live". ...
... However, the seasonal workers, who reside in makeshift tent villages that are usually far from settlements, close to agricultural lands and next to irrigation channels, were only of interest to the decision makers for the tropical diseases they may develop due to changing climatic patterns. Pelek (2020) argues that these temporary settlements should rather be seen as permanent rural ghettos. The pilot climate change adaptation proposals developed for these rural ghettos, however, came nowhere near addressing their needs for providing proper housing, safe work conditions under increasing climatic uncertainty or even basic health and social security coverage. ...
... Uneven power relations, societal divisions and informality allow powerful groups to benefi t from opportunities to fence themselves o from climate-induced losses while outsourcing the responsibility for adaptation and putting it on the backs of workers (Turhan et al., 2019). These uneven power relations are by and large a result of the ethnicised agricultural labour market which has provided "producers with greater opportunities for profi t maximization, enabling them to better compete in the market" at the expense of the seasonal workers (Pelek, 2020). Rendering seasonal agricultural workers as adaptable subjects who can make do with behavioural changes and go on without compensation in times of loss or who can simply move elsewhere to work is only reproducing and reinforcing the highly vulnerable conditions of their communities. ...
... A large portion of this labour power is comprised of Turkey's internally displaced and ethnically discriminated Kurdish population (Duruiz, 2015), while the arrival of Syrian refugees after the onset of the Syrian civil war introduced a new segment of racialised workers placed at the bottom of power relations in agricultural landscapes (Akay Ertürk, 2016;Pelek, 2019). On this point, Pelek (2020) argues that while the making of "new peasantry" under neoliberal restructuring attracted significant scholarly attention, ethnicisation of the agricultural labour market in Turkey was not fully investigated. As Atasoy (2017) also attests in her study of the case of Turkey within the global agri-food system, "there is no comprehensive study of the employment of Kurdish migrant workers in the commercialisation of Turkish agriculture, its effects on migrants' livelihoods and the various interactions with the rural society in which they live". ...
... However, the seasonal workers, who reside in makeshift tent villages that are usually far from settlements, close to agricultural lands and next to irrigation channels, were only of interest to the decision makers for the tropical diseases they may develop due to changing climatic patterns. Pelek (2020) argues that these temporary settlements should rather be seen as permanent rural ghettos. The pilot climate change adaptation proposals developed for these rural ghettos, however, came nowhere near addressing their needs for providing proper housing, safe work conditions under increasing climatic uncertainty or even basic health and social security coverage. ...
... Uneven power relations, societal divisions and informality allow powerful groups to benefit from opportunities to fence themselves off from climate-induced losses while outsourcing the responsibility for adaptation and putting it on the backs of workers (Turhan et al., 2019). These uneven power relations are by and large a result of the ethnicised agricultural labour market which has provided "producers with greater opportunities for profit maximization, enabling them to better compete in the market" at the expense of the seasonal workers (Pelek, 2020). Rendering seasonal agricultural workers as adaptable subjects who can make do with behavioural changes and go on without compensation in times of loss or who can simply move elsewhere to work is only reproducing and reinforcing the highly vulnerable conditions of their communities. ...
... In this respect, studies dealing with seasonal agricultural work in Turkey mostly emphasize a single dimension of the subject. Because seasonal agricultural workers are mostly landless peasants from the South-eastern Anatolia region, there are some studies focusing specifically on ethnic discrimination and exploitation (Pelek, 2022;Duruiz, 2012Duruiz, , 2015Duruiz, , 2019Uzun, 2015;Onen, 2012). In addition, there are studies that only address problems sheltering workers (Akalin, 2018) or caring for their health (Kaya and Ozgulnar, 2015;Fereli et al., 2016). ...
... These findings are in line with those of studies carried out both in this and other regions. (Yigit et al., 2017;Afsar and Isik, 2018;Akbiyik, 2011;Benek and Okten, 2011;Cinar and Lordoglu, 2011;Pelek, 2022). The participants described their working life as follows: ...
Agriculture is a mode of production that maintains its importance for humanity across all historical periods. Despite the development of technology and the mechanization that comes with it, agricultural labour continues to be the basic element of agricultural production. Seasonal work is one of the most common types of agricultural work, which is shaped by the different production conditions in a country. In Turkey, where agricultural product diversity is quite high due to a favourable climate, most agricultural workers migrate to different regions seasonally for work in agricultural production. Therefore, it is important to evaluate this group’s problems and life experiences from sociocultural and economic perspectives. In this respect, research was carried out using qualitative techniques in the towns of Kavaklidere and Piyadeler in the Alasehir District of Manisa Province. These regions are important seasonal destinations for migrant agricultural workers during harvest periods. These regions produce 1/3 of the seedless raisins in the country. In-depth interviews were conducted with 20 seasonal migrant agricultural workers determined by judgemental sampling, and semistructured observations were carried out in the research area. Based on the results of this research, this study reveals that seasonal migrant agricultural workers in the region live at standards far below the general welfare level of society. Workers generally do not have social security. However, seasonal agricultural work for migrants has turned into a regular work- and lifestyle. The most important reason for this situation is poverty in rural areas. The workers are different from the local people in terms of ethnic origin. However, there is a long-standing relationship of trust between the local people and the workers. Workers do not have any problems with wages. These are other factors that ensure the continuity of seasonal agricultural work. In this context, this study proposes that the project (METIP) carried out by the government for seasonal migrant agricultural workers in Turkey should be transformed into an employment-guaranteed national programme that includes solutions for all the problems identified in the field studies.
... Since the 1980s, the system of food production and distribution in Italy has undergone a profound transformation. Like other Mediterranean intense agri-food production areas, for instance in Southern Turkey (Adana Province), Greece (Kalamata), and Spain (Andalucía), Southern Italy has become a main supplier of fresh and canned food for global supermarkets chains -with radical consequences for the social relations of production and reproduction in food-producing areas (see Flores 2008, Rye 2018, Pelek 2020; for an overview: Rye and Scott 2018). As a result of global restructuring, agricultural production has not only been progressively integrated into vertical supply chains in a context of increasingly liberalized international food markets: through their buyer power, few big retail corporations determine the features (meaning the production costs and standards, the distribution, and the consumption patterns) of these agri-food supply chains, crystallizing in what McMichael and Friedmann (2007) call a 'retail revolution'. ...
