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THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

Authors:
  • Brien Holden Vision Institute Foundation

Abstract

The Non-state actors (NSAs) are concurrently considered as heroes and baddies in international politics. The prominence of the NSAs during the post-Cold War epoch has challenged the assumptions that international politics is state centred. The emergence of economic liberalism convinced many states to outsource their obligations mainly related to the delivery of social services and the security to the NSAs. Similarly, the establishment of international institutions, globalisation and emerging complexities in national, regional and international governance are some of the factors that contributed significantly towards enhancing the value of the NSAs on the chessboard of world politics. The NSAs further contributed to the development of new theories in international politics. In fragile and transitional contexts, the NSAs sometimes receive more eminence than states. In normal contexts, states still have influence over the political matters as compared to the NSAs. Some of the NSAs such as multinational and international corporations have obtained more power and resources than many states in the developing world. Critically, the NSAs are still unable to answer the questions about their authority, legitimacy and representation in international politics.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 39
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS
IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Khalid Saifullah*
Azhar Ahmad**
Abstract
The Non-state actors (NSAs) are concurrently considered as heroes and
baddies in international politics. The prominence of the NSAs during the
post-Cold War epoch has challenged the assumptions that international
politics is state centred. The emergence of economic liberalism convinced
many states to outsource their obligations mainly related to the delivery of
social services and the security to the NSAs. Similarly, the establishment of
international institutions, globalisation and emerging complexities in
national, regional and international governance are some of the factors
that contributed significantly towards enhancing the value of the NSAs on
the chessboard of world politics. The NSAs further contributed to the
development of new theories in international politics. In fragile and
transitional contexts, the NSAs sometimes receive more eminence than
states. In normal contexts, states still have influence over the political
matters as compared to the NSAs. Some of the NSAs such as multinational
and international corporations have obtained more power and resources
than many states in the developing world. Critically, the NSAs are still
unable to answer the questions about their authority, legitimacy and
representation in international politics.
Keywords: Non-state actors, economic liberalism, chessboard, transitional
contexts, legitimacy
* Khalid Saifullah is a PhD Scholar of International Relations at Bahria University, Islamabad.
** Dr. Azhar Ahmad is an Associate Professor at Bahria University, Islamabad. Email:
azhar.aaa@gmail.com.
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS 40
Introduction
The construction of the term Non-State Actors (NSAs) clearly separates
these political actors from states. In other words, what all NSAs have in
common is that they are not states. The NSAs are simultaneously
considered as protagonist and antagonist in different chronicles of
international politics.
1
A continuing debate about the origin and emergence
of the NSAs in international politics demands broader discussion with clear
divisions:
one who considers Non-state actors as an ancient political actor
that existed before the emergence of states,
2
and;
the second group that considers them as a modern player that
emerged in international politics in the post Westphalian world.
3
Similar debates exist whether who to include in the non-state category. A
range of political actors including non-governmental organisations,
transnational and multinational corporations, think tanks, academia,
media, and certain other groups are eligible to be included in this category.
Broadly, we can divide the NSAs into two major categories; those who
accept the legitimacy of states and those who challenge the legitimacy of
the states. Non-governmental organisations, academia, charities and
multinational corporations are categorised under first group while criminal
groups are categorised as group two. Similarly, at a functional level, the
NSAs can be divided into two groups; those who operate at the national
level and those who work at transnational or international level. These
debates, on the one hand, contribute to creating a rich legacy of knowledge
generation around the NSAs and on the other hand, create complexity and
pose many open-ended questions to find answers.
A range of political events in the history of international politics
contributed to the rise and eminence of the NSAs. Key events include the
creation of League of Nations, World War I and World War II, Cold War, the
1
Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, Non-State Actors in World Politics (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2001), 1.
2
Jakub J. Grygiel, Return of the Barbarians: Confronting Non-State Actors from Ancient
Rome to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 37.
3
Bas Arts, "Non-State Actors in Global Governance: Three Faces of Power" (Preprints aus
der Max-Planck-Projektgruppe Recht der Gemeinschaftsgüter, No. 2003/4, Max-Planck-
Projektgruppe Recht der Gemeinschaftsgüter, Bonn, 2003), 3.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 41
fall of Iron Curtain and the War Against Terrorism. Importance of the NSAs
normally enhances during the transition phase of the states where they
play their role either as a productive partner or spoiler.
4
The paper is an attempt to answer the pertinent questions about the NSAs,
the prevailing debates about the origin of the NSAs and how the NSAs
relate to contemporary international politics. The objective is to
conceptually describe the diverse range of the NSAs in International
Relations and their role within and their impact on international politics.
