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US-Turkey Relations since WWII: From Alliance to Transactionalism of a single chapter of a title in Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). US-Turkey Relations since WWII: From Alliance to Transactionalism Serhat Güvenç and Soli Özel The Oxford Handbook of Turkish Politics
Abstract
and Keywords US-Turkey relations were built primarily on a security axis in the aftermath of WW II. Af ter a relatively easygoing period in the 1950s, relations suffered from a deficit of trust by the mid-1960s. Radicalization of public opinion in the 1960s and 1970s and the near un conditional support Washington has given to Turkey's frequent military interventions kept a residual anti-Americanism alive. In the post-Cold War period, the Gulf War and the emergence of newly independent countries with ample energy resources in the post-Sovi et space placed Turkey back on the geopolitical map. In the age of "democratization" and the Islamist-Jihadi challenge, Turkey's characteristics as a secular and electoral democra tic Muslim country and a NATO member seeking EU membership made it more valuable for the United States. At the same time, the two sides never adequately dealt with the re ality that their interests diverged considerably after the Cold War. Turkey's refusal to al low the deployment of US troops prior to the invasion of Iraq led to a political downgrad ing of the Turkish military by the Pentagon. After a brief period of close relations under President Obama who called for a "model partnership" between the two allies, as a fall out from the Syrian civil war and the increasing authoritarianism of the Turkish govern ment, relations turned increasingly "transactional" and personalized. Under President Trump the crises that plagued the relations deepened as Ankara and Moscow built closer relations and as bilateral relations increasingly relied on personalistic ties between the two leaders.
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In recent years, Russian digital information operations, including disinformation, fake news, and election meddling have assumed prominence in international news and scholarly research outlets. A simple Google Trends query shows us that 'fake news' as a term enters into global mainstream lexicon starting with October 2016, peaking in the immediate aftermath of the US Presidential Election in November. Since then, disinformation has been largely synonymous with Russian digital information operations in the West, and a number of empirical research projects have begun focusing on the impact of information warfare on elections and political behavior. Russian media ecosystem in Western democracies, including information and dis-information dynamics, are quite well-documented 1. This focus owes largely to increased awareness of election meddling, fake news and digital spoilers such as trolls and bots that often have real-life effects. In addition to other digital contestation types, including cyber warfare, Russian information operations are not confined to the country's official communication policy.
This paper is aimed at providing an assesemen tof the growing Russian naval strength and assertiveness in the Eastern Mediterranean and its implications for Turkey’s place in the regional naval power hierarchy after Moscow’s direct involvement in the Syrian conflict in 2015. Although the main focus is on the Eastern Mediterranean, the region obviously cannot be decoupled from the Black Sea and to some extent from the Aegean. Therefore, this paper argues that the naval power hierarchy in these three regions have historically influenced and have been influenced by developments in others.
The recent revival of academic and popular interest in the Korean War in Turkey has played an important role in instigating the production of new books and documentaries. In Turkish accounts the Battle of Kunu-ri (November 1950) figures more prominently than any other event during the entire conflict. However, the Turkish Brigade's performance at this battle remains controversial. This paper assesses the impact of U.S. military assistance on Turkish military's transformation, compares and contrasts the official U.S. and Turkish accounts of the battle (known in U.S. sources as the Battle of Chongchon), and discusses why the official perspectives of the engagement diverge substantially.
The critical decision to share the advanced missile defence capabilities of the USA, also known as the ‘Missile Shield’, was taken at the Lisbon Summit meeting of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in November 2010. Turkey had concerns about the Missile Shield project, which constituted an important item on the summit agenda. Turkey's concerns were addressed properly by the allies, and a key component of the project, namely, the radar site in eastern Turkey was activated in May 2012 at the time of the Chicago Summit of the Alliance. This paper aims to shed light on the background of the development and expansion of the missile defence project of the USA both at national and global scales. In the same vein, technological characteristics and operational principles of air defence systems as well as the reactions coming from other countries, such as Russia, China, Iran and the European allies will be presented. The paper will highlight the deliberations between Turkey and the USA since the 1990s with respect to the deployment of air defence systems on Turkish territory. Finally, Turkey's place in the debate concerning the deployment of the Missile Shield in NATO countries will be discussed with specific references to the role that Turkey could play in enhancing the defensive as well as deterrent capability of the Alliance and itself.
Ahmet Davutoǧlu was appointed Turkish foreign minister on May 1, 2009. Chief advisor to the Turkish prime minister since 2002, Davutoglu is known as the intellectual architect of Turkish foreign policy under the AK Party. He articulated a novel foreign policy vision and succeeded, to a considerable extent, in changing the rhetoric and practice of Turkish foreign policy. Turkey's new dynamic and multidimensional foreign policy line is visible on the ground, most notably to date in the country's numerous and signifcant eforts to address chronic problems in neighboring regions. Davutoǧlu's duty will now shif from the intellectual design of policies to greater actual involvement in foreign policy as he undertakes his new responsibilities as minister of foreign afairs. Te Davutoǧlu era in Turkish foreign policy will deepen Turkey's involvement in regional politics, international organizations, and world politics.
Standard accounts on Turkey’s foreign policy identify Molotov’s communication of 1945 (better known as “Stalin’s demands”) as the catalyst behind Turkey’s post-WWII decision to strain its relations with the USSR and turn to the United States (US) for defense support. The aim here is to complement these accounts which have stressed the military and ideological threat posed by the USSR as the catalyst behind Turkey’s foreign policy change, by offering an analysis that explores the conditions of possibility for such change. The aim here is not to question the seriousness of the risks involved in failing to stand firm against the USSR in the immediate post-WWII period. Nor is it to dispute the appropriateness of Turkey’s search for “Western” allies at a time when its economic, political and military vulnerabilities were acknowledged by friend and foe alike. The following mediates through accounts that stress the military threat and those that emphasize the ideological threat and presents an analysis that looks into the production of representations of the USSR as a “threat” to Turkey and the context which allowed for the production of such representations of the USSR.
