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Contested crude: Multiscalar identities, conflicting discourses, and narratives of oil production in Canada
Abstract
Canadian politics is alive with references to what oil means to the country and its residents. However, the existing research only intermittently and often superficially discusses how Canada recognizes itself as a petrostate and negotiates its identities in relation to oil. Seeking to fill the gap, this paper offers a nuanced, dynamic, and comprehensive picture of Canadian discursive politics of oil on provincial, federal, and international levels. A systematic intertextual discourse analysis of this heterogeneous collection of texts allows us to achieve two major analytical goals: to reveal the discourses about energy resources that dominate in Canadian politics on federal and provincial levels and to differentiate them from the discourses that are marginalized or even suppressed.
... For instance in Australia, a country highly reliant on coal and gas exports, multinational mining companies and industry associations aligned with conservative political parties and media outlets to defeat proposals for carbon pricing and renewable energy development, leading to the fall of governments and political leaders (Crowley, 2017;Wright et al., 2022). In Canada, energy companies promoted exploitation of the Alberta tar sands using the term "ethical oil" and framing Canada as a morally worthy context for fossil fuel extraction, a position endorsed by provincial and federal governments (Kuteleva & Leifso, 2020). ...
Corporations are primary emitters of greenhouse gases yet are also portrayed as key agents in responding to climate change. This overview article explains corporate responses to the climate crisis at three levels of analysis: (i) political (shaping the climate debate and influencing climate policy); (ii) organizational (enacting strategies and practices to address climate change); and (iii) individual (managers and employees caring about and acting on climate change in their personal and professional lives). Our synthesis of the burgeoning literature on corporations and climate change in the fields of management and organization studies, human geography, and political economy highlights how and why particular corporate responses have been enacted, encompassing managerial as well as more critical and radical understandings of business activities.
This article is categorized under: Climate, History, Society, Culture > Disciplinary Perspectives
Climate Economics > Economics and Climate Change
The Carbon Economy and Climate Mitigation > Decarbonizing Energy and/or Reducing Demand
Vulnerability and Adaptation to Climate Change > Institutions for Adaptation
... The presence of oil sands, a deposit of bitumen-rich sand, has gained significant attention in Canadian discourse surrounding natural resource extraction and environmental decision-making. Oil sands, unlike conventional light petroleum, are less fluid, making their commercial extraction both costly and environmentally risky (Kuteleva and Leifso 2020). The oil sands issue has become a focal point of ongoing debates concerning the costs and benefits of resource extraction and has emerged as a contested identity for Alberta and Canada. ...
... One of the largest companies specializing in the production of synthetic oil in Canada is Suncor Energy. The company annually processes more than 60 million tons of bitumen [13,14]. However, it will not be possible to adopt and apply the experience of foreign companies in the fields of Russia. ...
The peculiarities of the composition of natural bitumen from Russian Federation deposits give rise to further processing and transportation problems due to necessity of construction of processing units close to their production areas. In order to solve this problem, a method of pretreatment of natural bitumen was proposed, as a result, potential asphalt binders and low-viscosity deasphalted oil suitable for transportation to refineries are produced. Based on experimental data, the optimal conditions for the process were selected. It was recommended to carry out the first stage of crude preparation, namely thermomechanical dehydration of bitumen, with an end-point for distillation of 150 °C. This solved the problem of stable water-hydrocarbon emulsions and further dewatering of bitumen, and excluded the possibility of destruction reactions resulting in more unstable hydrocarbon compounds. At the next stage, it was proposed to carry out the process of deasphalting of bitumen with acetone at a solvent:crude ratio of 3:1. Therefore, production of deasphalted oil, with viscosity close to that of natural crude oil, and asphalt, as a feedstock for the production of universal road bitumen, intended for both summer and winter operating conditions, was shown.
