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Women’s and Men’s Reactions to Receiving Unsolicited Genital Images from Men
The Journal of Sex Research
Abstract
Recently, mounting anecdotal reports – mostly by heterosexual women on Internet-based dating platforms – have drawn attention to the frequency of men sending unsolicited photos of their own genitals (i.e., “dick pics”). While initial research has documented that the sending of unsolicited nude pictures is fairly common, with generally similar underlying motivations for sending solicited and unsolicited images, understanding recipients’ experiences has social-behavioral research, clinical, and potentially legal implications. In a U.S. sample of 2,045 women of all sexual identities and 298 gay/bisexual men, we found that among those who had ever received a “dick pic”, nearly all (91%) had also received an unsolicited “dick pic.” Women of all sexual identities predominantly experienced negative responses to these unsolicited nude images, with only a minority selecting any positive or neutral/ambivalent reactions. Additionally, women who experienced more unsolicited advances from men in the last year were more likely to select multiple negative reactions, and younger (vs. older) women selected more negative and neutral/ambivalent responses. Conversely, gay and bisexual men responded positively, with few choosing any negative or neutral/ambivalent responses. Findings highlight gendered dynamics of unsolicited sexting and misaligned reactions to male senders, raising questions about sexual harassment in the digital age.
... To date, research into cyberflashing has predominantly attempted to quantify prevalence; Marcotte et al. (2021) highlight anecdotal reports regarding the frequency with which heterosexual women using online dating platforms receive such images, along with the increase in media attention paid to the phenomenon. Reported rates of receiving dick pics varies between 41-76% across samples: 76% of a sample of girls aged 12 to 18 (Ringrose et al., 2022); more than 50% of a sample of college students (Drouin & Landgraff, 2012); half of the women surveyed by Klettke et al. (2019); 41% of 2,121 women surveyed in the UK (Smith, 2018); 41% of women aged between 18 and 36 years (Thompson, 2019); 45% of women and 70% of gay or bisexual men in a study of single adults in America (Marcotte et al., 2021). ...
... To date, research into cyberflashing has predominantly attempted to quantify prevalence; Marcotte et al. (2021) highlight anecdotal reports regarding the frequency with which heterosexual women using online dating platforms receive such images, along with the increase in media attention paid to the phenomenon. Reported rates of receiving dick pics varies between 41-76% across samples: 76% of a sample of girls aged 12 to 18 (Ringrose et al., 2022); more than 50% of a sample of college students (Drouin & Landgraff, 2012); half of the women surveyed by Klettke et al. (2019); 41% of 2,121 women surveyed in the UK (Smith, 2018); 41% of women aged between 18 and 36 years (Thompson, 2019); 45% of women and 70% of gay or bisexual men in a study of single adults in America (Marcotte et al., 2021). In one survey, 83% of women aged between 18 and 29 described online harassment, including cyberflashing, as a 'major problem' (Freeman, 2020). ...
... It has been suggested that senders of dick pics enjoy making their victims uncomfortable (Karasavva et al., 2023). Studies have described negative reactions to cyberflashing among women (Karasavva et al., 2022;Amundsen, 2021), who typically feel repulsion or embarrassment (Mandau, 2020), disrespected or violated (Marcotte et al., 2021) or vulnerable (Gallagher, 2019); one woman reported 'I felt frightened, ashamed, confused and just pushed it to the back of my mind. It is only now I realise it's not ok and just hope that man did not go on to hurt someone' (Gallagher, 2019). ...
We explore cyberflashing through the lens of Lacanian psychoanalysis, including such notions as anxiety, the gaze, Law, castration and disavowal. Many instances of cyberflashing qualify as a perverse act, an act which is driven by anxiety, and which involves inducing anxiety or jouissance (libidinal enjoyment) in another. Our account helps explain the repetitive nature of such acts in the face of negative reactions and despite their frequent failure to achieve what might be seen to be their more immediate aim (that of arousing the recipient of the message and encouraging them to have sex with the sender).
... For example, Oswald and colleagues (2020) found that 48% of men in their sample indicated they had sent an unsolicited sext in the past, and additional research revealed that around 50% of adults reported receiving unsolicited sexts (Valiukas et al., 2019;Marcotte et al., 2020 Despite their rather common occurrence, unsolicited sexts are far more often viewed as inappropriate compared to solicited sexts (Matthews et al., 2018). Many recipients of unsolicited sexts report feeling uncomfortable, disgusted, violated, and unsafe (e.g., Amundsen, 2021;Mandau, 2020;Marcotte et al., 2021), and receiving unsolicited sexts has been associated with feelings of anxiety and depression . It is not surprising, then, that unsolicited sexting is often described as a sexual intrusion (Mandau, 2020;McGlynn & Johnson, 2020), a form of sexual harassment (Oswald et al., 2019;Vitis & Gilmour, 2016), or as a form of image-based sexual abuse (Karasavva et al., 2023). ...
... It is noteworthy, however, that not all instances of unsolicited sexting are necessarily unwanted or intrusive. For example, Marcotte et al. (2021) found that some individuals felt aroused, curious, entertained, or flattered in reaction to receiving an unsolicited sext. ...
... Almost all scholars posit that unsolicited sexts are predominantly sent by men (e.g., Mandau, 2020;Karasavva et al., 2023), which is often explained by men's previously discussed propensity to be more sexually assertive compared to women (Fetterolf & Sanchez, 2015). While most empirical research supports this gendered perspective (March & Wagstaff, 2017), it is important to point out that in many studies, unsolicited sexting is operationalized as 'sending a dick pic' (e.g., Marcotte et al., 2021;Waling & Pym, 2019), implicitly cutting out (the possibility of) female senders. That women also send unsolicited sexts becomes clear from the study by Courtice and colleagues (2021), who found no differences between men and women in unsolicited sexting behaviours. ...
In today’s digital age, the pervasive presence of digital technology (e.g., mobile devices, social media platforms) has profoundly impacted our social lives. These technologies offer many opportunities for the initiation, maintenance, and even the dissolution of romantic relationships, but also introduce challenges. It has become increasingly complex to navigate the intricacies and vulnerabilities inherent to (building) romantic connections in online settings. As a consequence, hurtful experiences may lie in wait. This dissertation provides a thorough exploration of recent research findings, including my own, on various forms of harmful technology use that may occur in adults’ romantic relationships. Specifically, this dissertation focuses on six distinct phenomena: harmful sexting, catfishing, partner phubbing, electronic partner surveillance, online infidelity, and ghosting. Drawing from prior research findings as well as my own, each phenomenon is examined through the lens of (1) its conceptualization, (2) the characteristics of individuals involved in the behaviour, and (3) the underlying mechanisms and motivations driving these harmful technology practices.
... Though research on unsolicited genital images tends to focus on dick pics, and therefore on men as senders (and women as receivers) of such images, additional work suggests a high degree of victim-perpetrator overlap in the sending of unsolicited images (Sparks et al., 2023) and explores women as senders and their motivations (see Karasavva et al., 2022Karasavva et al., , 2023. Some other work also explores receipt of unsolicited genital images among gay men, these dynamics seem strikingly different; existing work suggests gay men conceive of unsolicited genital images in largely positive terms (Marcotte et al., 2021;Paasonen et al., 2019;Tziallas, 2015). Contrarily, women report feelings of distress and fear of further harm associated with such experiences (see Bailey & Burkell, 2021). ...
... Despite the recent proliferation of work on unsolicited genital images specifically (e.g., Amundsen, 2020;Marcotte et al., 2021;Paasonen et al., 2019;Waling & Pym, 2017), few studies examine this form of harassment as it relates to women's diverse subjectivities. Notably, Marcotte et al. (2021) examined reactions to receiving unsolicited genital images among women of diverse sexual orientations, but found few differences between sexual minority and heterosexual women, who nearly uniformly reported negative reactions to receiving unsolicited dick pics. ...