... Following Loïc Wacquant's definition of the urban ghetto as a "spatially-based concatenation of mechanisms of ethnoracial closure and control" (Wacquant, 1997: 342;2008), we expand this term to discuss the socio-spatial segregation of mobile rural populations who, in the absence of state support, are trying to fend for themselves (see also Pelek 2020). We think the gradual spread of such migrant ghettos needs to be seen, on the one hand, in the light of a proceeding ethnic segmentation of the workforce by the caporali, who use their respective social networks to recruit and discipline mobile workers, and, on the other, as the direct infrastructures that aim to channel labour mobility logistically: while showing some similarities with these formal labour camps (Brovia and Piro 2021), the growing consolidation of the migrant worker ghetto as a central node in today's retail-driven food agriculture in Italy in our view shows the growing interconnection between globalized commodity chains and illegalized labour mediation, which allows for the vertical integration of farms in retailer-driven agri-food supply chains but also generates a ground for permanent migrant spatial segregation in this rural environment (see also Flores andLe Doaré 2008, Pelek 2020). ...
This article analyses a contemporary form of illegal labour mediation, known in Italian as caporalato, which persists in industrialized agricultural production in southern Italy despite a decade of unrelenting legal and policy reforms. Focusing on the regions of Puglia and Basilicata during the so-called Mediterranean ‘refugee crisis’ (2011-2018), this article addresses the question of how practices of caporalato remain a central infrastructure of globalized agri-food production, while segregating migrant workers in rural society. Adopting an infrastructural lens, we propose two main arguments. First, we highlight the need to shift analytical concerns from ‘criminal’ labour gangmasters and their protection business to a broader analysis of their role in the reproduction of precarious migrant labour. Second, we highlight how caporalato infrastructures contribute to adversely incorporating migrant ‘seasonal’ workers into local agricultural labour markets in a context of increasingly globalized retail agriculture and changing state policies.
... Yet with the growing migration of Latin Americans and other groups to the United States, more pronounced segregation has been noted among non-Black racialized populations in the United States as well (Charles, 2003;Morello-Frosch & Lopez, 2006;Olayo-Méndez et al., 2021). Researchers have also begun to document residential segregation as experienced by migrants in different regions of the world (Benassi et al., 2020;Boterman et al., 2021;Pelek, 2022). As a concept, racial residential segregation provides a lens to consider the racist and colonial historical legacies of a place, and how these legacies shift and linger differently across regions (e.g., Fung-Loy & Van Rompaey, 2021). ...
Worldwide, migrant agricultural workers face poor housing conditions and related health challenges. A growing body of research has documented the substandard housing often occupied by this largely racialized population. Yet limited health research has examined mechanisms of structural racism that determine this group’s poor housing and health. Drawing on interviews with 151 migrant farmworkers in Ontario and British Columbia, Canada, we documented the housing experiences faced by migrant agricultural workers and examined the role of structural racism in determining housing and health inequities. Our analysis identified four overlapping mechanisms by which migrants’ housing and health were determined by structural racism: (1) scarcity, (2) segregation, (3) sacrifice, and (4) stagnation. These mechanisms both reinforced and normalized housing hardships, making it difficult for migrants to escape unsafe or inadequate housing. Our findings point to the need for immediate action to improve housing conditions for this population and to interrogate the racist design that keeps migrant workers at the margins of society.
... The predatory inclusion of migrants in rural areas takes place against a backdrop of rural restructuring processes, an increasing demand for low-wage labor, the regeneration of rural economies and real estate, and the precarization of migrants who -because of their legal (and often related socio-economic) status -become included and valorized as low-wage labor and renters of undesirable housing in increasingly competitive, exclusionary, and financialized rural housing markets (Brovia and Piro 2021;Kordel and Naumann 2023;Weidinger and Kordel 2023). This, first, contributes to 'an exploitative recruitment system aimed at granting the availability of flexible and cheap labor force' (Semprebon, Marzorati, and Garrapa 2017, 202), making migrants dependent on the employment and housing provided, and thus reinforcing vulnerability to having poorer living conditions, earning lower wages compared with other rural inhabitants, having temporary jobs, and being subject to social and spatial marginality (Pelek 2022;Rye and Scott 2018). Second, rural areas as 'remote and forgotten locations' are brought into 'topological proximity with the conspicuous and visible heartlands of nation-states and political regions' and capitalism, functioning as 'holding zones and funnels […] where the procedures of selection can be exercised' (Mezzadra and Neilson 2012, 69) and where predatory means of forcing migrants into precarious labor and housing for the profits of public and private actors can be practiced (Taylor 2019). ...
... Payment practices that result in low wages include wage theft, lack of overtime pay, delayed payments, and high deductions for housing, travel, visas, and equipment. Informal work arrangements, common in lower-income countries and among undocumented migrants in higherincome countries, exacerbate these issues by limiting social protection and creating uncertainty around employment duration, working hours, and pay (Alford et al., 2017;Devereux, 2020;Lever and Milbourne, 2017;Pelek, 2020). ...
The agricultural sector offers employment for a large share (⅛) of the global population, yet there are various employment challenges, including precarious working conditions and labor market frictions, contributing to labor shortages in some-and unemployment in other-regions. It remains unclear which policy tools are best suited to address these challenges as the extant evidence is scattered, limited, and lacks a comprehensive overview of policy options. Here, we fill this gap by offering the first literature review on this topic, unraveling the complexity of employment challenges, providing an overview of policy tools, and proposing a policy and research agenda. Our overview shows that a bundle of coherent, national and international policies is needed to address the interconnected and global nature of employment challenges in agriculture. Many such tools are available but few of them have been rigorously evaluated, often because suitable data are lacking. Our contribution is timely, given the surge in public interest in social sustainability, the proliferation of policies for decent work in agriculture, and limited research guiding these efforts.
... Dedeoglu, 2022). The presence of intermediaries on the farm, which enabled refugees who do not speak host countries' languages to do their jobs, also serves as a control tool to ensure the workers perform their jobs properly (Pelek, 2021). Moreover, the intermediary 'is responsible for producing a solution if there is a disagreement between the workers and the employer' (Pelek, 2021: 63). ...
... Not all camps are run by shawish, and the role and function of the shawish depend on the scale, geography and history of each camp (Cassani, 2021;Cassani, 2023;Dziadosz, 2020;Sajadian, 2020Sajadian, , 2022aStel, 2020;Zuntz, 2023;Zuntz et al., 2022). While this article focuses on shawish camps in Lebanon, this system of labour recruitment is present in various forms throughout Syria, Jordan and Turkey as well (Abdelali-Martini & de Pryck, 2015;Chatty, 2016;Duruiz, 2019;Kavak, 2016;Pelek, 2019Pelek, , 2022. 5 Known as mahr in Arabic, bridewealth refers to the forms of payment-cash, jewellery, home goods, furniture, dwellings or land-that the groom's family makes to the bride's family upon marriage. Within Islam, mahr is supposed to be paid directly to the bride and is considered her legal property, but the actual practice varies significantly across the region. ...