The paper illustrates that NSAs is at three different levels. At first, it defines
through the lens of three popular theoretical approaches of International
Relations: realism, liberalism and constructivism. At the second level, it
defines the various categories of the NSAs as defined by various scholars
and academicians, and finally goes on to explain the relationship between
non-state actors and international politics. Examples from the academic
literature will help to understand the phenomenon. The paper does not
argue on normative grounds that the NSAs should have a relationship with
international politics rather explains on pragmatic grounds that they, in
fact, have a strong linkage with international politics.
Understanding Non-State Actors
The existing literature related to NSAs is very diverse and scattered.
Majority of the writers consider all actors as NSAs who fulfil the following
two criteria:
they are neither the states nor their representatives, and;
have the potential to influence national and international politics.
5
The National Intelligence Council of the United States defines non-state
actors as, non‐sovereign entities that exercise significant economic,
political, or social power and influence at a national and at international
levels”.
6
It further categorised these in two major categories; those who
4
Rosen Smits and Deborah Wright, Engagement with Non-State Actors in Fragile States:
Narrowing Definitions, Broadening Scope (Clingendael The Hague: Netherlands Institute
of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Conflict Research Unit, 2012), 5.
5
Elliott R. Morss, "The New Global Players: How They Compete and Collaborate", World
Development 19, no. 1 (1991): 55-64.
6
Teresa La Porte, "The Legitimacy and Effectiveness of Non‐State Actors and The Public
Diplomacy Concept", Public Diplomacy Theory and Conceptual Issues, ISA Annual
Convention, San Diego, 2012, 4.
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS 42
want to play a productive role and are aligned with the state’s political
agenda, and; those who want to destabilise the states such as terrorist and
criminal groups. Malik labels the second category as anti-state actors
7
. He
segregates anti-state actors from non-state actors and argues that they
accept the legitimacy of the states while anti-state actors seek to challenge
the authority and sovereignty of states and wants to establish their own
supremacy. The NSAs who accept the legitimacy of the states often possess
some form of legal identity or capacity under national or/and international
law. The capacity of the NSAs to impact international politics depends upon
their size, recognition and impact on the political agenda of the states.
8
These include a range of groups, organisations, individuals (especially in the
debates of International Law), entities, inter alia, institutions, corporations,
groups of organisations, non-governmental organisations, trade
associations, regimes, movements, diaspora, various clubs, criminal
organisations, faith-based organisations, media, academia, community-
based groups and terrorist groups. These groups within the NSAs
sometimes coexist together or compete. Some NSAs are formally
constituted with the support of states such as Non-Governmental
Organisations (NGOs) and corporations, while some are informal groups
such as spontaneous movements or neighbour watch groups. The NSAs
interact with states at local, sub-regional, regional and global levels. Social,
political, cultural, environmental or economic factors affect the behaviours
of the NSAs.
9
North-South debate further adds complexity to the discussion of defining
non-states actors. Karp explains that global North is still attached to the
Westphalian definition of the state thus there is a clear segregation of state
and the NSAs. Rest of the world has diverse models of states, especially
where states are labelled as failed or fragile states by the Northern
countries. In such condition when a state is hard to meet the criteria of the
Westphalian model, segregating NSAs from the state is hard.
10
7
Mohan Malik, "The Stability of Nuclear Deterrence in South Asia: The Clash Between State
and Antistate Actors", Asian Affairs: An American Review 30, no. 3 (2003): 177-199.
8
Bas Arts, "Non-State Actors in Global Governance: Three Faces of Power",
Hdl.Handle.Net, 2019, 5.
9
Smits and Wright, "Engagement with Non-State Actors in Fragile States”, 5-6.
10
David Jason Karp, "The Concept of Human Rights Protection and The UN Guiding
Principles on Business and Human Rights", in Human Rights Protection in Global Politics
Responsibilities of States and Non-State Actors, eds. Kurt Mills and David Jason Karp
(Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015), 152.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 43
National and international NSAs are developing close ties over the period
of time. During the apartheid movement in South Africa, national NSAs
established alliances with influential individuals and organisations in
Western countries especially in the United States and the United Kingdom.
This relation has strengthened the position of national NSAs and
simultaneously supported them in highlighting their issues in media and at
various diplomacy forums in Western countries
11
.
Non-State Actors; origin of the concept NSA
There are two main schools of thought in international politics related to
the origin of the NSAs; one who considers these as ancient political actors
even playing their roles before the emergence of modern states, while the
second group considers the NSAs as a modern phenomenon that emerged
during the complex political events in the 17th century. Grygiel argues that
the NSAs existed when human started settlements and initiated the
civilised communities.
12
Due to larger territorial spaces, a large number of
the NSAs used to exist either peacefully or warring with the settled
communities. Geographically complex regions and terrains provided even
more opportunity for the NSAs to flourish. Before the emergence of nation-
state, kingdom, estates or monarchies used to deal with these actors
through various strategies including paying in cash or kind, managing
armies to compete or making agreements to live peacefully together.