... Despite the recent proliferation of work on unsolicited genital images specifically (e.g., Amundsen, 2020;Marcotte et al., 2021;Paasonen et al., 2019;Waling & Pym, 2017), few studies examine this form of harassment as it relates to women's diverse subjectivities. Notably, Marcotte et al. (2021) examined reactions to receiving unsolicited genital images among women of diverse sexual orientations, but found few differences between sexual minority and heterosexual women, who nearly uniformly reported negative reactions to receiving unsolicited dick pics. ...
Introduction
Existing research on technology-facilitated sexualized violence (TFSV) and unsolicited genital images in particular tends to focus on gender as an analytic category, including examining differences in experiences between men and women or focusing on women as a group. We examined heterogeneity among women in risk of receiving unsolicited genital images, as well as in responses and reactions to such images.
Methods
Through a TFSV- and intersectional-informed lens, we developed and piloted a measure to better assess women’s experiences with receiving unsolicited genital images (Study 1; N = 96) and then used this measure to examine heterogeneity in women’s experiences with regard to race, sexual orientation, age, and feminist identity (Study 2; N = 1245). Across both studies, data was collected between January 2019 and September 2020.
Results
We found that women’s risk of being subject to unsolicited genital images varied depending on individual characteristics, with risk heightened for younger women, White women with less salient feminist identities, and women higher in erotophilia. Using a data-driven approach, we created and compared clusters of women to examine heterogeneity in reactions and responses; these clusters highlighted how sexual orientation- and race-based disparities are reinscribed through image-based sexual violence.
Conclusions
We interpret our findings as being in conversation with additional work on the need for a more intersectional approach to TFSV which situates this form of violence in broader discourses surrounding sexism, racism, heterosexism, and other forms of oppression.
Policy Implications
We hope that our work can stimulate ongoing organizational and policy change to intervene upon the sending of unsolicited genital images and ensure that this form of TFSV is not trivialized.
... However, sexting can also include non-consensual acts, such as pressuring someone to send sexts, distributing sexual pictures without the consent of the people depicted, or sending someone unsolicited sexual images. An unsolicited sexual image is a picture that contains sexual elements and that is sent to someone who did not ask for it (Fisico, 2021;Marcotte et al., 2020). Such pictures lack prior approval or consent from the recipient and thus the act of sending them may be considered a form of image-based sexual abuse (Hayes & Dragiewicz, 2018;Marcotte et al., 2020;Mishna et al., 2023;Oswald et al., 2020;Ringrose et al., 2021a). ...
... An unsolicited sexual image is a picture that contains sexual elements and that is sent to someone who did not ask for it (Fisico, 2021;Marcotte et al., 2020). Such pictures lack prior approval or consent from the recipient and thus the act of sending them may be considered a form of image-based sexual abuse (Hayes & Dragiewicz, 2018;Marcotte et al., 2020;Mishna et al., 2023;Oswald et al., 2020;Ringrose et al., 2021a). Unsolicited sexual pictures may be perceived as intrusive by those who receive them, causing feelings of discomfort and loss of control as the receiver is forcefully exposed to sexual pictures that they did not ask for (Amundsen, 2021;Fisico, 2021;Mandau, 2020;Marcotte et al., 2020). ...
... Such pictures lack prior approval or consent from the recipient and thus the act of sending them may be considered a form of image-based sexual abuse (Hayes & Dragiewicz, 2018;Marcotte et al., 2020;Mishna et al., 2023;Oswald et al., 2020;Ringrose et al., 2021a). Unsolicited sexual pictures may be perceived as intrusive by those who receive them, causing feelings of discomfort and loss of control as the receiver is forcefully exposed to sexual pictures that they did not ask for (Amundsen, 2021;Fisico, 2021;Mandau, 2020;Marcotte et al., 2020). This violates their control of the contents they want to see and their right to make free choices, which is a type of violation specific to sexual violence (Marcotte et al., 2020). ...
This study investigated the prevalence of receiving sexts among adolescents and its relationship with depressive symptoms and self-esteem. A survey was administered to 728 high school students in Sweden in 2019 and 2020 (50.4% girls and 46.4% boys) using a cross-sectional design. Findings showed that significantly more boys (28.4%) than girls (12.6%) reported having happily received a sexual picture, while significantly more girls (48.8%) than boys (s.2%) reported having received an unwanted sexual picture at least once in their life. Happily receiving a sexual picture was not related to any of the investigated mental health correlates among girls, whereas it was positively associated with depressive symptoms among boys. Receiving an unsolicited sexual picture was associated with higher depressive symptoms and lower self-esteem for both boys and girls. This work offers a novel approach to studying the reception of sexual images by teenagers Practical implications of the present findings are discussed.
... For instance, individuals who are cyberflashed often describe feeling scared, violated, embarrassed, uncomfortable and lacking control (Amundsen, 2021;Mandau, 2020;Mishna et al., 2021;Waling & Pym, 2019). Moreover, recent surveys also found that women who are cyberflashed typically report having mostly negative reactions, including feeling disgusted and violated when receiving an unsolicited nude or sexual image (Karasavva et al., 2022a;Marcotte et al., 2021;Salerno-Ferraro et al., 2021). Conversely, men who are cyberflashed often report having positive or flirty reactions to receiving unsolicited nude or sexual images (Karasavva et al., 2022a;Marcotte et al., 2021;Tziallas, 2015). ...
... Moreover, recent surveys also found that women who are cyberflashed typically report having mostly negative reactions, including feeling disgusted and violated when receiving an unsolicited nude or sexual image (Karasavva et al., 2022a;Marcotte et al., 2021;Salerno-Ferraro et al., 2021). Conversely, men who are cyberflashed often report having positive or flirty reactions to receiving unsolicited nude or sexual images (Karasavva et al., 2022a;Marcotte et al., 2021;Tziallas, 2015). Therefore, there appears to be a mismatch between the reactions of men and women who are cyberflashed. ...
... Taken together, it is likely that cyberflashers who have partner hunting or a transactional mindset as their primary reasons for sending nude or unsolicited sexual images may also expect an affirming response from the receiver. Previous work suggests that men typically have more positive reactions to being cyberflashed (Marcotte et al., 2021), and that women typically expect a flirty or positive reaction when cyberflashing (Karasavva et al., 2022a). One possible explanation of this gender effect is that it could be an expression of sexual scripts that uphold heteronormativity and hegemonic masculinity. ...
... According to Freeman (2020), one of the most harmful behaviors of gender-based violence against women perpetrated through digital channels is sexual cyberviolence. There is evidence that individuals of all sexual orientations experience sexual cyberviolence (Marcotte et al., 2020). However, empirical studies conducted so far agree that women most likely to be victims of this type of violence facilitated by digital technologies and men are most likely to be the perpetrators using control and domination over women using technology (Dunn, 2020;Harris, 2020;Harris & Woodlock, 2019). ...
... However, empirical studies conducted so far agree that women most likely to be victims of this type of violence facilitated by digital technologies and men are most likely to be the perpetrators using control and domination over women using technology (Dunn, 2020;Harris, 2020;Harris & Woodlock, 2019). As a result, women experience negative responses or feelings (Marcotte et al., 2020) and severe consequences for their mental health , such as lower self-esteem, higher anxiety and depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and suicide (Fernet et al., 2019;Klettke et al., 2019). Research on sexual cyberviolence against women facilitated by digital technology is limited and therefore, the current study focused on this phenomenon. ...