Based on 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork at the Lebanese‐Syrian border, this article analyses the gendered economy of debt among Syrian farmworkers in shawish camps, which have for decades supplied the largest and lowest paid seasonal labour force within Lebanon's food system. In turn, it traces how debt relations in these camps expanded as hundreds of thousands of Syrians sought long‐term refuge in Lebanon throughout the war in Syria (2011 to present). Revisiting classic and contemporary agrarian questions of debt from a feminist social reproduction perspective, the article charts how this debt system ultimately deepened the burdens of feminized work in the fields and in the home. Emblematic of debt's ‘reproductive binds’, these camps offer broader insights into how debt reconfigures gendered and generational divisions of labour within displaced agricultural families—and how these conditions are negotiated, contested and reproduced in daily life.
... Hence, while old ways of asking questions are still relevant, new ones are also required. 9 Some have argued for broadening the thematic scope of critical agrarian studies to include fields that are not usually considered part of it, such as pastoralism (Scoones, 2021), migration and migrant farmworkers (Corrado et al., 2016;Delgado-Wise and Veltmeyer, 2016;Xiuhtecutli and Shattuck, 2021;Pelek, 2022), labour (Oya, 2013;Chambati, 2017;Pye, 2021), and economic production and social reproduction (Pattenden, 2018;Shah and Lerche, 2020;Cousins, 2022). While classic tools of analysis remain relevant, tools that are yet to be imagined or created are urgently needed if we are to have a better understanding of the meanings and implications of what is happening on the global land front. ...
This book is about scholar-activism and political struggles for land. Scholar-activism is a way of working that tries to change society by combining the best features of radical academic and political activist traditions, despite the many contradictions and challenges that this entails. The role played by scholar-activists in land struggles is important, but is not straightforward. This book unapologetically celebrates the contributions of scholar-activism in land struggles and scholarship, but more than this, it is about exploring the contradictions and challenges facing scholar-activism. It is neither a glorification of the achievements of scholar-activism, nor a set of prescriptive propositions on how to ‘do’ scholar-activism. Rather, it addresses contentious issues in scholar-activism, many of which are rarely discussed, or are discussed only gingerly and awkwardly when they cannot be avoided. It is a book written by two scholar-activists who have focused their individual and collaborative research and activist works on the politics of land and the role played by radical agrarian movements. Insights in this book are drawn on the experiences of the authors working in the three main sites of global knowledge circuits: academic institutions, independent research institutions oriented to practical politics, and left-wing agrarian movements.
... Bu dönemde Dünya Bankası ve Avrupa Birliği'nin tarımda yeniden yapılanmayı ve özelleşmeyi savunan liberalleşme politikalarına uygun olarak devletin üreticiye verdiği taban fiyatı uygulaması, sübvansiyon ve kredi gibi destekler ortadan kalkmış, küçük çiftçi arasında mülksüzleşme ve yoksullaşma artmış ve çiftçi tarımsal girdi temini için piyasaya bağımlı hale gelmiştir (Öztürk, 2012;Gürel, 2015;İlkkaracan ve Tunalı, 2010). Sonuçta geçimlik üretim yapan çiftçi sayısı azalmış ve çiftçi turizm, inşaat gibi farklı sektörlere geçerek (Keyder ve Yenal, 2014) veya sözleşmeli işçilik, mevsimlik işçilik yaparak geçimini sürdürebilir hale gelmiştir (Pelek, 2020;Kavak, 2016). ...
Tohum toplayan kadınlar söylemi, özcü bir yaklaşımla kadınların doğaya yakın oldukları için tohum topladıklarını ileri sürmektedir. Kadınların doğal kaynaklara erişimi, doğal kaynakları kullanımı ve bu kaynaklara ilişkin ekolojik bilgisini makro politikalar ve üretim ve yeniden üretim ilişkileri kapsamında değerlendirerek bu söyleme karşı kadın-doğa arasındaki bağlamsal ve değişken ilişkileri açıklamak mümkündür. Bu makalede, 2017 yılında İstanbul’da bir kadın kooperatifinin ortakları tarafından yerli çiçek tohumları toplanmasını ve kurulan serada bu tohumların fideye dönüştürülmesini hedefleyen devlet destekli projenin neden başarısız olduğu incelenmektedir. Bu soruya cevap aramak için kadın kooperatifi ortak ve yöneticisi ve kamu kurumu çalışanları ile yapılan yarı yapılandırılmış derinlemesine görüşmelerin içerik analizi yapılmıştır. Tohum toplamayı reddeden kadınların kararlarını etkileyen makro tohum politikaları, ilgili bakanlık yetkililerinin yaklaşımları ve toplumsal cinsiyet ilişkileri bir arada değerlendirilmiştir. İlk olarak son yıllarda yerli tohumların ilgili bakanlık birimlerince toplanması, üretimi ve kooperatif marketlerde satışını destekleyen makro politikalara uygun olarak söz konusu proje kapsamında devlet desteği ile ithal tohumlar yerine yerli tohumların toplanması ve kent peyzajında kullanılmak üzere bu tohumların fideye dönüştürülmesi amaçlanmıştır. İkinci olarak, bakanlık yetkilileri, bu projenin kadınlara istihdam olanağı yaratmak ve kadınların ekonomik güçlenmesini sağlamak amacıyla hazırlandığını ileri sürmüşlerdir. Ancak kadınlar için bu proje, yerli tohumların metalaşması ve ucuz kadın emeği sömürüsüne dayalı fide üretimi ile kentsel peyzajın üretim maliyetlerinin düşürülmesi anlamına gelmiştir. Kadınlar düşük gündelik ücreti kabul etmeyerek ve tohumların müşterek kullanımını savunarak kadın ve tohum arasında iktisadi rasyonaliteye dayalı ilişki biçiminin tek ilişki biçimi olmadığını göstermişlerdir. Ayrıca toplumsal cinsiyete dayalı iş bölümü ve beklentiler kadınların projeye katılmama kararlarını etkilemiştir. Bu iş bölümü içerisinde ev işlerinden ve çocuk bakımından sorumlu olan kadınlar için tohum toplama ve serada çalışma ekstra iş yükü anlamına geldiği için projede yer almak istememişlerdir. Ayrıca erkek egemen ideolojinin parçası olarak eşleri kadınların evden uzak yerlerde tohum toplamalarına izin vermemişlerdir.
... From environmental conservation to sustainable development ambitions, and from food and energy security to social justice goals, rural places have remained at the centre of policy concerns, becoming increasingly contested in terms of their future development trajectories (see Shucksmith & Brown, 2016;Scott et al., 2019a). Meanwhile, and in the context of past and contemporary crises (including the Global Financial Crisis of 2008, the refugee crisis in Europe, the climate crisis and the ongoing coronavirus pandemic), many rural areas have suffered disproportionately compared to cities, due to prevailing fragilities including acute poverty, income deprivation and a lack of institutional capacity (see, for example, Gallent, 2020;Murphy & Scott, 2014;Pelek, 2022). But at the same time, rural areas have demonstrated considerable resilience and, in some cases, a remarkable ability to turn crises into opportunities (Gkartzios & Scott, 2015;Nerlich & Döring, 2005), further evidencing the highly diversified nature of rural regions across the globe (Murdoch et al., 2003). ...