The second school of thought links the emergence of the NSAs with the
signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 that is considered as the basis
for the emergence of modern nation states. Since then, until the end of
Cold War, the states were considered as the only actor in international
politics and the unit of analysis in international relations. The monopoly of
states as the sole actor in international politics was challenged by the
eminence of the NSAs during post World War II era. Discussions in
transnational relations during the early 1970’s highlight a set of new the
NSAs in international relations.
13
Interaction among the NSAs or between
states and the NSAs across the national boundaries gave rise to the new
debates of transnational politics. This further resulted in the emergence of
11
Eytan Gilboa, "Diplomacy in The Media Age: Three Models of Uses and Effects",
Diplomacy & Statecraft 12, no. 2 (2001): 6.
12
Grygiel, Return of The Barbarians, 37.
13
Arts, "Non-State Actors in Global Governance: Three Faces of Power", 9.
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS 44
new theories in international politics such as transnationalism and
neoliberalism.
14
There are many examples in the history of international politics where the
NSAs were interacting with monarchies and rulers, and signing treaties. The
East India Company, a corporation made subjugations and signed treaties
in India with native princes of Indian States. East India Company developed
its armed force and acquired authority over a large portion of India.
Similarly, much of the credit of development in the last 500 years,
especially during the late twentieth century, goes to these non-state
actors. Industrial revolution in Europe, scientific and intellectual
development and the development of the system of modern
communication, all are the work of the NSAs.
15
Types of Non-State Actors
The division of the NSAs into a diverse range of categories by many scholars
based on their orientation, functions, legal status, geographical scope,
interaction with states and level of operations entails their types. Revision
of the existing literature, confer the NSAs ranging from two to nine
different types. Lakhany divides the NSAs into two major groups including
international intergovernmental organisation (IGOs) and international non-
governmental organisations (INGOs). The IGOs are created and recognised
by states while the INGOs are created by individuals, businesses and other
social forces. The INGOs are transnational organisations and have no legal
bonds with the states.
16
Higgott, Underhill and Bieler also divide the NSAs
into two categories; private sector actors that include transnational
corporations and multinational corporations, and the NGOs.
17
Vyas while
agreeing to this division further adds a third category as a mix of both the
companies and the NGOs. He argues that the NSAs may be influenced by
14
Ibid 10.
15
Fred Halliday, "The Romance of Non-State Actors", in Non-State Actors in World Politics,
1st ed. (repr., New York: Palgrave Publishers Ltd, 2019), 22-28.
16
Farida Lakhany, "How Important Are Non-State Actors" Pakistan Horizon 59, no. 3 (2006):
39.
17
Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R. D. Underhill and Andreas Bieler, "Introduction:
Globalisation and Non-State Actors", in Non-State Actors and Authority In The Global
System, 1st ed. (repr., New York: Routledge, 2003), 1.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 45
states through various measures taken by states in the name of
registration, taxes and other legislation.
18
Bas divides NSAs into five categories. These include INGOs, transnational
corporations (TNCs), international Governmental organisation (IGOs),
epistemic communities and a wide-ranging category comprises of all other
actors. General category includes liberation movements, terrorist groups,
guerrilla organisations, and professional groups.
19
Bas’s classification of
NSAs is debatable. He includes the IGOs in the list of the NSAs. This makes
the classification contested as IGOs straightforwardly promote the states’
agenda and are directly financed and supported by the states. Moreover,
the INGOs can also be divided into different subgroups with diverse even
opposing objectives. This huge diversification within the subgroups of the
INGOs indicates that not all the INGOs can be considered as the NSAs. The
INGOs that are fully sponsored by some states (mostly the developed) and
are implementing the agenda of their donors (states) cannot be considered
as other than states. Moreover, the majority of the NSAs including
companies, the NGOs, think tanks and other organisations are registered
with the states under some legislation and this makes these political actors
subordinate and accountable to the states. This phenomenon sometimes
hinders the autonomy of an NSA in their work as an independent political
actor.
The paper for theoretical analysis will broadly divide the NSAs into two
major categories; first who work in alignment with the political agenda of
the states and second that challenge the state’s political agenda and work
to destabilise the states. The paper will further focus on the first group.
A theoretical perspective
Realists, Socialists and Marxists consider the state as an only legitimate
actor in international relations and do not generally recognise the NSAs.
Terrorist groups, however, who challenged the states’ authorities, have
forced the realist school of thought to notice their existence as a non-state
actor. Declaration of war on terror by the United States and the
emergence of the idea of soft power have sought the attention of realists
to notice these actors in order to maintain the balance of power. However,
18
Utpal Vyas, Soft Power in Japan-China Relations, 1st ed. (repr., New York: Routledge,
2011), 6.