This paper investigates the dynamic relationships between the crude oil price (COP) and the unemployment rate (UR) in Russia and Canada with a bootstrap subsample rolling-window causality test. This approach relaxes linear assumptions, fully considers structural breaks, and captures time-varying causalities between variables; thus, it performs better than traditional long-run causality tests. The empirical results indicate that there are dynamic causal links between the COP and the UR in certain subsample intervals, which does not fully support Carruth's model. Furthermore, the causality between the COP and the UR in Russia can be described based on Western sanctions, China-Russia energy cooperation and the COVID-19 pandemic. In contrast, a decrease in major oil companies' production and the development of U.S. shale oil are employed to explain the fluctuating relationship between the COP and the UR in Canada. Our study identifies potential heterogeneous reasons for the dynamic causalities of major exporting countries, and it reveals novel influencing mechanisms between these two variables. Thus, some policies are suggested to alleviate shocks from oil prices, including oil risk management and oil cooperation for Russia and oil export structural adjustments and monitoring mechanism establishment for Canada.
Resource dependent regions in Australia, Canada, and in other industrialized areas have experienced rapid change due to forces of both political and economic restructuring over the past three decades. Policy and program responses by senior levels of government to these accelerating processes of change have too often only exacerbated the negative impacts of major resource exploitation. As a result, rural and small-town places dependent upon primary industries and natural resource sectors continue to struggle to find traction in a new economy marked by the vagaries of demographic, economic, social, cultural, political, and environmental change. In this paper, we explore these resource economy and institutional dynamics within the context of unconventional oil and gas development (UOGD). Our comparative case context includes the Surat Basin in eastern Australia and the Peace River region in northeastern British Columbia, Canada. Both regions have significant recent experience with UOGD. The paper draws upon staples theory and evolutionary economic geography to frame the dynamics of truncated development patterns and the prospects for path variation. Despite the well-known negative impacts and disruptions associated with major resource projects, we make three inter-related arguments challenging the efficacy of senior government responses to the community and regional impacts of UOGD. These are that senior governments: 1) react too slowly in their mitigation responses; 2) are generally dragged into action by local opposition to construct institutional and redistributive funding measures to compensate for local disruption, that; 3) ultimately fall short in terms of offering any kind of strategic, post-resource boom transformational potential to restore or redirect the economic future of resource regions.
This paper explores the articulation and mobilization of Indigenous discourses of energy (in) justice and energy future visions in the struggle over the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion project (TMX) in British Columbia, Canada. The TMX is a highly contested fossil fuel project because it leads to the appropriation of First Nations lands, gender violence, and the unequal distribution of the socio-environmental costs of tar sands operations. Despite these impacts, the Canadian state argues that the TMX contributes to economic growth, job creation, and increased tax revenues, thereby legitimizing tar sands expansion on Indigenous lands. Drawing on Indigenous critical perspectives, we critique Western conventional understandings of energy justice and energy futures by examining multiple, interconnected, and often neglected dimensions of justice in the TMX conflict. Through critical discourse analysis (CDA), this paper explores how First Nations opposing this pipeline mobilize different notions of justice to envision alternative energy futures. Our empirical study shows how they challenge Canada’s fossil fuel future vision by asserting jurisdiction over the lands crossed by the TMX and demanding the cancellation of this pipeline. Centering First Nations views in discussions about tar sands development provides a starting point for imagining and building more just energy futures.