... Currently, the most common forms are the phenomenon known as "revenge porn", or non-consensual distribution of intimate images, usually by an ex-partner (Walker & Sleath, 2017, for a review); "deepfake pornography", or the dissemination of images of the victim that have been edited by superimposing her face on the body of a porn actress (Albahar et al., 2019); and the dick pic phenomenon (Amundsen, 2021;Marcotte et al., 2020). The dick pic phenomenon is currently attracting the attention of scientists and the media due to its increasing prevalence in the population. ...
The sending of sexually explicit images by men to women without prior request, a practice commonly referred to as sending or receiving a “dick pic,” is a fairly common manifestation of sexual cyber-violence that has grown in recent times. As research on this type of sexual cyber-violence is limited, the current study analyzed the prevalence of this phenomenon in a sample of 347 Spanish women between 18 and 30 years of age, studying the factors that influence the emotional impact reported by women if they received an unsolicited dick pic (using a hypothetical scenario) and exploring the various coping strategies that women would use in that situation. Results showed a significant prevalence of this type of cyber-violence in the sample, as 48.1% of the participants had received an unsolicited dick pic from an unknown man at some point. Women with lower levels of hostile sexism—but not of benevolent sexism—reported a higher depressed and angry/annoyed emotional impact of the sexual cyber-violence scenario. This was also the case for women with a less conservative political ideology, with less religious beliefs, as well as those women who perceived that their female friends receive this type of images frequently (descriptive norm) and who perceived that their female friends are less accepting of these situations (injunctive norm). In addition, from the strategies presented to the participants to cope with this situation of sexual cyber-violence, it was observed that a significant percentage of women would choose strategies, such as talking about the incident with other people and blocking the sender’s access. Yet, fewer women would employ effective strategies, such as reporting the perpetrator’s profile to the managers or administrators of the social network or reporting the incident to the police. This study is one of the first studies in Spain that addresses this new form of sexual cyber-violence against women by unknown men and suggests that, in online social networks, women experience the same situations of abuse, harassment, and sexual objectification that they have faced offline in everyday life. Therefore, more work needs to be done to raise awareness and try to prevent these situations, while also providing more support to these women so that they can adopt effective coping strategies.
... Moreover, lifetime prevalence of any form of intimate partner violence (IPV) in a sample of current Grindr users was 37.7 %, with 24 % reporting being a victim of emotional IPV, 11.4 % sexual IPV, 10.3 % physical IPV, 9.7 % intimidation IPV, 5.1 % isolation IPV, and 4.6 % financial IPV (Duncan et al., 2018). Other studies reveal high rates of unsolicited nude self-image receipt and distribution; Marcotte et al. (2021), in their survey of women and gay/bisexual men, found that 53.3 % of participants had ever received a picture of a man's genitalia, or "dick pic," and of these, 90 % had ever received one without asking or approving. Nearly one in two (48 %) heterosexual men in Oswald et al.'s (2020) study indicated having previously sent unsolicited dick pics. ...
... Hence, as several authors (Mandau, 2019;Marcotte et al., 2021;Oswald et al., 2020) suggest, to ask why men persist in making such intrusive gestures when their chances of meeting intimate partners in this manner are so remote is to wrongly assume that the extrinsic goal of "hooking up" is the only motivating factor and, by extension, that consent violations are always unintentional. While there is likely to be some contingent of men who are well-meaning but may over or misperceive women's sexual interest, another portion are not worried about negative reactions because the act of violating consent in and of itself may serve them sexually or otherwise. ...
... While there is likely to be some contingent of men who are well-meaning but may over or misperceive women's sexual interest, another portion are not worried about negative reactions because the act of violating consent in and of itself may serve them sexually or otherwise. Specifically, it has been argued that the exercise of power through unsolicited sending of dick pics can serve to ritualistically (re)affirm masculine gender identity and bolster homosocial relations, which are intrinsically rewarding (Mandau, 2019;Marcotte et al., 2021). Hayes and Dragiewicz (2018) similarly posit that sexually abusive online behaviours, including sending of unsolicited dick pics, are expressions of aggrieved entitlementanger that men experience when they are deprived of patriarchal privileges they feel owed (Kimmel, 2013). ...
Online dating websites and apps offer an array of conveniences that have captivated those looking to form new relationships. However, as these platforms have grown in popularity, companies have had to grapple with their potential to act as catalysts for sexual violence and abuse both on and offline. In light of increasing anecdotal, popular media, and law enforcement reports, there is growing academic interest in online dating as a specific avenue of technology-facilitated sexual violence, with its own potential contextual drivers and safeguards. Using a scoping review methodology, the authors map this emerging literature's contours, characterize its theoretical, methodological, and empirical contents, and identify lacunae and opportunities for future research. Areas addressed in the current literature include the prevalence of digital sexual harassment and abuse, individual differences in victimization and perpetration, mechanisms by which online dating technologies facilitate or impede sexual violence, and responses from industry, policymakers, and the general public. Among other gaps, there is need for additional longitudinal and experimental research, qualitative analyses of online dating technologies' digital architectures, and investigation into the psychological and social sequelae of online dating violence.
... While the concept of image-based sexual abuse tends to concentrate on the non-consensual sharing of intimate images (Hayes and Dragiewicz, 2018), I would argue that young women who receive unsolicited 'dick pics' (DPs), which are self-taken pictures of penises sent by men via digital devices (Mandau, 2020), falls within the realm of image-based sexual abuse. Thus, the distinction between wanted and unsolicited DPs is therefore important, not only in terms of research specificity, but also as it relates to policy and educational interventions (Marcotte et al, 2020). To open this discussion, the next few sections will outline how young women live their sexual lives within the constraints of a patriarchal society. ...
... Given the high rates of negative responses to receiving unsolicited DPs, Marcotte et al (2020) suggest that they are likely to be used as a mechanism to exert power. Lack of control is paramount to sexual harassment. ...
... Lack of control is paramount to sexual harassment. By denying women the ability to consent to whether and indeed when they wish to receive a DP, an unsolicited DP reminds women that they lack authority, the right to privacy (Marcotte et al, 2020;8) and reinforce the scant sense of sexual safety women experience online (Paasonen et al, 2019). The social construction of heterosexual masculinity facilitates the conditions which create a context in which sexual violence is normalised. ...
The internet has facilitated and exacerbated men’s intrusions through the ability to send unsolicited ‘dick pics’ (DPs) to women. To understand how young women negotiate the gendered context in which they live their digital sexual lives, the research reported here sought to explore how school-aged young women in Aotearoa New Zealand made sense of unsolicited DPs. Unsolicited DPs were strongly differentiated from wanted images, in terms of consent to receive, when/how they were received and the content of unsolicited images versus wanted images. These young women often used humour as a distancing tool, a conscious and sub-conscious form of safety work to protect themselves from men’s normalised intrusions into their lives. While unsolicited DPs were often portrayed and accepted as a joke, the impact on women was minimised yet their safety work increased. The ubiquitous, ‘always on’ nature of the internet alongside the blurring of on/offline boundaries ensured this safety work became all-encompassing as young women endured additional emotional labour to avoid being targeted or violated. It is only through conceptualising unsolicited DPs as an image-based sexual abuse that we can challenge it.
... Another form of sexting behavior is unsolicited sexting. Unsolicited sexting refers to the sending of sexually explicit images, messages, or videos through an electronic device or platform without the consent of the recipient (Marcotte et al., 2021;Oswald et al., 2019). Unsolicited sexting, specifically, is conceptualized as a sexual risk-taking behavior and as a form sexual aggression (Henry & Powell, 2015;Krieger, 2017). ...
... Unsolicited sexting, specifically, is conceptualized as a sexual risk-taking behavior and as a form sexual aggression (Henry & Powell, 2015;Krieger, 2017). Sending unsolicited sexts is a prevalent behavior among men with 48% of men reporting having sent an unsolicited sext (Oswald et al., 2019) and 48%-90% of women reporting receiving an unsolicited sext (Klettke et al., 2019;Marcotte et al., 2021). ...