19
Arts, "Non-State Actors in Global Governance: Three Faces of Power", 3.
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS 46
the majority of the realists still believe states as monopoly controller of
power and consider the emergence and influence of the NSAs as a proxy of
nation states to achieve their objectives.
20
For realists, states interact in
anarchy, behave alike and act as a unitary actor. This approach does not
require analysts to open up the unit of state while explaining and
understanding international politics. Structural realist, Kenneth Waltz
recognises the NSAs as an important factor in politics but restricts it to the
domestic politics of any state.
21
Constructivists such as Wendt acknowledge the contribution of the NSAs in
initiating the process of social change but consider the state at the centre
of any system-level change. This places states at the core of the
international political system and as main responsible for the making of
foreign policy as described by the constructivists.
22
In contrast to other
theories of international relations, liberalism acknowledges and values the
role of the NSAs. Liberalism explains that states’ preferences in
international politics are not induced by hierarchy but by their dominant
societal and political actors known as the NSAs. Democracy provides a
vehicle to these actors to translate their interests into the state’s
priorities.
23
Economic liberalism also encourages multinational and
transnational companies, INGOs, media and other the NSAs to actively play
their roles in international politics and make governments accountable.
Non-State Actors in International Politics
The emergence of these actors in international relations especially during
the post-World War II era weakened the “state-centric” definitions of
international politics and contributed to the evolution of “transnational”
systems where relationships were more complex due to the enhanced
number of connections among individuals, groups, societies and states.
Rise of international organisations during this time has further enhanced
the complexity of international politics through the enhanced transaction
by creating diverse platforms and agendas. Over a period of time, they are
gaining autonomy from states and have started defining and revising their
roles in the decision-making process of international politics. There are
20
Utpal Vyas, Soft Power in Japan-China Relations, 16.
21
Arts, "Non-State Actors in Global Governance: Three Faces of Power", 8.
22
Ibid, 8.
23
Frank A. Stengel and Rainer Baumann, "Non-State Actors and Foreign Policy", Oxford
Research Encyclopaedia of Politics, 2017, 14.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 47
many examples where they have shaped the decision making in
international politics. According to Bas that terrorist groups are persuading
the security and foreign policies of many countries and even the world’s
super power such as the United States is fighting (and negotiating) with the
NSAs (terrorists).
24
Similarly, multinational corporations are lobbying with
the states’ authorities and manipulating their economic and foreign
policies. Scientific organisations are manipulating the policy decisions by
states by providing various alternative solutions and scoping various
problems. The NGOs are co-writing international treaties such as the Anti-
Torture Convention. Individuals and groups claiming and protesting for
human rights are also included in the category of the NSAs. Peter Willets
also highlights the importance of the NSAs through sharing many examples
where the NGOs are affecting UN organisations and policies. The NGOs
have provided consultations in the processes of developing policies related
to human rights, environment and refugees. Keck and Sikkink also share
many examples where “transnational advocacy networks” have
contributed to changing policies of states both at domestic and
international levels. Issues related to the child rights, women rights,
environment and the slavery are effectively highlighted and incorporated in
policy decisions as a result of the campaigns by the advocacy networks.
25
Correa argued that the NSAs have significantly contributed in the areas of
protection and fulfilment of human rights. During this process, some of
them competed with other the NSAs and the states’ institutions.
26
The
NSAs such as multinational corporations or the INGOs when face
restrictions or curtailment in any country due to the taxation, registration
or environment protection policies (in case of corporations), move their
factories and offices to other countries where the situation is
comparatively flexible. This also indicates the flexibility of the NSAs and
their transnational linkages. An NSA such as media, especially the social
media, is shaping the public discourses on international politics.
27
24
Arts, "Non-State Actors in Global Governance: Three Faces of Power", 3.
25
Ibid, 8.
26
Flor González Correa, "Human Rights Ltd.: An Alternative Approach to Assessing the
Impact of Transnational Corporations on Human Rights", in Human Rights Protection in
Global Politics Responsibilities of States and Non-State Actors, 1st ed. (repr., New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 159.
27
Alan R, Kluver, “The Logic of New Media in International Affairs, New Media & Society 4,
no. 4 (December 2002), 505.
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS 48
Shaping Public Opinion on National and International Issues
NSAs such as companies that are providing the information and
communication technologies have gained significant importance in twenty-
first century. Technologies have transformed international relations by
providing an easy and rapid flow of information and transportation.
Technology has simultaneously created opportunities and risks for the
world. Internet, for example, reduces the exclusive control of state on the
dissemination of information and international decision making. It has
made international politics more complex through multiplying and
intensifying the number of interests and voices in international policy
making. Similarly, spread of free information at the fastest speed through
the internet, whether correct or incorrect, have a direct impact on the
strategies to manage any political event and its consequences.