While controversial plans for fossil fuel pipeline-building continue across Indigenous lands without consent, how are visual practices – including watching and witnessing – serving as modes of resistance? Drawing on a participant-observation ethnography over the 2018–2021 period with environmental defenders on Coast Salish land, in what is colonially called ‘British Columbia, Canada’, this article offers a lens for exploring visual realms of resistance amid expanding extractivism, police surveillance and reconfigured pipeline opposition during the COVID-19 pandemic. Grassroots photography in land-based monitoring, artistic communication in and around courtrooms and other visual practices have been serving as powerful inflection points, countering multiple facets of petro-colonialism – ecological destruction, health threats, and moral and legal transgressions by companies and state institutions. They have also been stimulating new collective actions, some led by Indigenous land protectors extending longstanding traditions of protecting human and non-human life. As ‘more-than-representational’, visual encounters can be active players in constructing knowledge, challenging structures of dispossession, genocide and ecocide, and cultivating understandings of care, sovereignty, climate justice and anti-colonial solidarity from heterogeneous vantage points. Some environmental defenders’ visual creativities invite deep reflection on ontologies rooted in reciprocity and respect that are thoroughly ignored in extractivist settler-colonial cultures. The article situates visual strategies in fraught political contexts of ramped-up police and corporate surveillance targeting Indigenous land protectors and other environmental defenders, underscoring critical concern about superficial optical allyship and hollow gestures by state actors responding to racism and state violence on Indigenous land. It calls for attention to dialectical relationships amongst state visual tactics and counter-hegemonic visual practices in struggles to resist colonial energy regimes and to cultivate efforts towards alternative, less destructive energy futures.
This book examines the development of bilateral energy relations between China and the two oil-rich countries, Kazakhstan and Russia.
Challenging conventional assumptions about energy politics and China’s global quest for oil, this book examines the interplay of politics and sociocultural contexts. It shows how energy resources become ideas and how these ideas are mobilized in the realm of international relations. China’s relations with Kazakhstan and Russia are simultaneously enabled and constrained by the discursive politics of oil. It is argued that to build collaborative and constructive energy relations with China, its partners in Kazakhstan, Russia, and elsewhere must consider not only the material realities of China’s energy industry and the institutional settings of China’s energy policy but also the multiple symbolic meanings that energy resources and, particularly, oil acquire in China.
China’s Energy Security and Relations with Petrostates offers a nuanced understanding of China’s bilateral energy relations with Kazakhstan and Russia, raising essential questions about the social logic of international energy politics. It will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, energy security, Chinese and post-Soviet studies, along with researchers working in the fields of energy policy and environmental sustainability.
Despite growing public concern over the worsening climate crisis, tangible action to reduce carbon emissions and limit fossil fuel use remains limited. This is particularly apparent in carbon-rich nations which promote the extraction, export and use of coal, oil and gas as key drivers of economic activity. We examine this contradiction between growing public demands for climate action and the continued dominance of fossil energy in Australia, now the world’s largest exporter of coal and gas. Through a qualitative analysis of media coverage and industry public relations during the period 2008–2019, we show how the fossil fuel hegemony has been maintained and extended in the face of growing social and political critique. We identify the key discourses that the Australian fossil fuel sector has employed in reproducing hegemony and delaying action on climate change. This extends previous theorisations of moral and intellectual leadership by detailing how the fossil fuel sector embeds particular technical claims into the climate change debate. Second, we expand knowledge of political strategy to show how corporate discourses aimed at maintaining hegemony are extended through the state as an ideological promoter.
A series of weaknesses in creativity, research design, and quality of writing continue to handicap energy social science. Many studies ask uninteresting research questions, make only marginal contributions, and lack innovative methods or application to theory. Many studies also have no explicit research design, lack rigor, or suffer from mangled structure and poor quality of writing. To help remedy these shortcomings, this Review offers suggestions for how to construct research questions; thoughtfully engage with concepts; state objectives; and appropriately select research methods. Then, the Review offers suggestions for enhancing theoretical, methodological, and empirical novelty. In terms of rigor, codes of practice are presented across seven method categories: experiments, literature reviews, data collection, data analysis, quantitative energy modeling, qualitative analysis, and case studies. We also recommend that researchers beware of hierarchies of evidence utilized in some disciplines, and that researchers place more emphasis on balance and appropriateness in research design. In terms of style, we offer tips regarding macro and microstructure and analysis, as well as coherent writing. Our hope is that this Review will inspire more interesting, robust, multi-method, comparative, interdisciplinary and impactful research that will accelerate the contribution that energy social science can make to both theory and practice.