Set in the context of debates over the future of rural areas, and the role of planning in co-delivering a sustainable, inclusive and resilient countryside, this article considers the value of a place capitals perspective for unpacking, firstly, ‘what makes’ rural places and, secondly, the ways that planning can ensure the protection, enhancement and sensitive use of those capitals. Rural places are presented as composites of built, economic, land-based and socio-cultural capitals and as possessing a ‘spatial energy’ that inheres in the linkages between capitals. Harnessing that ‘spatial energy’ is critical to co-producing better rural places. The paper aims towards a theorisation of rural places and planning that transcends jurisdictional boundaries and the peculiarities of planning systems. Building on existing scholarship, a ‘capitals framework’ is developed that has general applicability: it can be deployed flexibly as a means of understanding the ‘inner workings’ of rural place and as a guide for planning intervention.
... With few exceptions (e.g. Butler et al. 2018;Christensen and Nielsen 2013;Pelek, 2022), territorial stigmatisation and its role in explaining deleterious economic and social processes is rarely found to feature in narratives of rural or peripheral marginalisation (see also Kallin and Slater, 2014). ...
Loic Wacquant’s concept of territorial stigmatisation has resonated widely across the social sciences and is increasingly called upon in analyses and critique of contemporary modes of governing marginality. It forms a key part of his broader theorisation of the polarised city and urban scholars have responded to his call for comparative analyses of neoliberal state-crafting in applying it to other urban contexts. This paper focuses on non-urban deindustrialised and peripheral spaces in discussing the ways in which the shifting interdependencies, differing historical trajectories, geographies (including terrain), and social relations of such spaces mark them out as outliers within, but not necessarily incompatible with, Wacquant's schema. It focuses on the former coalfield communities of the Welsh Valleys in the UK as one such example of a peripheral, deindustrialised ‘area of relegation’ distinct from urban locales. We bring together a rich body of UK scholarship that articulates the coalfields as ‘laboratories of deindustrialisation’ with Wacquant’s framework. In doing so, we offer a critique of Wacquant’s integration of social, physical and symbolic space. We argue that the physical and the landscape is weakly incorporated within Wacquant’s theorising, and those influenced by his writings, and discuss the potential of the theory of affordances as a useful complement in more fully integrating physical space in accounts of territorial stigmatisation.
... Sharp et al. [26] examined the factors influencing household participation and voluntary resettlement schemes and analysed the advantages and disadvantages of "negative resettlement" and "positive resettlement". Pelek [27] analysed the main reasons for the emergence of rural ghettos in southern Turkey and argued that the coexistence of agrarian transformation and contemporary migration flows resulted in new ethnic residential segregation in Turkey's rural areas. . ...
Rural residential concentration was one of the important tasks of the "Three Concentrations" strategy implemented in the suburbs of Shanghai in the mid-1990s. The aims of this paper are to comprehensively evaluate the process, pattern and effects of residential concentration in the suburbs of Shanghai over the past 20 years, clarify the direction and focus of development, and propose suggestions for existing deficiencies. Based on remote sensing images and statistical data, the implementation and effects of the rural residential concentration strategy from 1990 to 2015 were analysed using landscape indexes and geospatial analysis. The results are as follows: (1) according to the changes in the landscape pattern and spatial structure, the trends in population concentration in the suburbs of Shanghai are obvious. (2) Before 1995, the trend of population diffusion was conspicuous. After 1995, the period of population diffusion gradually shifted to a period of population agglomeration. The rate of population concentration increased rapidly from 2000 to 2010 and then became moderate after 2010. (3) In 1990, most of the rural residential areas were distributed within 14-52km of the city centre, the distribution of residential area in each ring was relatively uniform, and the overall distribution was scattered and uniform. By 2015, the rural population gradually converged in the inner suburbs, and the centralized distribution gradually changed to within 16-32km of the city centre. (4) In 1990, most of the rural residential areas were located north-northwest, southeast, and southwest of the People's Square. By 2015, the areas southwest and southeast of the People's Square became the focus of rural residential distribution. These findings provide a useful reference for future rural planning and construction.
This article explores the case of the migration studies industry in Turkey, which has flourished over the past decade, through an examination of knowledge production on refugee labour. Focusing on research about Syrian refugees’ labour and employment in Turkey between 2012 and 2018, the article discusses the ways in which refugee labour is articulated and studied to provide ground for a wider critique of migration-related knowledge production. This study aims to reflexively question academic outputs by (1) exploring the conceptual frames used broadly in research on refugee labour, and (2) developing an overview of the literature on Turkey with a focus on this topic. Through the case of the literature on refugee labour in Turkey, we explore the underlying political economy premises of migration research. This case serves as an example to argue that knowledge produced in a Southern context is mainly incorporated as case studies despite attempts to advance theoretical discussions, highlighting a North–South hierarchization of knowledge.
This chapter examines the dual burden of health risks associated with food and housing insecurity and explores strategies to address these challenges. Drawing on a review of the literature, the chapter identifies the mechanisms through which food insecurity and housing insecurity impact health outcomes, including chronic stress, poor nutrition, and increased risk of chronic disease. The chapter also highlights how these challenges are interconnected and mutually reinforcing and examines the impacts of structural inequalities and policy decisions on food and housing insecurity. Using case studies and examples from diverse contexts, the study reveals innovative approaches to addressing the dual burden of food and housing insecurity, such as community-based interventions, policy and advocacy efforts, and multisectoral collaborations. The chapter argues that addressing food and housing insecurity is essential for achieving health equity and promoting well-being and that comprehensive and intersectional approaches are needed to effectively address these challenges.
As the study of mobile media and communication matures, an important expansion in focus is to explore the experiences of people and communities living on the peripheries of social and economic power. In this special issue, we ask what happens when the stability of the “home” is pulled out from under our assumptions of mobile media and communication, as well as what happens when we shift our attention to the Global South. Additionally, mobility has a special relation to homelessness and, in turn, to media that is mobile. It enters both as a resource and a liability for the unstably housed in contexts around the globe. Tackling this combination of mobility, media, and homelessness, this special issue asks: What kind of opportunity is a mobile device for those who lack stable shelter? How do different experiences and drivers of homelessness interact with the possibilities of mobile media? What are communities and institutions doing to provide assistance to those at risk of, or experiencing, homelessness through mobile technologies? The articles gathered in this issue draw attention to homelessness as a set of diverse experiences with significant consequences for well-being and unique connections to mobile media. The authors challenge the taken-for-granted focus on the stably housed by studying those without access to the same basic need. We take an international perspective on contemporary homelessness to foreground its global existence and diverse expressions across a range of national contexts, and to challenge the predominant focus on North America and Western Europe in existing literature.