28
The NSAs,
especially media, both as an independent actor and as a method, have an
influence on foreign relations through shaping the public opinion.
29
Colin
Powell, a retired general in the US army speaks about the power of media.
He said that "live television coverage doesn't change the policy, but it does
create the environment in which the policy is made".
30
The iconic image of
Alan Kurdi, a three years old Syrian boy provides a hands-on example of the
power of media. This picture highlighted the Syrian crises especially the
Syrian migrants who were trying to reach to Europe and Canada to save
their lives. As Alan and his family were trying to reach Canada, this issue
became an election agenda point during 2015 Canadian Federal Election.
31
The Internet has gained a prominent position in today’s daily social and
political affairs. It has made the world “flat” as proposed by Thomas
Friedman. He argues that the internet has made possible for everyone to
take part in international political and economic transactions. This has
resulted both in the strengthening of positive NSAs as well as negative
actors engaged in frauds, and terrorism.
32
28
Nicholas Westcott, Digital Diplomacy: The Impact of the Internet on International
Relations (July 1, 2008). OII Working Paper No. 16, 3.
29
Kluver, “The Logic of New Media in International Affairs, 505.
30
Timothy McNulty, Television's impact on executive decision making and diplomacy,
(1993), Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, 17, 80.
31
Temitope S. Bodunrin, "Alan Kurdi: A Frame of the Migration Crisis" Granite Journal,
(2018), 22.
32
Nicholas Westcott, Digital Diplomacy: The Impact of the Internet on International
Relations (July 1, 2008), OII Working Paper No. 16, 3.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 49
Influencing Diplomatic Processes
Technocrats, diplomats and politicians normally represent the states during
the bilateral and multilateral negotiation and communication processes.
Gilboa introduces the concept of public diplomacy that engages with both
the state and the NSAs. An NSA such as media is used to influence public
opinion and mobilise their support during diplomatic processes. He further
shares that public diplomacy is being reformed through shifting
relationships between states and the NSAs, setting collaborative policy
goals, adapting new techniques and means, and institutionalisation of the
process through setting up public relations departments in public and
private organizations.
33
Kluver highlights that television influenced the
decision-making process of diplomats on certain issues. Introduction of
new technologies within media has further sharpened this process.
34
Non-State Actors and Conflicts
Conflicts are the breeding grounds for these actors as compare to in
peaceful situations. During the time of war or conflict, the states
sometimes could be non-existent. This means that during the conflicts, the
states almost lose their authority and writ over the geography and
population. In a state of anarchy, the NSAs emerge and start performing
some of the state’s functions through different national and international
organization such as services delivery, maintaining law and order, conflict
resolution, providing employment opportunities and filling the gaps
especially at local levels. These make the NSAs crucial to fragile contexts
and require to include them in decision-making during transition phases. In
fragile condition or in transition phases, the political environment becomes
complex and the states and the NSAs sometimes perform invisible and
overlapping functions. The NSAs sometimes gain power and function as a
“second state”. In most fragile contexts, the NSAs serve as the only form of
authority with substantial power, local accountability and legitimacy. In
such a complicated context, the NSAs often have more knowledge related
to local issues and culture than of the states. This makes states to depend
on these actors or engage with them in the state-building process. In
Afghanistan, local the NSAs are very influential for the successful
implementation of transitional programmes.
35
33
Eytan Gilboa, Diplomacy in the media age: Three models of uses and effects, Diplomacy
& Statecraft, (2001), 4.
34
Kluver, “The Logic of New Media in International Affairs”, 505.
35
Smits and Wright, "Engagement with Non-State Actors, 6.
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS 50
Rubinstein and Kudesia indicates a different dimension of the role of the
NSAs in conflict-affected countries. The NSAs such as international
companies and non-governmental organisations offer comparatively high
salary packages that attract talented and skilled workforce from public
sector departments to join. This, on the one hand, creates a skills gap in the
public sector and on the other hand enhances the exposure, skills and
competencies of indigenous human resource.
36
War on Terror
The declaration of global War on Terror by Bush Administration has
brought terrorist groups corresponding and challenging the states
authority. They were now labelled as “enemy combatants” almost equal to
the category of US military personnel. This declaration has also challenged
the centuries-old tradition where states hesitate to prevent their enemies
from acquiring the equivalent status and label their opponents as
criminals’. Violent struggles by these “criminal” groups were never
characterised as war. Bush Administration soon after the 9/11 attacks
declared a global war on terror and its opponents as enemy combatants’.
This declaration has elevated the role and importance of the NSAs in the
study of international politics.