The Cyprus problem is one of the most protracted and complex conflicts in the world. This article uses poliheuristic (PH) theory to analyze Turkey's decision-making during the Cyprus crises of 1964, 1967, and 1974. We utilize the PH model (Mintz 1993, 2004) and its method to systematically examine the decision-making process and outcomes during the three crises. We present primary evidence from governmental archives and secondary from media sources. The two hypotheses derived from the PH literature are supported by evidence. Results confirm Turkish decision-makers employed two-stage decision-making during each crisis. In the first stage, Turkish leaders followed the noncompensatory rule and eliminated options that could incur losses. In the second stage, their calculations were more in line with expected utility maximization. Implications of the case study in terms of PH model, foreign policy analysis, and international relations theory are discussed in the conclusion.
Vietnam War is an underexplored case to trace the gradual increase in anti-Americanism in Turkey, which reached its climax with the Opium Crisis and Cyprus invasion of 1974. This chapter analyses Turkish foreign policy towards the Vietnam War, with particular reference to parliamentary debates, for an account of how different parties made use of a war in a faraway land to promote their respective agendas. Albeit differing in focus and style, the opposition parties share three common features in criticising the pro-American and pro-South Vietnamese Turkish Government, which opted for realpolitik in Cold War circumstances. While Ankara continued to honour its relations with its superpower ally, the parliamentary critique nevertheless played a role in Turkey’s sending humanitarian aid to both warring parties in Vietnam.
An American ambassador recounts some of his dealings with Turgut Ozal, particularly on the first Iraq war, and provides his personal view of the man, his personality, and his legacy.
This article argues that it is fallacious to promote the Turkish democratic experience under the Justice and Development Party (
Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi
, AKP) as a model for the emerging Arab democracies. Despite the early political reformism of the AKP, an empirical analysis of the government’s recent crackdown on basic rights and freedoms demonstrates that the “Turkish model,” defined as a marriage of Islam and liberal democracy, cannot respond to the demands of Arab reformers. In this regard, the article falls into three sections. In the first section, assets of the “Turkish model” according to various actors are examined, which casts doubt on the emancipatory discourse underlying the promotion of the model. The second section proposes the term “leader democracy”—or, more specifically, “Erdoğanism”—as a way of denoting the governmental structure of Turkey as of early 2014. The final section depicts the current Turkish democracy in terms of the state of checks and balances and of basic political and social rights.
This study analyzes the impact of the global and regional developments in the post-Cold War era on Turkish-US relations concerning Persian Gulf security from a Turkish perspective. It suggests that despite continuities in Turkey's perspective of the state of its alliance with the United States in the new era, the alliance between the two countries is moving in new directions filled with unprecedented challenges.
The Turkish-American relationship experienced the most difficult period of its history after the refusal of the Turkish Parliament on 1 March 2003 to allow US troops to open a northern front to Iraq from Turkish territory. By the time a new administration took power in Washington in early 2009, the badly damaged relationship had recovered somewhat and recently has even taken a positive turn. Although the parameters of the recovered relationship are not yet clear, by analyzing the intricacies of diverging and converging worldviews and interests of the two states in the post-Cold War era, one can understand what happened to the strategic partnership of the 1990s and how Turkish-American relations may develop in the future. Accordingly, this paper will first look at the constraints and limitations of the current relationship through diverging interests and contextual viewpoints in the post-Iraq War world. It will then highlight the areas of convergence that existed even during the lowest point of the relationship. Finally, I will argue that, while the strategic partnership may have ended, a strategic relationship between the two states will continue to exist and may even produce a newer form of connection and cooperation, the contours of which will also be outlined for the coming years, taking into account the opportunities and hurdles ahead.
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The Black Sea region is increasingly becoming a priority on the international agenda. In fact, a regional approach is emerging as actors understand that common problems need to be addressed jointly. Nevertheless, cooperation efforts are hampered by a number of factors, such as uneven economic and political development within and among countries, nationalist forces and longstanding animosities between regional players. In this context, it is imperative to foster sound policies aimed at strengthening dialogue and cooperation so as to contain and ultimately resolve conflicts with peaceful means. However, there is little policy‐oriented research on the challenges and opportunities for cooperation in the Black Sea region. This study is primarily devoted to exploring and understanding the security environment and the main threats to security and stability in the Black Sea region.
This article examines the enunciation in March 1947 of the Truman Doctrine. The doctrine pledged the United States to “assist free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.” Although the statement was initially aimed at winning congressional support for U.S. aid to Greece and Turkey, where the administration feared Soviet penetration, it ultimately underpinned U.S. Cold War policy throughout Europe and around the world. Moreover, the doctrine addressed a broader cultural insecurity regarding modern life in a globalized world. The administration's concern over communism's domino effect, its media-sensitive presentation of the doctrine, and its mobilization of U.S. economic and military power to modernize unstable regions marked the advent of a modern U.S. foreign policy. In its maintenance of military preponderance, its nation-building activities, its organization of alliances, its advocacy of “regime change,” and its resort at times to limited war against armed insurgencies, the Truman Doctrine foreshadowed the contemporary Bush Doctrine against international terrorism.
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