... Understanding risk factors for unsolicited sexting to inform intervention is imperative given the negative consequences recipients of unsolicited sexts experience including depression symptoms, anxiety symptoms, lower self-esteem, and psychological distress (Klettke et al., 2019;Marcotte et al., 2021;Valiukas et al., 2019). Furthermore, prior research suggests other problematic sexting behaviors, such as coercing someone to send a text, is associated with in-person violent behaviors including physical, psychological, and sexual aggression (Noorishad & Trottier, 2022;Ross et al., 2019). ...
Compulsive sexual behaviors (CSB; i.e., recurrent, excessive, and impairing sexual thoughts and behaviors) is prevalent among populations affected by substance use disorder (SUD) and was linked to harmful sexual behaviors. However, less is known about the association between CSB and potentially harmful sexual behaviors that occur in digital contexts (e.g., unsolicited sexting defined as sending sexually-explicit images or messages without the recipient's permission). The present study reviewed medical records for 253 men in residential treatment for SUD to examine the association between CSB and unsolicited sexting and the moderating effect of negative urgency (i.e., the tendency to act impulsively when negative affect is high) on this association. We conducted hierarchical multiple regression analyses using PROCESS. Results revealed a significant positive association between CSB and unsolicited sexting among men who endorsed high and average, but not low, levels of negative urgency. These results suggest that negative urgency may serve as a point of intervention in the relationship between CSB and unsolicited sexting among male residential SUD patients.
... Moreover, cyberflashing does not seem to affect only adults, as in a sample of girls aged between 12 and 18, 76% reported they had been sent an unsolicited nude image (Ringrose, 2020). Finally, in a sample of 298 non-heterosexual men, 80.5% of the participants reported having received an unsolicited genital image from another man (Marcotte et al., 2020). When examining reported rates of men sending "dick pics", rates between 5% and 48% have been found (Oswald et al., 2019;Smith, 2018). ...
... Additionally, women also discussed how unsolicited images of male genitals are intrusive, forced them to view something they did not want to, and took away their right to consent (Amundsen, 2021;Mandau, 2019). Similarly, in a recent quantitative study, women of all sexual identities were found to have mostly negative reactions to unsolicited dick pics, especially if they had experienced multiple unsolicited advances by men in the previous year (Marcotte et al., 2020). However, unsolicited nude or sexual images may not always be unwanted. ...
... However, unsolicited nude or sexual images may not always be unwanted. For example, men who are attracted to men, have been shown to have mostly positive reactions to being cyberflashed (Marcotte et al., 2020;Tziallas, 2015). ...
Most of the research on cyberflashing (i.e., using technology to send someone a nude or sexual image without their consent) has focused on cisgender men sharing pictures of their genitals (i.e., “dick pics”). Within this, what is known about the expectations and reactions to cyberflashing is also limited. Here, we examine the cyberflashing practices, expectations, and reactions of both men and women. Participants in our study (n = 810, 41.8% cyberflashers; 68.0% had been cyberflashed) reported how they expected those receiving their unsolicited sexual images would feel and how they feel when they receive such an image. Women cyberflashers were more likely to endorse expecting a flirty or positive reaction from the receiver and were more likely to report having an ambivalent or negative reaction when cyberflashed. Conversely, men cyberflashers were more likely to expect a negative reaction from the receiver but reported having a flirty or positive reaction when cyberflashed. Finally, we found that expecting a flirty or positive reaction and not expecting a negative reaction were predictive of cyberflashing. Findings highlight the mismatch between the expectations and actual reactions of cyberflashing and underscore the importance of consent education for online sexual interactions.
... MSM dating app users are more than twice as likely as the general population to experience image-based sexual abuse (Waldman, 2019), and about one in three MSM has experienced unwanted sexual behavior online in the past 12 months (Jaffray, 2020). MSM's concerns about TFSV and the high rates of TFSV against them underscore the importance of understanding how MSM navigate issues of consent as they encounter unsolicited DPs on dating apps, particularly since about one in ten MSM feels disrespected or violated by such images (Marcotte et al., 2020). ...
... In contrast, MSM mostly report positive responses to receiving unsolicited DPs, describing them as arousing, flattering, and exciting (Marcotte et al., 2020;Tziallas, 2015). And unlike women who lack an equivalent to unsolicited DPs that they can use to fight back against sexual harassment (Oswald et al., 2020;Vitis & Gilmour, 2017), MSM can reply to unsolicited DPs with images of their own (Waling & Pym, 2017), thereby mitigating some of their power. ...
... Stereotypes about male sexuality (e.g., Snell et al., 1988) may also impact MSM's consent practices, as research has shown that MSM feel pressured to engage in sexual activities, even when they feel ambivalent or uninterested (McKie, 2015;Sweeney, 2014;Beres et al., 2014). However, it is important to recall that many MSM enjoy receiving unsolicited DPs (Marcotte et al., 2020;Tziallas, 2015) and that MSM engage in a variety of socio-sexual interactions that blur the lines between platonic and sexual (Byron et al., 2021;Race, 2015). In the case of unsolicited DPs, MSM's online interactions may complicate and obfuscate their consent practices, while also trivializing and perpetuating TFSV. ...
The unsolicited “dick pic” (DP), which refers to a photo of a penis that is sent without the consent of the recipient, has been identified as a form of technology-facilitated sexual violence (Powell & Henry, 2017). While men who have sex with men (MSM) experience elevated rates of technology-facilitated sexual violence, much of the research has focused on interactions between heterosexual men and women. This study investigated the experiences that MSM have with sending and receiving unsolicited DPs on dating apps. Analysis of interviews with 25 MSM dating app users in Canada revealed three “dimensions” of unsolicited DPs—consensual, wanted, and typical—that capture users’ experiences of receiving such images relative to consent and sexual violence frameworks. Seven factors, including the attractiveness of the sender and the DP, had an impact on MSM’s experiences. Unsolicited DPs were found to be sent for a variety of reasons, including to compliment the recipient and to coerce them into replying with sexual images. It is argued that MSM have trivialized unsolicited DPs and that these images are, according to current definitions, a form of technology-facilitated sexual violence that MSM experience on dating apps. However, there were variations in participants’ experiences and some participants did not characterize unsolicited DPs as problematic or non-consensual, which challenges the notion that MSM always experience these images as sexually violent. These findings shed light on the complexities of unsolicited DPs and indicate the need to (re)examine definitions of technology-facilitated violence and explore MSM’s consent practices within the context of dating apps.
... For instance, results from a nationally representative sample of US adults (N = 4248) showed that 30% of males and 32% of females said that they had received an unsolicited explicit image [39]. Also, in a study conducted with US adults (N = 2343, 18-90 years old) within the subsample of women (heterosexual and nonheterosexual) and men (nonheterosexual) who had reported receiving a DP, 90% stated that they had received an unsolicited DP [40]. ...
... These feelings were also expressed in interviews with younger women (i.e., 17-20 years), with participants voicing that they felt unsolicited DPs are invasive [50]. This negative sentiment toward unsolicited DPs was also communicated quantitatively, whereby most women of varying sexual orientations endorsed negative reactions (e.g., "grossed out") to receiving unsolicited DPs [40]. In relation to women's responses to USIs, young men have reported a disregard for women's expressed lack of interest and adverse reactions to DPs, viewing it as not authentic. ...
... In contrast to these reported negative reactions, some studies suggest that not everyone experiences unsolicited sexual images (USIs) negatively. When surveyed, the majority of gay and bisexual men endorsed more positive reactions (e.g., "entertained") to receiving USIs [40]. In addition, another study found that when evaluating a vignette situation, participants deemed a woman sending a USI as more appropriate than a man sending a USI [51]. ...