37
Globalization and Global Economy
In the last 10 years or so the influence of social media through different
means brought governments to a different level of operations. These new
characters in the life of a state such as social media and internet have
influenced the states in countries like China, Indonesia and the Philippines
and forced the government-controlled media to become more transparent
and responsive.
38
Porte shares likewise the example of Google that present
how it has challenged the strong state of China to relax its policies related
to the use of social media. According to Gilboa, the pictures of starving
children from Somalia influenced the US government to immediate
humanitarian interventions.
39
The cyber space particularly, is dominated by
36
Brown, Stuart S., Katrina Burgess, Beatriz Tinajero, Hongying Wang, Steven R. Brechin,
Suprita Kudesia, Robert A. Rubinstein, and Arthur C. Brooks. "Non-State Transnational
Transfers: Types and Characteristics", International Studies Review 11, no. 2 (2009), 433.
37
Mary Ellen O'Connell, Enhancing the Status of Non-State Actors Through a Global War on
Terror?, 43 Colum. J. Transnat'l L. 436.
38
Kluver, “The Logic of New Media in International Affairs”, 505.
39
Gilboa, Diplomacy in the media age, 24.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 51
new characters and the states are forced to work with them either through
cooperation, negotiation or coercion. This indicates that these actors will
be more prominent in international politics in the foreseeable future.
Technology has also contributed to globalisation that is somehow
challenging the sovereignty of the states. The emergence of multilateral
and international fora is supporting states, particularly since post World
War II, in providing different services to their citizens. Complex
interdependence in globalisation causes to emerge new issues of global
nature such as climate change, piracy and spread of infectious diseases that
require states to enter in cooperation with other states. This further gives
rise to the evolution of many International Organisations such as the
European Union, G8, International Monitory Fund, World Trade
Organisation and others.
40
New state actors contribute to the emergence
of new theories and concepts in international relations such as complex
interdependence and soft-power. This requires the students of
international relations to think more critically and be able to collect the
most reliable information to understand the process of decision making.
Globalisation has also placed the NSAs such as multinational companies
(MNCs) at the centre of the international economy. The UN data (2010)
indicates that there were 82,000 MNCs in the world with over 810,000
subsidiaries. The MNCs account for one-third of the total world trade and
provide employment to around 80 million persons.
41
The Amsterdam
University published a list of top 100 economies including the state and
companies. The ranking was based on the criteria of revenue generation
(tax collection for states) during 2016. Researchers find that out of the top
100 revenue generators, 71 are the companies. This indicates the power of
New State Actors in the global economic system. Interestingly, most of the
revenues (taxes) collected by states also come from these companies.
States in many ways depend upon these big companies to earn revenue to
run the state’s affairs and provide services to the citizens. The companies,
in turn, can easily influence the decisions and development agenda of the
40
Nicholas Westcott, Digital Diplomacy: The Impact of the Internet on International
Relations (July 1, 2008). OII Working Paper No. 16, 4.
41
Edwards, Tony, Paul Marginson, and Anthony Ferner. "Multinational Companies in Cross-
national Context: Integration, Differentiation, and the Interactions Between MNCs and
Nation States: Introduction to a Special Issue of the ILR Review". ILR Review 66, no. 3
(2013): 548.
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS 52
states.
42
Anderson and Cavanagh explored the relationships of the
companies and governments. They found that out of top 200 companies in
the world, 94 had government relations departments, located in the
lobbying capital of the world in Washington DC’s K Street Corridor.
Brussels, where the European Union has its headquarters, hosts nearly
15,000 lobbyists with their annual expenditures of one billion Euros. This
equals to one lobbyist for each staff member of the European Commission.
Lobbyists representing the various companies and businesses account for
around 70% of the total lobbyist community.
43
Role in International Negotiations
The emergence of new issues that are not confined to the boundaries of
states such as climate change enhanced the importance of the NSAs. Rio
process brought the NSAs from the position of observers to agenda setters.
The NSAs participated in official negotiations and provided their technical
support to the states and their forums. Agenda 21, Rio Declaration 1992
and Stockholm Declaration 1972 are some of the examples where
international NGOs played a very vital role in the decision-making
processes.
44
The emergence of transboundary issues such as organised crime, pollution
and migration, invited the NSAs to interfere and mediate the negotiations
among states. These regional issues also require new regulations and
standard settings to manage. The NSAs are mostly dominating this process
as compared to national level regulations where states still have
dominancy.
Non-State Actors in Foreign Policy Making
It is difficult to explain and understand the foreign policy in the 21st century
without taking into account the NSAs. Problems associated with the
development framework of the 21st century, such as climate change,
require states to engage with international and transnational actors. The
42
Babic, Milan, Eelke Heemskerk, and Jan Fichtner. Who Is More Powerful States or
Corporations?” Web log. The Conversation (blog). July 11, 2018. See
https://theconversation.com/who-is-more-powerful-states-or-corporations-99616.