What does it really mean to be secure? That is the question at the heart of this book.
The decisions we make about energy shape our present and our future. From geopolitical tension to environmental degradation and an increasingly unstable climate, these choices infiltrate the very air we breathe. Energy security politics has direct impact on the continued survival of human life as we know it, and the earth cannot survive if we continue consuming fossil energy at current rates. The low carbon transition is simply not happening fast enough, and change is unlikely without a profound shift in how we approach energy security. But thinking on energy security has failed to keep up with these changing realities. Energy security is primarily considered to be about the availability of reliable and affordable energy supplies—having enough energy—and it remains closely linked to national security.
The Energy Security Paradox looks at contemporary energy security politics in the United States and China: the top two energy consumers and producers. Based on in-depth empirical research, it demonstrates that policies undertaken in the name of energy security make states, the environment, and human beings less secure. To illustrate this, it develops the ‘energy security paradox’ as a framework for understanding the interconnected insecurities produced by current practices. However, it also goes beyond this, examining resistance to current practices to highlight that we can do energy security differently, and this is already beginning to happen. In the process, the volume demonstrates that the meaning and value of security depends on the context. Based on this, The Energy Security Paradox proposes a radical reconsideration of how we approach and practice energy security.
Unconventional oil is frequently presented as the future of petroleum-based energy resources.1 Critics, in contrast, denounce unconventional oil as a major factor of environmental insecurity for local ecosystems, communities and the planet. In particular, they claim that unconventional hydrocarbon sources are frequently associated with deregulation of oil extraction and petroleum commodity chains, have negative environ mental impacts, and increase the number and intensity of energy and environment-related conflicts.
Consideration of language is vital in reframing energy policy as such language is then used in fields such as environment, ecology, sustainability, green economy, and energy security. This study examines the language used to reflect social and political ideas in the deconstruction of power relations between hegemonic and alternative ideas of energy policy. To better understand this critical discourse, Thailand is presented as a case study to examine the various discourses present in the debate of government energy policies from 1987 to 2017, with a particular focus on the following questions: (1) who led and participated in the movements? and (2) how did they determine a strategic discourse that would convey their agenda against the energy policies of different governments? Qualitative discourse analysis was utilized to classify the various themes and the members of the different discourse communities. Digital archives of newspapers were searched for reporting on the backgrounds of these movements; 433 news clippings were found and their utilization of language was analyzed. This article reveals how local community movements and urban middle-class movements legitimized their voice and restructured power relations with the government through the combined ideas of social class, transparency regarding negative impact investigations, energy democracy and justice, and resource nationalism.
In this paper, I examine the place of the Canadian Football League's (CFL) Saskatchewan Roughriders in the Canadian province of Saskatchewan's political history. Drawing on Canadian political economy and affect theory, I argue that political despair has been a defining feature of the Saskatchewan experience, an affective dimension of the province's place in the Canadian political economy. During difficult times, the historically mediocre Roughriders have served as a convenient metaphor-the scrappy underdog. In more recent years, however, a more prosperous Saskatchewan and more successful Roughriders team has led to the emergence of the "Rider Nation," a political identity based on a rejection of this despair. This identity, I argue, has been successfully captured by Premier Brad Wall and his conservative Saskatchewan Party, who have worked to locate themselves as the leaders of the Rider Nation and harbingers of "better times." Ultimately, however, I argue that the Rider Nation is an exclusionary identity, centred solely on the experience of white settler Saskatchewanians while erasing those experiences of Indigenous peoples.
Vladimir Putin’s regime has struggled to restore Russia’s great power status. The discourses that have emerged around Russian energy wealth play a particularly significant role in this struggle and shape Russia’s identity in international relations. These multiple and contradictory understandings of energy resources are encapsulated in the two dominant discourses: the energy superpower and the raw-material appendage discourses. This paper examines these discourses and then demonstrates how they shape Russia’s energy diplomacy toward the European Union (EU).