Purpose of Review
This review examines the literature on technology-facilitated sexual violence (TFSV). The prevalence, perpetrators, harms, and victims of a selection of types of TFSV are covered. Particularly, the topics of image-based sexual abuse, video voyeurism, sending of unsolicited sexual images, and the use of technology to facilitate in-person sexual violence are discussed.
Recent Findings
The literature suggests that the types of TFSV discussed are prevalent and the impacts far-reaching. There is emerging evidence outlining the characteristics associated with and motivations behind these acts of TFSV. The impacts of TFSV victimization can be diverse and damaging. Many questions about TFSV are unanswered, highlighting the need for more empirical investigations.
Summary
Technology can be used to facilitate sexual violence through several means. It is clear that there is the potential for the impact on victims to be extensive; thus, it is critical that more work be done to understand the extent and nature of TFSV and the individuals who perpetrate this type of violence.
... In recent literature reviews, Krieger (2017) noted that only 28.1% of articles explicitly included non-consensual acts in researcher's operational definitions of sexting; Walker and Sleath (2017) identified only 18 empirical papers that examined the prevalence of non-consensual sharing of TMSIs. More recent research findings suggest that around 50% of adults reported receiving an unsolicited sexual message/image or genital image (Valiukas et al., 2019;Marcotte et al., 2020) and slightly fewer reported sending one (Oswald et al., 2019). In their literature review, Walker and Sleath (2017) found that between 1.1 and 6.3% of adult participants reported being the victim of non-consensual sharing (having a TMSI that one sent shared by someone else without the sender's consent), and between 1.4 and 16.3% reported sharing a TMSI they received from someone else without the sender's consent. ...
... We found that the majority (68.5%) of our sample reported at least one experience with a compliant or non-consensual TMSI. Furthermore, research on compliant and non-consensual TMSI is almost always focused on only one or two behaviors (e.g., non-consensual sharing of TMSIs or receiving unsolicited sexual messages; Marcotte et al., 2020;Mori et al., 2020) or one relationship context (e.g., compliance in committed romantic relationships; Drouin and Tobin, 2014). In asking about many two-way (compliance) and one-way (non-consensual) experiences, we learned that many people have multiple experiences. ...
... Similarly, we found that more men than women reported sending non-consensual TMSIs to strangers. These findings are consistent with researcher's focus on men sending and women receiving "unsolicited dick pics" (Marcotte et al., 2020), and the script that directs men to pursue sexual activity in multiple relationship contexts. We also found that women and men's reported prevalence of sending and receiving was discordant in the known non-partner and stranger contexts. ...
Technology-mediated sexual interaction (TMSI) refers to any partnered interaction that involves sending or receiving self-created, sexually explicit content using communication technology (e. g., sexting, cybersex). Most research on TMSI assumes that experiences are desired and consensual. However, it is likely that some people do not desire all their TMSI experiences but consent to them anyways (compliance), or experience non-consensual TMSIs. People also engage in TMSIs with different types of partners. According to the traditional sexual script (TSS), other-gender attracted women and men's non-consensual TMSI experiences should differ overall and depending on the relationship context of the experience. The goal of this study was to examine the role of sexual scripts in other-gender attracted women and men's non-consensual and compliant TMSI experiences with committed romantic partners (CRPs), known non-partners (KNPs), and strangers (Ss). Women (n = 331) and men (n = 120) completed an online survey with questions about lifetime prevalence of experiencing seven types of compliant and non-consensual TMSIs in each relationship context. Results of mixed ANOVAs revealed significant interactions: overall, more participants reported compliant TMSI with CRPs. More women than men had received a non-consensual TMSI from someone they were not in a committed relationship with, and more men than women reported sending non-consensual TMSIs to a stranger. Tests of unpaired proportions suggested that the prevalence of sending and receiving non-consensual TMSIs was discordant in the KNP and S contexts: both women and men received more non-consensual TMSIs from KNPs and Ss than the other-gender reported sending. Our findings suggest that gendered sexual scripts are evident in some, but not all, aspect of other-gender attracted women and men's compliant and non-consensual TMSI experiences.
... Additionally, these studies allow clinicians to identify factors associated with developing harmful attitudes or behaviors, thereby informing potential interventions. Examples of such harmful responses include objectification of women (Peter & Valkenburg, 2009), sexual aggression (de Heer et al., 2020), or sexual harassment in the form of unsolicited and non-consensual sexts (Marcotte et al., 2020). ...
... Gender consistently emerges as one of the most robust correlates of both online pornography consumption and sexting. Men are the predominant consumers of online pornography and the predominant senders of sexts, including nude photos or "dick pics" (Marcotte et al., 2020;Matthews et al., 2018). For example, a recent study in Australia revealed 84% of men had viewed internet pornography, compared to 54% of women (Rissel et al., 2017). ...
Social technology is ever-evolving, and increasingly offers novel domains for sexual experiences. In the current study, we investigated demographic correlates of engagement with emerging forms of sextech, defined here as internet-based applications, platforms, or devices used for sexual pleasure. Our web-based, demographically representative sample included 7,512 American adults aged 18-65 years, with a near-even gender split of men/women and moderate racial diversity (63% White). Participants indicated their engagement with eight forms of sextech, including six emerging forms of sexual technology (visiting erotic camming sites, participating in camming streams, teledildonic use, accessing virtual reality pornography, playing sexually explicit video games, and sexual messaging with chatbots or artificially intelligent entities) as well as two more common domains (online pornography and sexting). Participants who were younger, were men, had higher income, and were sexual minorities reported more frequent engagement with all forms of sextech assessed. Unlike prior work on pornography, religious individuals were more likely to engage with emerging sextech. Beyond online pornography (50%) and sexting (29%), visiting camming sites (18%) and playing sexually explicit video games (13%) were relatively common. Findings may contribute to the destigmatization of sextech engagement and forecast future norms in technologically-facilitated sexual behavior.
... Due to the negative feelings this behavior generates, especially among women, who are the primary recipients, unsolicited "dick pics" have been recognized as a form of sexual harassment [35]. Interestingly, the reception of unsolicited DPs is generally more positive when the recipient is a gay man [36,37]. To illustrate the prevalence of this phenomenon, data from Smith [38] shows that over half of women aged 18-24 have received a DP, with 47% of these being unsolicited. ...
Introduction and Objective: Exhibitionism is a paraphilic behavior characterized by a persistent or recurrent tendency to expose one’s genitalia to strangers, typically without the intention of further interaction. The aim of this publication is to discuss various aspects of exhibitionism based on the latest literature. Review Methods: A search was conducted in the PubMed database to identify scientific articles containing the term “exhibitionism” in their title, abstract, or keywords. The search focused on articles published between 2014 and 2024, with an emphasis on studies exploring the etiology, prevalence, and treatment of exhibitionism.Brief Description of the State of Knowledge: While often linked to sexual excitement and followed by masturbation, exibitionism is more commonly observed in men. Research highlights several potential risk factors for exhibitionistic disorder, including childhood sexual or emotional abuse, hypersexuality, and sexual preoccupation. Neurobiological, cognitive, and social mechanisms are believed to underlie the development of these tendencies. Treatment of exhibitionistic disorder primarily involves cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT). Pharmacological approaches are also employed to manage symptoms by modulating serotonergic transmission. Summary: Although relatively uncommon, exhibitionistic disorder has significant implications for individuals and society, underscoring the need for improved awareness, accurate prevalence estimates, and expanded access to effective treatment interventions. Further investigation into the true prevalence of exhibitionistic disorder is warranted, as current estimates may be imprecise.