43
Khalid Rahman, "MNCs and TNCs: Their Role and Socioeconomic Impact on Host
Societies." Policy Perspectives 4, no. 2 (2007), 116.
44
Markus Wagner, "Non-State Actors", Researchgate, 2009, 10, at
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/308874846_Non-State_Actors.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 53
NSAs such as ethnic, religious and business groups influence the process of
both national and international foreign policymaking. For the convenience
of analysis in understanding the role of the NSAs in the national
policymaking process, we can divide the NSAs into two main groups; group
one that is directly engaged in the policy-making and group two that
indirectly take part in the process. Direct involvement refers to the
participation of the NSAs in the institutionalised process of foreign policy
making. Indirect involvement is related to lobbying or advocacy without
directly engaging in the process of foreign policymaking.
45
The NSAs such as
scientific experts and think tanks indirectly impact the policymaking
process through defining the policy issues and providing technical inputs to
the policy makers. On the other hand, in developed countries, the NGOs
sometimes influence this process directly through participating in
consultative meetings arranged by the government during the process of
policy development. Stoddard shares an example of the United States
where the NGOs provide information to the policy makers for decision
making. He explains that the information related to humanitarian crises in
Bosnia was widely shared by International Rescue Committee with the
members of Congress, the White House and the Pentagon. This
information helped and convinced the US armed forces to initiate
humanitarian interventions in Bosnia.
46
In developing countries, although limited to the phase of policy
implementation and monitoring in most cases, NGOs are continuously
increasing their spaces in the policy formulation process. In case of
emergencies and humanitarian crises, states and the NSAs such as NGOs,
IGOs, media and corporations work together. During disasters, the NSAs
actively contribute to the formulation of policies to provide maximum
support to the disaster-affected communities. According to Avey and Desch
(2014), policymakers both in humanitarian and development contexts,
mostly rely on the information provided by the NSAs for decision making
and policymaking. This information also helps decision makers to prioritise
and comprehend the policy issues.
47
The emerging concept of “compound warfare” clearly highlights the
involvement of the NSAs along with regular armed forces in military and
45
Stengel and Baumann, "Non-State Actors and Foreign Policy", 14.
46
Ibid, 8.
47
Ibid, 9.
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS 54
security interventions. Huber (2002) defines “compound warfare” as, the
simultaneous use of a regular or main force and an irregular or guerrilla
force against an enemy”.
48
Overthrow of Taliban in 2001 through coalition
forces along with Northern Alliance is an example of “compound warfare”.
US defence policy significantly relies on security contractors and
commercial service providers to supplement US armed forces. Western
countries started delegating the implementation of foreign policy tasks to
the NSAs such as private military and security companies. These companies
are engaged in the protection of state officials, communication,
investigations, intelligence operations and weapon maintenance.
International Security Advisory Board of the US State Department provides
an independent insight and advice on all aspects of arms control,
disarmament, non-proliferation, international security, and related aspects
of public diplomacy”. Representatives of think tanks, academia,
foundations (such as Ploughshares Fund) and corporation (for example
Hart International) are the members of this advisory board. Most states
include the representatives of business companies in their state
delegations that engage in foreign policymaking.
49
Non-State Actors Influencing International Governmental Organisations
The NSAs have been influencing the International Governmental
Organisations (IGOs) since decades. The US development agenda from
1933 to 1939 under New Deal proposed various strategies to engage with
NSAs. The Development Assistance Committee of the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) values the role of NSAs in
trust building and providing opinions into social, political and economic
power dynamics. OECD considers active civil society as central to the
development of government systems that are transparent and accountable
to its citizens. Similarly, the World Bank also stresses the role of civil society
in encouraging local accountability and overall capacity in state-building
processes. Promoting partnerships among states and the NSAs at national
and international levels is therefore crucial to the international
development agenda. The UK’s Department for International Development
(DFID) puts emphases to partner with the NSAs to promote a culture of
accountability, poverty alleviation, dissemination of knowledge and
promoting innovation in development. Development policies of various
48
Thomas M. Huber, Compound Warfare: A Conceptual Framework”, Compound Warfare:
That Fatal Knot, (2001), 1.
49
Stengel and Baumann, "Non-State Actors and Foreign Policy", 9-10.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 55
governments, such as the Netherlands and Australia, state that the NSAs
can be powerful change agents especially for the delivery of social services,
promoting inclusive development and making governments accountable
and effective.
Unconventional Way of Operations
NSAs are also a significant source of knowledge transfer. Multinational
companies of technologically advanced countries transfer knowledge and
technology to their local subsidiaries in developing countries. This
knowledge transfer, either through formal means or as a result of spill-over
effect, contributes to strengthening knowledge economy of host countries.