In the search for environmentally sustainable economic paradigms, the green growth approach has been developed by the EU and economic networks, as part of a wider sustainability discourse. While the EU repeatedly promotes sustainable development in the context of its greened hegemonic economic discourse, its member states’ frustrations regarding the EU's integrative policies have been a breeding ground for counter-hegemonic populism. Such anti-EU and typically right-wing populism promotes national and conventional modes of energy production that is emancipated from foreign providers, science, and EU legislation; and it reveals post-truth tendencies in the sense that it relativizes conventional knowledge as well causation and correlation. In this paper, we seek to uncover the populist and post-truth tendencies within the hegemonic green growth discourse itself. In our paper, we seek to unmask the myth of sustainable energy transformation of the green growth discourse, in terms of a hegemon's engagement University of Twente, Department of Public Adm EU and associated economic networks – with –University of Twente, Department of Public Adm post-truth: we find that post-truth tendencies are not only manifested by counter-hegemonic anti-EU and right-wing populism but is also expressed within the environmental populist expressions of the hegemonic green growth discourse itself.
This paper situates the current political moment in Alberta, Canada, within a broader analysis of the global crisis of fossil capitalism. Alberta’s political economy and ecology are deeply riven by the conflict between its heavy dependence for revenue and employment on the exportation of fossil fuels, on the one hand, and the multiple harms, risks, and forms of opposition to this development model, on the other hand. With the election in May 2015 of a social democratic party, a rare window for change has opened, and much is at stake in the choices and strategies that the new government will adopt. Two potential paths –which parallel what is emerging globally--are becoming clearer: rapid and deep decarbonisation underpinned by an equally deep democratization of citizenship and societal-decision making (ecological democracy), or a “climate capitalist” project to prolong the carbon extractive model.
First World Petro-Politics examines the vital yet understudied case of a first world petro-state facing related social, ecological, and economic crises in the context of recent critical work on fossil capitalism. A wide-ranging and richly documented study of Alberta’s political ecology - the relationship between the province’s political and economic institutions and its natural environment - the volume tackles questions about the nature of the political regime, how it has governed, and where its primary fractures have emerged. Its authors examine Alberta’s neo-liberal environmental regulation, institutional adaptation to petro-state imperatives, social movement organizing, Indigenous responses to extractive development, media framing of issues, and corporate strategies to secure social license to operate. Importantly, they also discuss policy alternatives for political democratization and for a transition to a low-carbon economy. The volume’s conclusions offer a critical examination of petro-state theory, arguing for a comparative and contextual approach to understanding the relationships between dependence on carbon extraction and the nature of political regimes.
With a long history of oil and gas production and potentially significant reserves of unconventional gas, Scotland represents a notable case amid the growing international controversy over unconventional gas development (UGD). This article applies argumentative discourse analysis to the Scottish debate over UGD and identifies several important storylines which have mobilised different discourse coalitions and shaped public opinion as well as policy-making. For now, anti-UGD storylines appear more encompassing and have achieved greater resonance. Of particular interest, however, is the role of the Scottish government as a third discourse coalition. Through a moratorium on all forms of UGD and a cautious ‘evidence-based approach', the government has established a form of discursive dominance and has successfully minimised electoral risks. But its anti-Westminster storyline – created in the run-up to the Scottish independence referendum in 2014 – has undermined the government's pragmatic strategy by invoking Scottish resistance to the UK’s pursuit of shale gas. While the evidence-based approach persists as the preeminent storyline, its interpretation has ‘drifted’ from (1) a modestly reformed planning policy to (2) an exercise in scientific fact-finding combined with a public consultation and, arguably, (3) to a precautionary approach that might lay the foundation for an extended moratorium.