... Though some evidence suggests men experience comparable levels of NCSII to women [13], IBSHA more broadly is typically considered a gendered crime [14,15], wherein victims experience social (e.g., relationship breakdowns, reputational damage; [16]) and professional (e.g., employment termination; [17]) consequences in addition to increased depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation [3,18]. Victims of USII report experiencing anger and disrespect [19,20]. ...
An emerging corpus exists pertaining to societal judgements of image-based sexual harassment and abuse (IBSHA). This type of research centres on the non-consensual sharing of intimate images (NCSII; sometimes called ‘revenge pornography’), but recent legislative developments seeking to convict those who engage in the unsolicited sending of intimate images (USII; sometimes called ‘dick pics’) evoke a need to broaden this literature. Moreover, in the context of recent and highly publicised accounts featuring both celebrity perpetrators and victims of IBSHA, it is important to understand whether celebrity status impacts said judgements. We present three studies outlining judgement differences between vignettes featuring NCSII and USII as a function of perpetrator/victim celebrity status and as predicted by previously implicated personality traits and beliefs. In Studies 1 (N = 261) and 2 (N = 237), though vignettes involving NCSII were perceived more criminal in nature and anticipated to evoke more harm than USII, said victims also received more blame. Contrary to our hypotheses, there was no further impact of celebrity status on either the perpetrator (Study 2) or victim (Study 3; N = 207). Finally, although dark personality traits (associated with callousness and low empathy) predicted variation in judgements of IBSHA across all studies, in Study 2, psychopathic personality traits specifically predicted proclivity to engage in NCSII but not USII. The results are discussed in reference to the importance of IBSHA-related education on an international level and the pursuit of further legislation in this area.
... In another study involving children between the ages of 9-16 across 19 European nations, girls and older youth were disproportionately more likely to receive unwanted sexual requests in most of the countries studied (Smahel et al., 2020). Research also shows that girls often receive unsolicited images from cisgender boys and men through online technologies including but not limited to AirDrop, Zoom, and on dating sites (Marcotte et al., 2021;Ricciardelli and Adorjan, 2019) and are more frequently subjected to other forms of online sexual pressure and sexual harassment (Drouin and Tobin, 2014;Hartikainen et al., 2021;Henry and Powell, 2018;Jane, 2014;Ojeda et al., 2022). ...
Research indicates that participation in metaverse environments and with virtual reality (VR) is increasing among younger populations, and that youth may be the primary drivers of widespread adoption of these technologies. This will more readily happen if their experiences are safe, secure, and positive. We analyze data from a nationally representative sample of 5005, 13- to 17-year-olds in the United States to measure their experiences of 12 specific harms on VR platforms, and which protective strategies they employed to prevent or respond to them. Girls were more likely to be sexually harassed and to experience grooming/predatory behavior, and were more likely to have been targeted specifically because of their gender. Finally, girls were more likely to engage in some specific protective measures online, but overall both boys and girls use platform safety mechanisms infrequently. We discuss enhancements in policy, content moderation, and feature sets that can serve to better safeguard youth in the metaverse.
... Η Ringrose (2021) χρησιμοποίησε τον όρο σεξουαλική παρενόχληση μέσω εικόνας, για να περιγράψει δύο μορφές σεξουαλικής παρενόχλησης, οι οποίες λαμβάνουν χώρα στο πλαίσιο της κοινής χρήσης ψηφιακών εικόνων. Η πρώτη αφορά τις ανεπιθύμητες σεξουαλικές εικόνες-cyberflashing, που περιλαμβάνουν συνήθως άνδρες, οι οποίοι στέλνουν εικόνες των γεννητικών τους οργάνων μέσω ψηφιακών τεχνολογιών (Marcotte et al., 2020;Ricciardelli & Adorjan, 2019). Μια δεύτερη μορφή σεξουαλικής παρενόχλησης μέσω εικόνας, είναι ο εξαναγκασμός και η επίμονη παρότρυνση για αποστολή σεξουαλικών εικόνων (Thomas, 2018). ...
Η σεξουαλική κακοποίηση μέσω εικόνας, αποτελεί μια αναδυόμενη μορφή κυβερνοβίας με βάση το φύλο, η οποία απασχολεί την επιστημονική κοινότητα παγκοσμίως. Το φαινόμενο έχει επηρεάσει και τους εφήβους, με τα αγόρια να εμφανίζονται συχνότερα ως δράστες και τα κορίτσια ως θύματα. Οι πληροφορίες όμως για την εκδήλωση της συγκεκριμένης συμπεριφοράς, προέρχονται κυρίως από την πλευρά των θυμάτων, ενώ απουσιάζουν σχετικές μελέτες από την πλευρά των δραστών. Η παρούσα μελέτη προσπαθεί να διαχειριστεί αυτό το κενό σχετικά με την έμφυλη βία, που προκύπτει από την μέχρι σήμερα έλλειψη μελετών σε στοχευμένο δείγμα εφήβων δραστών. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, αναφέρεται στην διερεύνηση στοιχείων σεξιστικής ιδεολογίας καθώς και ενοχοποίησης θύματος στον αφηγηματικό λόγο ανήλικων αγοριών, δραστών σεξουαλικής κακοποίησης μέσω εικόνας, ηλικίας 15-17, αξιοποιώντας ημιδομημένες συνεντεύξεις. Οι δράστες έχουν τη τάση να υποτιμούν τις πράξεις τους και να μην αναγνωρίζουν τη σοβαρότητα του προβλήματος. Στοιχεία σεξισμού και στερεοτύπων φύλου κυριαρχούν στο λόγο τους, ενώ τα κορίτσια αποδέκτες της διαδικτυακής κακοποίησης, σχετίζονταν με τους δράστες κυρίως ως σύντροφοι, αναδεικνύοντας ότι η βία στον κυβερνοχώρο σχετίζεται με τη βία στο φυσικό κόσμο. Η παρούσα μελέτη συνέβαλε στην ανάδειξη και κατανόηση συμπεριφορών έμφυλης βίας από τους εφήβους στο κυβερνοχώρο.
... This lack of 2 of 17 -NTOUNTOUMI ET AL. harassment and can lead to dating violence perpetration (Hassinoff, 2015;Klettke et al., 2014;Morelli et al., 2016a). At this point, it is essential to discuss the matter of "Dick pics," which are colloquially referring to explicit self-generated images of male genitalia, constitute a prevalent phenomenon within contemporary digital communication practices, as noted by scholars such as Salter (2016) and Waling and Pym (2017) (Marcotte et al., 2020). While the act of transmitting sexually explicit photographs and imagery is not exclusive to the socalled "digital age," the advent of digital technologies has significantly accelerated the creation and dissemination of such content (Salter, 2016). ...
Sexting is the sharing of sexually suggestive or provocative content via new technologies. Due to the lack of studies on sexting in Greece, this study aimed to investigate the Greek sexting landscape and its impact on individuals and human relationships. Thus, 485 participants (354 women, 124 men, 4 “other”, 3 undefined) were recruited through an online questionnaire. All participants were Greeks or residents of Greece, and the age range was 16–64. Analysis showed that teens and young adults aged 16–30 tend to sext more than the ones over 30 years old; also, men are more likely to sext (both receive and send) than women. Despite the potential benefits of sexting between partners, it poses several dangers, too, especially when it is not consensual. Apart from its limitations, the study opens the way for further investigation into sexting in Greece.
... We also did not have information on how frequently participants used dating apps and websites, and more frequent use could explain higher prevalence of abuse. 42 Additionally, although we sought to provide insights into abuse experiences among more specified gender/sex and sexual identity groups than is typical, analyses were still limited to women and men who identified as bisexual, gay/lesbian, or heterosexual. People have diverse sexual identities beyond bisexual, gay/lesbian, and heterosexual (eg, pansexual, hetero-f lexible, queer), and we were unable to assess these groups. ...