Developed countries too, sometimes, are able to access the indigenous
technologies of developing countries through their partners in those
countries.
50
Non-governmental organisations have gained importance with the rise of
humanitarian emergencies in natural disasters and political failures of the
state in the time of genocide. Many studies have proved that non-
governmental organizations remained quicker and more efficient than
states while responding to humanitarian emergencies.
The growth of globalisation and liberalisation of trade led to the scenario
where the states themselves are legitimating and empowering the NSAs
through outsourcing their responsibilities. This simultaneously contributes
to the transformation of the roles of states in international politics. Even in
some areas of services delivery, states entered into the partnerships with
the NSAs. These partnerships are mostly titled as public-private
partnerships. Over the period of time, the line between public and private
sectors is becoming thinner making it difficult to segregate both from each
other.
51
The international politics has changed in the twenty-first century and
hence the role of international organisations. During the last century, the
50
Jasjit Singh, "Asymmetry of Knowledge Spill-overs between MNCs and Host Country
Firms" Journal of International Business Studies 38, no. 5 (2007), 764.
51
Anne Peters, Lucy Koechlin and Gretta Fenner Zinkernagel. "Non-state Actors as Standard
Setters: Framing the Issue in an Interdisciplinary Fashion", Non-State Actors as Standard
Setters, ed. Anne Peters, Lucy Koechlin, Till Forster and Gretta Fenner Zinkernagel,
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 1, 2.
THE INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE NON-STATE ACTORS 56
majority of the institutions were focusing on promoting interstate
cooperation. The twenty-first century has seen the rise of new NSAs with
more complexities such as transboundary issues in international politics.
52
The key factors contributing to this transformation process of international
politics from the twentieth century to the twenty-first century, include
globalisation, climate change, demographic imbalances, and resource
politics. According to Nijman by 2025, the international political system will
have changed and adjusted the NSAs at much prominent place as
compared to the last century but this will be an uneven and incomplete
transformation.
53
Gartner, however, concludes that greater participation of
the NSAs such as civil society organisations can lead to greater
transparency and accountability, effective implementation of programs and
earning larger public trust.
54
Conclusion
The evolution of nation-states, new state actors and non-state actors
simultaneously indicative of the fact they are getting prominence in
international politics and challenging the contours of Westphalian system.
The increasing number, and diversity within, these actors has enhanced
with the increase of complexity in international politics, with the increasing
a number of political issues. Contemporary academic literature shares
various examples where the NSAs such as think tanks, academia, charities
and international NGOs have contributed significantly in public diplomacy
process through shaping public opinion, making governments accountable,
influencing foreign policy making, transferring of knowledge and delivery of
social services. Many examples can be cited where the NSAs such as
criminals or terrorist groups have influenced the foreign policy of the
United States. Emerging role of the NSAs in international politics has
obligated many theorists to update their state-centric theories.
In spite of their importance in international politics, the NSAs also receive
criticism. The NSAs, especially the corporations and the NGOs, sometimes
lack transparency in funds management and internal decisions related to
52
David Gartner, Beyond the Monopoly of States, Journal of International Law 32, no.2
(2010-11), University of Pennsylvania, 596.
53
Janne E Nijman, Non-state Actors and the International Rule of Law: Revisiting the
'Realist Theory' of International Legal Personality, Non-state Actor Dynamics in
International Law: from Law-takers to Law-makers, ed. Math Noortmann, 2010, 2.
54
Gartner, Beyond the Monopoly of States, 606.
JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 36/2 (2020) 57
the staff recruitment, selection of geographical areas and choice of issues
to work on. Recently, the governments in many countries in South Asia and
East Asia, including Pakistan, have started regulating the NSAs more
strictly, especially the charities and the NGOs with allegations of working
against the national interests. This indicates the state power has not
significantly diffused. Other NSAs such as multinational corporations are
gaining more importance in international politics as both the developing
and developed countries depend upon their financial support in form of
taxes to run the state affairs and deliver public services. Although states
are making efforts to regularise multinational corporations through
institutions and regulations, yet they still are emerging as powerful actors
on the world stage. The NSAs claim that they don’t have any power to force
anyone to behave in a certain way. Instead, they use the power of
attraction or persuasion to mobilise the public support for their agenda.
This further raises the question about the legitimacy of the NSAs for
attaining a self-proclaimed status of people’s representatives.
... The concept of non-state actors includes many parties. According to various works of literature, there are various types such as NGOs, INGOs, activists, media, academics, diaspora, religious organizations, experts, foundations, and domestic social movements that have branches from the local to a global level, to one of the actors who is often mentioned in international journals that are studied in this research, namely Multinational Corporations [7]. ...
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