Permukiman masyarakat Mamasa merupakan salah satu permukiman tradisional yang unik dan eksis sampai hari ini. Karakteristik tatanan pola permukiman yang khas mencerminkan kearifan lokal melalui eksitensi ruang sacral dan ruang tidak sacral (profan), sebagai bagian dari kepercayaan dan aktivitas religi yang masih berlangsung dari waktu ke waktu. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menemukan segregasi ruang sacral dan profane dalam permukiman masyarakat Mamasa sebagai bagian dari arsitektur nusantara yang memiliki jiwa dibalik performa fisiknya. Metode yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah mengkoleksi dan mereview literature yang relevan dengan topic penelitian sehingga diperoleh gap (perbedaan) dalam berbagai aspek baik lokus maupun focus serta cara penelitian. Hasil yang diharapkan dalam penelitian ini adalah menemukan perbedaan antara riset terhadap segregasi ruang permukiman tradisional Mamasa dengan penelitian sejenis lainnya.
Uluslararası göç konusunda kaynak ülke olan Türkiye, sosyo-ekonomik olarak bölgeler arasında gelişmişlik farkı olduğundan iç göçlerin de yoğun olarak yaşandığı bir ülkedir. Ülkemizde bölgeler arasında tarım, sanayi, turizm gibi ekonomik sektörler dengeli bir şekilde gelişmediğinden iş olanaklarının fazla olduğu bölgeler çekici faktörlerin etkisiyle göç alırken, iş olanaklarının sınırlı olduğu alanlar ise itici faktörlerin etkisiyle göç verir. Bu çalışmada; Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi'nde önemli bir tarım ili olan Şanlıurfa Büyükşehir sınırları içerisinde yer alan 12 ilçede (Akçakale, Birecik, Ceylanpınar, Eyyübiye, Halfeti, Haliliye, Harran, Hilvan Karaköprü, Siverek, Suruç, Viranşehir) mevsimlik gezici tarım işçisi öğrencilerin; demografik özellikleri, göç süreçleri, göçün yönü, göç öncesi eğitim ortamları ve göç edilen yerde eğitime erişim olanakları ele alınmıştır. Mevsimlik emek göçünün araştırıldığı bu çalışma; ilkokul, ortaokul ve lise seviyelerinde aileleri mevsimlik gezici tarım işçisi olan öğrenciler üzerinde uygulanan çeşitli araştırma yöntem ve teknikleri sonucu ortaya çıkan nicel verilerden yararlanılarak oluşturulmuştur. Şanlıurfa Büyükşehir sınırları içerisinde yer alan mevsimlik gezici tarım işçileri araştırma evrenini, 1–12. sınıf seviyesinde aileleri mevsimlik gezici tarım işçisi olan öğrenciler örneklem olarak belirlenmiştir. 01 Ocak 2020–19 Haziran 2021 tarihleri arasında 4.703 mevsimlik gezici tarım işçisi aile üzerinde amaçsal örneklem tekniği kullanılarak açık uçlu sorulardan oluşan anketler uygulanmıştır. Aile sayısı 4.703 olsa da, bazı ailelerin 2–3 çocuğu eğitim gördüğünden öğrenci sayısı 5.884 olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Elde edilen veriler sınıflandırıldıktan sonra tablo ve grafikler hazırlanmış ayrıca ArcGis 10.8.1 programında dağılış haritaları yapılmıştır.
Dominated by conflict, Turkey’s Kurdish question has transformed over time, opening up new areas of inquiry. Under the Democratic Autonomy project, ongoing since the mid-2000s, Turkey’s Kurdish Movement has promoted cooperatives and communes – a post-capitalist marketization project – in Northern Kurdistan. Drawing upon economization studies and diverse and community economies studies’ engagement with assemblage thinking, this paper scrutinizes the retailers’ cooperative model the Movement experimented with and explains the practices linked to post-capitalist marketization: creating inclusive platforms for debate, incorporating ordinary actors as experts, and upscaling post-capitalist marketization through building relations with other cooperatives.
This study examines migrant agricultural labor in Turkey as lens through
which to explain the effects of economic, political, and geopolitical
changes on rural mobilities. Two factors explain why Seasonal agricultural
migration is on the rise. First, agrarian transformation starting in the 1990s
resulted in a decreasing number of unpaid family workers, and the
demand for seasonal migrant workers for agricultural work requiring
manual labor surged since then. Second, domestic, regional, and foreign
policies being to the Kurdish Question, the influx of Syrian refugees, and
migration from the Caucasus have reshaped the new waves of agricultural
migrants adding new categories such as refugees, irregular migrants, and
internally displaced people to their profile. Given this situation, this study
critically discusses how the transformation in agricultural production was
realized through the availability of cheap, flexible seasonal migrant
workers. Further, this work problematizes new patterns in mobility and the
recent phenomenon of the dispossession of workers challenging the
“temporal” characteristic of seasonal agricultural work. Based on research
conducted in various regions among differing rural actors, this book
investigates new forms of rural mobilities and rural space which are being
shaped by agrarian transformation, geopolitical developments, and
agencies for migrants in Turkey since the 1990s.
You can read the book at this link: https://akmb.gov.tr/e-yayinlar/migrant-workers-in-turkish-agriculture-patterns-of-mobility-and-dispossession-1990-2018/
Every year, more than a million Kurdish people migrate to different regions of Turkey to work as seasonal agricultural workers for periods ranging from three to eight months. The public representations of this labor practice informed by the mainstream Turkish media, NGO reports and even academic studies utilize a language of development which blames the Turkish state for its neglect in regulating this informal labor practice, educating the “unskilled” workforce and modernizing the Easterners (meaning Kurds). However, the compassion for the victims of underdevelopment also has its double: suspicion of the poor and ignorant Easterners who always retain the potential to disrupt the order of the regions they migrate by stealing, causing unrest, aiding a terrorist or even being one. I have two aims in this article: 1) By drawing on the encounters between the Kurdish workers from the East and other people and entities involved in this labor practice (like the labor-controllers, farmers, the gendarme), I will explore how these dominant public representations make their way into patterns of thinking, imagining and talking about the East as a particular space and how those representations are reinforced or challenged through this labor practice; 2) I will show how this works in concrete ways within the workplace, how the boundaries of space are cut, glossed over and re-drawn by the movement of bodies marked as dirty, clean, pure, dangerous, or safe; bodies of Kurds or Turks; bodies of women or men; valuable or worthless, potent or weak bodies, such that the spaces thus embodied expand and contract.