Dating abuse research on lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) populations tends to aggregate LGB participants for comparisons with heterosexuals and often excludes non-assaultive dating abuse and abuse that takes place on online dating applications. In the present study, we used the Pew Research Center’s 2019 American Trends Panel Wave 56 dataset (N = 4712) to compare ever experiencing several types of non-assaultive on- and offline dating abuse between bisexual women (n = 402), lesbian women (n = 207), heterosexual women (n = 1802), bisexual men (n = 225), gay men (n = 575), and heterosexual men (n = 1501). We found that gay men and bisexual women generally had the greatest odds of experiencing online dating abuse. Bisexual and heterosexual women had the greatest odds of experiencing some offline abuse (e.g., being touched in an uncomfortable way), but gay men and bisexual women and men had the greatest odds of experiencing other offline abuse (e.g., having their contact information or a sexual image of them shared non-consensually). Findings highlight how assessments of non-assaultive dating abuse in on- and offline contexts via analyses of more specified gender/sex/ual identity groups can broaden understandings of dating abuse victimization, especially among sexual minority populations.
... While consensual sexting may be a way to explore and affirm one's sexuality, we must also acknowledge the high rates of non-consensual sexting among cis-LGBPA+ men. While this may be indicative of increased rates of technology-facilitated sexual violence perpetration and victimization among sexual minority men, another explanation may be that in at least certain contexts, some gay and bisexual men do not view unsolicited sexts as problematic or nonconsensual (Dietzel, 2022;Marcotte et al., 2020). Failure to account for such cultural and contextual differences may result in an overestimation of sexual violence perpetration, contributing to homophobic attitudes, and downplay the seriousness of the violation in cases where an unsolicited sext was also unwanted. ...
With the advancement of technology, sexting has become more prominent in high school and university samples. The current study examined the rates and characteristics of sexting among an online sample of 2,828 young adults aged 18–30, primarily from the U.S. and Canada. We found that most participants sext (81%), sext often (most report ≥ 11 sexts), and start young (most by 16–17 years of age). Common reasons for sexting echoed reasons for participating in other normative sexual behaviors, including that it was sexually arousing, they were asked and wanted to reciprocate, or they wanted to flirt. Sexual coercion was a gendered phenomenon, with 1 in 10 cisgender women and 1 in 50 cisgender men reporting having sent a sext due to being threatened. The body parts captured in cisgender men’s sexts were more diverse, whereas cisgender women focused on their chest, underwear/genitalia, and stomach. Sexual orientation was also found to be a relevant factor, with different patterns in sexting experiences emerging across identities. The current study adds to the mounting evidence that sexting is a normative sexual behavior. Sexual education programs should provide youth with information on consent and safe sexting practices rather than follow an abstinence approach.
... A specific kind of online sexual harassment that has become ubiquitous in the present time is receiving unrequested pictures of male genitals, the so-called dickpic (Ringrose et al., 2021). The prevalence of receiving a dickpic among youth is not extensively researched, but some research suggests that for women who had at one time received a consensual dickpic, 90% had also received unwanted dickpics (Marcotte et al., 2021). ...
Research about online sexual violence (OSV) is needed to be able to better meet the needs of girls in psychiatric care. The objectives of this study are to explore experiences of online sexual violence among young female psychiatric service users. Interviews with nine girls with psychiatric care needs were analyzed with thematic analysis. The findings are summarized in four themes which contribute to the notion that online sexual violence is only one, albeit important, part of a more complex picture of violence among young girls in psychiatric care. The girls' narratives are shaped by, as well as reproducing gender norms.
... A range of different focuses is being taken up more fully in recent research. Examples here include how the sending of unsolicited genital images may be relatively accepted amongst some gay and bisexual men [24], how gay and bisexual men who are using geosocial dating apps may be more likely to be victims of 'revenge pornography' than both the general population and the broader lesbian, gay, and bisexual community [25], and how, in some surveys, lesbian, gay or bisexual participants may be more likely to report as having engaged in some form of IBSA perpetration over their lifetime [26], alongside experiencing higher rates of victimization. ...
Image-based sexual abuse describes the offline or online non-consensual sharing of real or fake images or videos with (un)known others of a person that are either sexually explicit or sexually suggestive. New information and communication technologies (ICTs) provide many open-ended and undefined possibilities for image-based sexual abuse (IBSA), such as ‘revenge pornography’, ‘upskirting’, deepfake pornography, sexual spycamming, and cyberflashing, to name just a few. These forms of abuse refer to the online, and also at times offline, non-consensual distribution or sharing of explicit images or videos of someone else by ex-partners, partners, others, or hackers seeking revenge, entertainment, or peer group status. The vast majority of these are committed by men against women. Given the many adverse impacts on physical and psychological health and well-being it has on its victim-survivors, exploring this form of online gender-sexual abuse and violation becomes an important endeavor. Situating the discussion within debates on gender and sexuality, the entry discusses the increasing use of new technologies for online gender-sexual abuse and violation, highlighting the motivations of those perpetrating IBSA, the negative physical and psychological impacts of IBSA on victim-survivors, and what has been, and could be, done to combat image-based sexual abuses and other misuses of new technologies, notably through legal, policy, and practice interventions within and between nations.
... In the case of sexting sent by coercion, these rates are higher than in sexual coercion and unwanted sexual intercourse (Ross et al., 2019) and the psychological trauma associated with sharing personal images with others, or worrying about this having occurred is also higher among women (Ross et al., 2019;Rubio-Laborda et al., 2021). As for unsolicited sexting received, a study by Marcotte et al. (2020) showed that 90.7% of the women in the sample had received unsolicited images of the male genital organ, and 69% had expressed a negative reaction. Cornelius et al. (2020) points out limitations in research on sexting: the lack of association with influences of intimate partner aggression; failure to differentiate between consensual and non-consensual sexting; and over-focus on potential risk factors and associated negative consequences. ...
With the modernization of technology, new virtual forms of violence have emerged and old ways of perpetrating violence against women have been exacerbated with the use of the internet and social networks. This study aimed to investigate the forms of violence against women on the internet. This is an integrative literature review of the electronc databases SciVerse Scopus, Medical Literature Analysis and Retrieval System Online and Scientific Electronic Library Online. The inclusion criteria were publications that occurred in the time span from January 2016 to July 2021, with the descriptors "Violence," "Internet," "Woman," "Gender," "Sexual Violence," "Sexual Harassment," "Intimate Partner Violence," and "Internet and Abuse". As a result of the review, 30 articles were selected. Nine categories of violence against women on the Internet were identified, included in the concept of sexual violence facilitated by technology, in addition to digital dating abuse and cyberbullying. The most commonly addressed categories were digital dating abuse, revenge porn, sexting, and online misogyny. Most of the studies found concluded greater online victimization for women than for men in all categories except cyberbullying.
... This critical trend implies the nonconsensual behavior is becoming naturalized and normalized in online interpersonal interactions. Thus, research has explored various aspects of sending unsolicited sexual images, including cultural framings of the behavior, motivations (March & Wagstaff, 2017;Marcotte et al., 2021;Waling & Pym, 2019), and reactions. Through these studies, it is evident that efforts have been made to learn and understand online sexual harassment, however the preventative side of digital consent is yet to be clearly defined and understood. ...