After the Sands sets out a bold strategy using deep conservation and a Canada-first perspective. The goal: to end oil and natural gas exports and ensure that all Canadians get sufficient energy at affordable prices in a carbon-constrained future. The book is in print and available from https://douglas-mcintyre.com/products/9781771621007. It can also be purchased as a second hand book available on line. It is also available in many libraries in Canada.
The Canadian system of protective tariffs has long been known as the National Policy. Professor Underhill describes this designation as a stroke of genius. We gladly bow to the judgment of Professor Underhill, with one proviso, namely, that we may regard this description of the protective system as a stroke of political genius, and not necessarily as genius in the abstract and absolute. No one can doubt the political sagacity of the appeal made to the Canadian electorate in 1878 which claimed for the Conservatives an exclusive proprietary right to the formula for nation building. In retrospect we can readily recognize the contribution of the protective system to the creation of the Canadian nation. We are, nevertheless, by no means able to identify the protective system as the only nation-building instrument of the past century of Canadian history.
Professor Underhill does not, of course, attribute to Sir John A. Macdonald the genius which he finds implicit in the designation of the protective system as the National Policy. This indicates the exercise of proper caution, for it is clear that Macdonald displayed little originality in thus describing the tariff system. Many years ago Professor O. D. Skelton stressed the evolutionary nature of the concept of the National Policy and referred to the term as “a phrase which Rose devised, Hincks stamped with his approval, and Macdonald made current.”
The Canadian government commenced the treaty-making process with the Indigenous peoples of the Athabasca region in 1870, motivated by the Geological Survey of Canada’s reports that petroleum existed in the area. This, in addition to the discovery of gold in the Klondike region, spurred an influx of unregulated settlement and resource extraction in the north. The trajectory of this history has continued to bring the Canadian settler state – and its oil industry stakeholders – into negotiation with indigenous Nations over the Athabasca tar sands. Currently contested is Enbridge Inc.’s Northern Gateway project, which aims to move oil from the Edmonton, Alberta area by way of two massive pipelines covering 1,170km to Kitimat, British Columbia, where it would then be transported to Asia-Pacific markets by super-tankers. This paper examines the widespread criticism of the project from Indigenous and environmental groups, as well as responses to these objections by public/private partnerships between Enbridge, federal and provincial governments and their national security and counter-terrorism forces. It argues that recognising and naming contemporary forms of white settler colonialism, including these types of neoliberal partnerships, is required for new relations to become possible.
Planting trees under a piece-rate wage scheme is widely recognized in Canada as a veritable national “rite of passage” for young,White, middle-class university students and travelers. Canadian artists Sarah Ann Johnson, Lorraine Gilbert, and Althea Thauberger have received popular and critical acclaim for their artistic representations of the “tree planting experience” in Canada. In this article, the authors critically examine tree planting art—and its reception—and argue that it constitutes the most recent incarnation of art that links nature and nationalism together in the Canadian context. Following Catriona Sandilands incisive reflections on nature and nationalism in Canada, it is argued that the artists in question, and their various commentators, enshrine tree planting as an obligatory passage point through which White middle-class subjects can access both the “pioneering” moments of the nation and the promised greener tomorrow of Canada’s future. The connections made by the artists between nature and the nation are by no means innocent, as the authors aim to suggest, but rather, rely on a liberal-individualist account of labor in which the social dynamics of gender, class, and race are erased.
Critical geographers have paid remarkably scant attention to issues of climate change, even less so to forest carbon management policy. Building on geographic debate concerning the ontological production of nature and race, this paper argues that at stake in the climate change debate are not simply questions of energy geopolitics or green production. Also at issue in the climate debate are powerful questions of identity, the national form and race. This paper considers how a particular slice of the climate debate – forest carbon management discourse pertaining to Canada's boreal forest – enacts a political geography of racial difference, one that seeks to accommodate an imagined mode of traditional aboriginal life to the exigencies of global climate change mitigation and, importantly, to a logic of global capital now well into its ecological phase.
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