This article discusses the condition of agricultural migrant workers in
southern Italy. After a brief description of the general background, we will
analyse two key features regarding the current situation: the state of
segregation in which the workers live, and the organization of recruitment
and work through the caporalato (gang-master system). To understand the
importance of these aspects two areas will be compared, that of Boreano
(Basilicata) and that of Nardò (Apulia), which both exemplify the central
role of segregation and the illegal hiring methods of migrant workers. In the
case of Nardò, we focus on the strike that involved several hundred African
workers in August 2011. The analysis is based on material collected during
qualitative research – in particular 54 in-depth interviews, and observations
of living and working conditions, and the daily struggle of migrant workers
- conducted in 2010, 2011, and 2012 in the two areas
Workers of the World. International Journal on Strikes and Social Conflicts
Agrarian structures based on small peasant property can have two opposite kinds of impact on urban wages. In the first type, stable smallholder farming bringing high returns puts upward pressure on wages. In the second type, smallholder farming that does not bring sufficient returns leads to semi-proletarianization in which workers' access to rural sources of income functions as wage subsidy and puts downward pressure on wages. This paper argues that the situation in Turkey between 1950 and 1980 fits the second type. By pointing out the factors that changed the attitude of the migrant labourers towards class struggle from relative passivity to increasing militancy, it suggests that instead of the rural ties of the emerging working class, the main reason behind the dramatic rise in urban wages in Turkey in the 1960s and 1970s was the working-class struggle throughout the period.
Over the last three decades there has been a rapid expansion of intensive production of fresh fruit and vegetables in the Mediterranean regions of south and west Europe. Much of this depends on migrating workers for seasonal labour, including from Eastern Europe, North Africa and Latin America. This book is the first to address global agro-migration complexes across the region.
It is argued that both intensive agricultural production and related working conditions are highly dynamic. Regional patterns have developed from small-scale family farming to become an industrialized part of the global agri-food system, which increasingly depends on seasonal labour. Simultaneously, consumer demand for year-round supply has caused relocations of the industry within Europe; areas of intensive greenhouse production have moved further south and even into North Africa. The authors investigate this Mediterranean agri-food system that transcends borders and is largely constituted by invisible seasonal work. By revealing the story of food commodities loaded with implications of private profit seeking, exploitation, exclusion and multiple insecurities, the book unmasks the hidden costs of fresh food provisioning.
Three case study areas are considered in detail: the French region of Provence, a traditional centre of fresh fruit and vegetable cultivation; the Spanish Almería region where intensive production has, accelerated dramatically since the 1970s; and Morocco where counter-seasonal production has recently been expanding. The book also includes commentaries that refer to complemetary insights on US-Mexico, Philippines-Canada and South Pacific mobilities.
What influences the decisions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) to return home after prolonged displacement? This article
investigates the attitudes of victims of forced migration by analysing survey data on Kurdish displaced persons and returnees
in Turkey. In an attempt to give a voice to displaced persons, we survey the conditions under which IDPs return home despite
continuing tensions, lack of infrastructure and risk of renewed violence. The findings suggest that integration into a new
environment in Western Turkey, measured by economic advancement and knowledge of Turkish, reduces the likelihood of return.
Yet contrary to conventional wisdom, more educated IDPs demonstrate a stronger desire to return to their ancestral communities,
suggesting that education increases available options for displaced persons. The findings are relevant in informing global
responses to forced migration as well as understanding the local experiences and perceptions of IDPs in conflict-ridden societies.
Immigrant Latin American workers are often subject to precarious working conditions and occupational segregation. On the one hand, even if they are as well-educated and as qualified as their U.S. peers, they are often relegated to lower positions. On the other, they systematically receive lower wages than the average U.S. worker in the same occupational fields. This constitutes a clear example of the inclusion of labor coupled with forms of social exclusion.
In this paper we discuss how the establishment of strict quality and food safety norms for horticulture to satisfy the current consumer demands has forced enterprises to invest in modifying their productive processes. In the light of the unavoidable trend in favour of consumers, we analyze the precarious situation of farm workers, a situation that is not in tune with the concept of decent work promoted by the International Labour Organization or with the Social Accountability Standard promoted by the United Nations. We conclude that the enterprises have achieved major progress in productive restructuring to comply with quality standards, but at the expense of their workers' salaries and living and working conditions. This contradiction between the well-being of the consumer and the misery of the worker is a fundamental characteristic explaining the current success of globalized agro-food systems.
Agrarian structures based on small peasant property can have two opposite kinds of impact on urban wages. In the first type, stable smallholder farming bringing high returns puts upward pressure on wages. In the second type, smallholder farming that does not bring sufficient returns leads to semi-proletarianization in which workers' access to rural sources of income functions as wage subsidy and puts downward pressure on wages. This paper argues that the situation in Turkey between 1950 and 1980 fits the second type. By pointing out the factors that changed the attitude of the migrant labourers towards class struggle from relative passivity to increasing militancy, it suggests that instead of the rural ties of the emerging working class, the main reason behind the dramatic rise in urban wages in Turkey in the 1960s and 1970s was the working-class struggle throughout the period.
This paper explores reasons for the uneven employment of African workers in Spanish agriculture. Examining employment patterns at a provincial level, it explores why there is a concentration in certain regions of Spain. Focusing on the province of Girona, the study utilizes interview responses from African workers, employers and key local informants to explore reasons for African employment, as well as examining the working conditions of African labourers. It finds that Spanish workers have come to reject farming as an occupation, just as farm employers have come to favour African labourers over possible Spanish labour sources. Whether within or outside the farm sector, the vast majority of African workers do unskilled work, on poor pay, in occupations associated with inferior social status, with short periods of employment, in jobs that are rarely part of a promotion ladder. For many African immigrants, this means they have to shift into and out of farm work repeatedly, while those who stay in farming usually do so on a poor contractual footing. With the majority of immigrant African workers seeing Spain as their permanent home, the paper concludes by noting that the work experiences of African labourers strongly support segmentation theory ideas on the development of niches for particular kinds of workers. This is seen as having potentially detrimental long-term consequences for issues of social exclusion, as well as restricting the pace of productivity improvements in the farm sector.
This article examines the case of Syrian refugees as seasonal migrant workers in
Turkey and critically discusses the working and living conditions fostering their
relative vulnerability compared to other workers. Syrian refugees are subject to
discriminatory practices in terms of lower wages, longer working hours and
improper sheltering conditions. This article explores how unequal power relations
between ethnically different groups of workers in the agricultural sector
are (re)constructed and the consequences of the emergence of Syrian refugees as
a novel class. The essential aim of this study is to unravel the process and
practice of ethnically hierarchized agricultural labour market after the entrance
of refugees. To that effect, the empirical data was gathered through the ethnographic
fieldwork (based on semi-structured interviews and participant observation)
carried out in Manisa in August of 2013 and 2014 and in Adana-Mersin
in September 2013 and February 2015. This study looks into the ways in which
actors on farms (workers, labour intermediaries, land owners, village dwellers
and state representatives) have responded to the current situation with regard to
three controversial subjects: migrant employment, legal framework and the politics
on Syrian refugees. It is argued that externalization of labour force realizes
through creating new layers, which necessitates the construction of new ethnic
categories such as Syrian refugees.
This article explores the impact of international labor migration on development in communities of origin. It outlines three theoretical positions corresponding to specific theoretical trends in the field of development. The first position is represented by those who postulate that remittances and acquired skills and knowledge contribute to local development (the optimistic perspective). The second position is represented by those who regard the impact of international migration in predominantly negative terms (the pessimistic perspective). And finally, there are those who believe that some, although limited, growth is possible when transmigrants remit financial and social capital (the moderately optimistic perspective). Based on research on Mexican seasonal workers in Ontario, the article will argue that while international migration can contribute to some economic growth, this growth is limited. While the standards of living of seasonal labor migrants and their households improve (and therefore there is basis for some limited optimism), few among them invest their money in productive activities. Instead, the improvements that the migrants’ households experience are linked to continuous external sources of income. The article illustrates that while Canada-bound migrants experience both structural constraints related to the decline in subsistence agriculture in Mexico and those related to household composition (absence of males from the household), specific criteria used to select participants in the Canadian seasonal farm worker program compound the problems associated with the low potential among these workers to invest remittances productively.
Since Hoggart and Mendoza's paper on ‘African immigrant workers in Spanish agriculture' in Sociologia Ruralis in 1999 there has been a proliferation of interest in labour migration to/ in rural Europe. It is now clear that the rural realm has been, and is being, transformed by immigration, and that low-wage migrant workers in the food production industry are playing a particularly prominent role in this transformation. This paper takes stock of the literature and identifies seven key issues associated with low-wage labour migration, contemporary food production, and rural change. Most notably, since the 1990s, there has been growing demand for migrants in the segmented, and sometimes exploitative, labour markets of the European food production industries. This demand has been met across a variety of contexts, with states and labour market intermediaries playing a largely supportive role. However, migrants' integration into rural communities has often been problematic, with the emphasis being on the need for, rather than needs of, low-wage migrant workers. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
The recent, neoliberal period has seen a deepening penetration of capital into agriculture in Turkey alongside mass urban migration. This would seem to imply the realisation of classical political economic theory, which argues for the demise of the peasantry. Yet, while the number of people living in villages in Turkey has declined quite dramatically in recent years, the number of smallholdings has not. We address this apparent anomaly in terms of strategies of resistance, emphasising the adaptive and creative agency of the peasantry. For this, we employ a combination of (mostly) state-produced statistics with our own quantitative and qualitative research in villages across Turkey as well as with urban migrants. We observe the development of a dual-circuit articulation that combines the farm and family as systems of commoning together with capital engagement, which means financial inputs, particularly through engagement with the market and labour relations, and which is ultimately enabled through a wide variety of living arrangements. Thus, we argue that the traditional analysis of a differentiation process in capitalist development, the bifurcation of simple and extended reproduction in which the former is squeezed out, is refuted or transcended by people motivated by a core value of holding onto their land and maintaining the family farm. The result is a broad concept of the 'new peasantry', one that is rooted in the family farm but nevertheless integrates capitalistic relations, is not bound by agriculture and transcends the rural-urban division of space.
After the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements, large numbers of Eastern European labour migrants settled in rural destinations in Western Europe where they predominantly found low-skilled manual labour jobs in rural industries. These labour migrants differ from other types of rural migrants (e.g., domestic in- and out-migrants, lifestyle and amenity migrants, international refugees and asylum seekers) and represent distinct challenges and opportunities for the host rural communities-for example in terms of novel forms of social inequalities and cultural diversities. This paper discusses the dynamics of transnational labour mobilities and their consequences for rural Europe by investigating the case of the Hitra/Frøya community, until recently a traditionalist rural community in Mid-Norway. As a result of large-scale labour migration, over the last decade the region has developed into a genuine high-mobility, transnational rural community and is now characterised by its heterogeneous social fabric. From the local elites' perspective, which seems to have hegemonic status in the region, the transformation is a successful, triple-win situation: The community at large develops a more sustainable economy and sees population growth and reduced social problems, the locals enjoy the boosted economy and its many benefits, and the in-migrants escape economic austerity in their homelands and are successfully integrated into their host communities. However, stories told by labour migrants provide important nuances to the narrative of success and suggest processes of social fragmentation, polarisation, and contestation. The paper demonstrates how contemporary forms of rural mobilities may confront the traditional structures of rural societies, generate novel social divides and multi-local identities and everyday practices. Methodologically, the paper employs a mixed-methods approach and analyses a variety of materials: statistical materials, public documents, interviews with key informants in the local rural community, and in-depth individual interviews and focus group sessions with migrants.
Building on Giovanni Arrighi's writings on Africa and southern Italy, this article describes the process of rural to urban migration and proletarianization in Turkey. During the developmentalist era agrarian transformations led to the formation of semi-proletarianized households in the cities, with significant ties to the countryside. The nature of housing in urban areas and the predominance of informal work relations contributed to this outcome. Under neo-liberal globalization a new type of proletarianization has emerged whereby workers do not abandon the countryside and instead find wage employment during part of the year. The recent experience of the Kurdish population, who were displaced from their villages in eastern Anatolia under military pressure, constitutes a third path toward proletarianization, where former villagers have been dispossessed and deruralized by force. These distinct paths imply different accommodations to capitalist employment, with different population dynamics and patterns of household reproduction.
This article explores the impact of international labor migration on development in communities of origin. It outlines three theoretical positions corresponding to specific theoretical trends in the field of development. The first position is represented by those who postulate that remittances and acquired skills and knowledge contribute to local development (the optimistic perspective). The second position is represented by those who regard the impact of international migration in predominantly negative terms (the pessimistic perspective). And finally, there are those who believe that some, although limited, growth is possible when transmigrants remit financial and social capital (the moderately optimistic perspective). Based on research on Mexican seasonal workers in Ontario, the article will argue that while international migration can contribute to some economic growth, this growth is limited. While the standards of living of seasonal labor migrants and their households improve (and therefore there is basis for some limited optimism), few among them invest their money in productive activities. Instead, the improvements that the migrants' households experience are linked to continuous external sources of income. The article illustrates that while Canada-bound migrants experience both structural constraints related to the decline in subsistence agriculture in Mexico and those related to household composition (absence of males from the household), specific criteria used to select participants in the Canadian seasonal farm worker program compound the problems associated with the low potential among these workers to invest remittances productively.
The ghetto, the modern Jewish immigrant settlement in the Western world, has arisen out of the medieval European urban institution by means of which the Jews were effectually separated from the rest of the population. It represents a case study in isolation and accommodation, and indicates the processes involved in the formation and development of local communities in city life. The natural history of this institution shows that it developed as a gradual and undesigned adaptation to a strage habitat and culture, and its disintegration proceeds independent of legal enactment. The Jews, in so far as they are a separate ethnic group, are a product of ghetto life, which accounts for the reappearance of the ghetto wherever Jews settle in large numbers. The modern ghetto in its location and structure is determined by the unique status of the Jew and by his traditions. His neighbors in the new world tend to be the same as in the old. Eastern ghettos differ from those of the West in that the latter generally have as many local areas of settlement as there are waves of immigrants. As the Jew becomes conscious of his subordinate position in the ghetto he flees, but he is pursued by fellow-Jew until his new habitat assumes the atmosphere of the ghetto itself. In the course of his migration, his personality changes as the culture of his group fuses with that of the larger world outside.
This article examines the social construction of migrant labour forces through an analysis of the exterior and interior conditioning in an agricultural contract labour programme between Mexico and Canada. I argue that forms of exterior conditioning, especially employers' point-of-production control, establishes the context within which migrant workers' experience unfolds, for which reason it contributes to their ‘interior conditioning’. But I argue as well that the result is shaped by workers' employment of a ‘dual frame of reference’ through which they gauge Canadian wages and working conditions the only way they can, which is in relationship to Mexican ones. Given that neoliberal policies have reduced the options available in Mexico, and diminished the attractiveness of those that remain, contract labour in Canada presents one of the few opportunities many poor, rural Mexicans have to acquire the income necessary for a minimally dignified life. Consequently most workers in this programme do everything possible to please their employers and continue in the programme.
New migration and residential patterns and increased commuting are significantly changing Spanish rurality. Perhaps the most important change is that these processes are creating a changing world of new rural melting-pots with a mixture of residents (such as international labour and retirement migrants, returning pensioners, ex-urban groups and neo-rural residents). These mobilities led to the demographic revitalisation of many areas, supporting traditional productive sectors as well as expanding rural activities. On the other hand, automobility, as a systematic resource to compress time and space, has become a key dimension of rural social sustainability today. In many rural habitats, commuting plays a determining role for retaining young people, women and skilled workers, providing more effective combinations of residence, labour strategies and sociality. However, these processes also open up a new range of vulnerabilities and social inequalities. By analysing census data and research carried out in different regions we explore the impact of mobilities on these rural areas, their interrelation with local fixities and the fragilities underlying these relations.
This paper analyses the relationship between the internationalization of agriculture under the hegemony of transnational corporations and the transformation of Turkish agriculture by specifically looking at the implementation of neo-liberal policies in rural areas. It contends that neo-liberalism in Turkish agriculture since the 1980s represents the abandonment of the nationalist project that underlined state policies in industry and agriculture between 1930 and the late 1970s. Neo-liberal policies implemented since 1980 have consolidated the stronghold of transnational agribusiness companies in Turkish agriculture. In cooperation with the World Bank, the EU and the WTO, the Turkish state has been preparing the necessary conditions for transnational agribusiness firms to control Turkish agriculture. Since 1999, the Turkish state has introduced fundamental institutional changes to ensure the smooth internationalization of Turkish agriculture, which has inevitably led to the impoverishment of the rural masses and to the abandonment of agriculture by small- and medium-sized households.
Western U.S. agriculture is an industry that has shaped and been shaped by a peculiar labor policy: seasonal workers were outsiders who looked to agriculture for jobs, not careers. They did not plan to remain farm workers, and the industry and community in which they worked and lived did not see them as long-term settlers. The immigration and integration policy, in effect, was to recruit new workers willing to accommodate themselves to seasonal employment, and to avoid their integration in agricultural areas. Thus, for most immigrant workers, economic mobility required geographic mobility. However, the major policy issue is not how to enhance the upward mobility of immigrant farm workers and their children; it is how U.S. agriculture should gain access to immigrant farm workers.
In this study, I focus on the agency of unorganised temporary migrant workers – people who travel away to work for just a few weeks or months. Such workers have been relatively neglected in labour geography. Perhaps surprisingly, given the focus on the agency of capital in much of his writing, I build on two arguments made by David Harvey. First, workers’ spatial mobility is complex and may involve short as well as longer term migrations, and secondly that this can have significance both materially and in relation to the subjective experience of employment. The spatial embeddedness of temporary migrant workers’ everyday lives can be a resource for shaping landscapes (and ordinary histories) of capitalism, even though any changes may be short-lived and take place at the micro-scale. The article is illustrated with case study material from research with workers in the agriculture sector in India and the UK, and concludes with more general implications for labour geographers engaged with other sectors and places.
An important source of antagonism between ethnic groups is hypothesized to be a split labor market, i.e. one in which there is a large differential in price of labor for the same occupation. The price of labor is not a response to the race or ethnicity of those entering the labor market. A price differential results from differences in resources and motives which are often correlates of ethnicity. A split labor market produces a three-way conflict between business and the two labor groups, with business seeking to displace higher paid by cheaper labor. Ethnic antagonism can take two forms: exclusion movements and "caste" systems. Both are seen as victories for higher paid labor since they prevent undercutting.
Toprak Ağalığından Kapitalist İşletmeciliğe Türkiye Tarımında Büyük Topraklı İşletmeler
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Tarımsal Fiyatlar, İstihdam ve Köylülüğün Kaderi
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Boratav, K. 2009. "Tarımsal Fiyatlar, İstihdam ve Köylülüğün Kaderi." Mülkiye Dergisi 33 (262): 9-23.
İstanbul'da Suriyeli Mültecilerin Sağlık Hizmetlerine Erişimi: Toplumsal Cinsiyete Duyarlı Bir Bakış Açısı
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Toplumsal Cinsiyete Duyarlı Bir Bakış Açısı. Çalıştay Raporu, Istanbul Policy Center Sabancı
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Cheap Food, Cheap Labour, High Profits: Agriculture and Mobility in the Mediterranean
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Bağımlı Çalışma İlişkileri Kapsamında Mevsimlik Tarım İşçilerinin Malatya Örneği Üzerinden Analizi
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Üzerinden Analizi." Ph.D. Diss., Marmara University.
Türkiye'de Mevsimlik Tarımsal Üretimde Yabancı Göçmen İşçiler Mevcut Durum Raporu Yoksulluk Nöbetinden Yoksulların Rekabetine
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Dedeoğlu, S. 2016. Türkiye'de Mevsimlik Tarımsal Üretimde Yabancı Göçmen İşçiler Mevcut Durum
Raporu Yoksulluk Nöbetinden Yoksulların Rekabetine. Ankara: Kalkınma Atölyesi.
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Syrian Refugees in Turkey: The Long Road Ahead
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