With the majority of individuals in the United States owning a
mobile device, communicating via text is popular. Many individuals
who text also engage in sexting, commonly defined as
sending a sexually suggestive or explicit message that can
include a nude image. In September of 2019, Texas passed a
law prohibiting the sending of an unsolicited nude image
without consent from the receiver. The goal of the study was
to capture the reactions of individuals to this state law. There
were 400 different responses by 400 different individuals
posted on Reddit by users expressing their reactions to the
passing of the state law. Initial reactions were captured,
chosen from specific Reddit threads containing the link to the
law within 1 month of the law being passed. These comments
were collected and the research team used thematic analysis
to highlight the themes to users’ responses to the sexting law.
Of note was the sizeable number of individuals who disapproved
of the law, highlighting a lack of knowledge about
consent to engage in sexual behaviors in general, the need to
gain consent to engage in sexting, and a misunderstanding of
what defines sexual harassment. Implications for sex education
programs and policy makers are discussed.
... Two key forms of online sexual harassment are the sending of unsolicited sexts and unwanted requests for sexts. Research on the sending of unsolicited sexual images referred to as "cyberflashing" (McGlynn & Johnson, 2020) and "unsolicited dick pics" (Oswald et al., 2019), has found that women and girls often experience cisgendered men and boys sending unsolicited images of their genitals over digital technologies, such as AirDrop, social media platforms, dating platforms or video-conferencing platforms (e.g., "Zoom bombing") (Marcotte et al., 2021;McGlynn & Johnson, 2020;Ricciardelli & Adorjan, 2019). Research has also found that adolescent girls frequently experience various behaviours that constitute online sexual pressure, such as repeated requests for nude images (Thomas, 2018) and the use of commitment manipulation to pressure them to send nude images (Drouin et al., 2015). ...
The purpose of this qualitative study was to obtain youth perspectives on consensual and non-consensual sexting. We began this study on young people’s (12–19) sexting practices in a large urban center. Before the study was put on pause due to COVID-19 physical distancing measures, we conducted 12 focus groups with 62 participants (47 girls, 15 boys). A key finding was that many girls had received unsolicited sexts (e.g., “dick pics”) or unwanted requests for sexts. Analysis revealed four interconnected themes: (1) unsolicited sexts; (2) unwanted requests for sexts; (3) complexity associated with saying “no”; and (4) general lack of adult support. Using our findings from before COVID-19, we discuss the potential impact of COVID-19 on teens’ sexting experiences and outline the ways in which social workers and other mental health practitioners can support adolescents and their parents in navigating this new context of sexting during and beyond the global pandemic.
... Another study found that gay and bisexual men reacted more positively to receiving unsolicited sexual images of male genitalia than women of all sexual orientations. They were more likely to report curiosity, arousal or feeling flattered in response to unsollicited images (Marcotte, Gesselman, Fisher, & Garcia, 2021). ...
Sexting, herein defined as the sending of self-made sexually explicit images has mostly been studied within the context of heterosexual relationships and among adolescent and young adult populations. This exploratory mixed-method study aims to investigate the prevalence, context and perceptions of sexting among non-heterosexual men of various generations in Belgium. The study used two datasets. A quantitative survey that was conducted among 684 non-heterosexual men between 18 and 77 years old (M = 34.29 years old; SD = 13.41), and qualitative interviews were conducted with 80 non-heterosexual men (M = 37.41 years old; SD = 15.93). Overall, 66.4% of the non-heterosexual men had sent a sexting image, and 84.7% of those who sexted indicated that they were unrecognizable in their images. The qualitative interviews showed that sexting is perceived as a risky but unproblematic practice by non-heterosexual men of all generations. Few generational differences were observed. Sexting takes place within the context of online dating and is perceived as a normative behavior within dating apps. The participants were aware of the potential risks associated with sexting and they protected themselves by sending images in which they were unrecognizable, thereby ensuring their safety and anonymity in online spaces.
... If we rewind the tape of hominid history, was this the case among our ancestors too? Perhaps we do not need to go that far back and can, instead, reflect on the ubiquity of "dick pics" as twenty-first century sexual solicitations, and wonder how and why it is that human (males) have chosen images of their erections as enticements for sex with both women and men (Marcotte, Gesselman, Fisher, & Garcia, 2020). ...
This study aimed to explore how victims experience cyberflashing, which is the non-consensual sharing of sexually explicit material via technology. Using a qualitative design, five adults who had experienced cyberflashing partook in a semi-structured interview. These interviews were transcribed and analysed using interpretative phenomenological analysis. The findings indicate that cyberflashing is pervasive, committed mostly by boys and men towards girls and women, through social media and dating platforms, for different reasons like sexual gratification and boundary-testing. Victims perceive cyberflashing as immoral and dehumanising, yet excusable for several reasons including perpetrators’ poor interpersonal skills, proposing education and proportionate punishment to reduce the risk of cyberflashing. However, their perspectives have changed over time, for example blaming themselves less for their experiences due to gaining more relationship experience. They have also requested more support from the criminal justice system and technology platforms. Finally, a clear difference between cyberflashing and “sexting” has been identified.
This chapter centres young women in terms of their experiences with and perspectives on porn and its performers, porn use and porn users. Starting with an overview of girlhood, the key feminist debates around porn and a reflect on the ways porn is gendered are provided. This chapter draws on small friendship-group interview data with 54 self-identifying young women, from a larger sample 106 young people aged 12–16 years old from New Zealand. It illustrates how some girls avoid porn, others justify their watching it as curiosity rather than pleasure, some view it as a form of harassment, others describe it as a hidden pleasure. In contemplating the sexual politics of porn for young women, an analysis of the ways in which girls’ porn use is policed through discourses of acceptable femininity is provided.
The present article examines teenage boys’ perceptions of the practice of sending unsolicited dick pics and gender dynamics among peers at two lower secondary schools in Sweden. Drawing on focus group interviews as well as individual and pair interviews with ninth-grade students (14–15 years) from a rural working-class area and an urban middle-class area. The study indicates that class habitus has a significant influence on the boys’ perceptions and practices. In the rural working-class school, the boys had a humorous attitude towards the practice of sending unsolicited dick pics and were not aware that unsolicited sexting could be experienced as sexual harassment. In the urban middle-class school, one the other hand, the boys clearly distanced themselves from and expressed their strong disapproval of unsolicited dick pics, mainly due to their fear of girls’ power to portray boys as sexual harassers.
Abstract
Cyber transgressions (nonnormative behaviors, attitudes and conditions)– both cultural and criminal– have raised social control concerns among different stakeholders. A group comparison research design was adopted to examine the effects of sociodemographic factors and social media use habits of Iranian social media users (n= 989) on their self-control, cybercultural transgressive behaviors, and transgressive content consumption. The study has contributed to the literature by recognizing the impacts of gender, age, relationship status, parental, educational, and occupational status, and household income level on the outcome variables. Altogether, it can be inferred from the results that individuals (especially women) who are older, married, have children, are middle-income, university educated, non-student, have more years of Internet use experience, and less daily internet use, and have a job (also retired individuals and housewives) are less likely than others to commit online transgressive behaviors, or consume transgressive content. The findings of this study can be employed to devise new policies and initiatives to socially control the cybercultural transgressions, without applying coercion.
Keywords
cyber social control cybercultural transgressions self-control social media use habits sociodemographics
This study used expectancy violations theory and uses and gratifications theory to conduct an experiment investigating how the content of relationship initiation messages, recipients' gender, and recipients' motives for using online dating applications shape whether and how the initiation message violates recipients' expectations. Participants ( N = 275) were recruited through an emergent adult population at a large Midwestern university and identified primarily as women (66.7%), heterosexual (79%), and white (64.5%). Participants were randomly assigned to imagine matching with someone through online dating who sent either a traditional greeting or sexually explicit content in their initial message. As predicted, receiving a sexually explicit message was more unexpected and perceived more negatively than receiving an ordinary greeting, but the intensity of that negative reaction was moderated by users' motives for using online dating apps and gender. Negative reactions to receiving sexually explicit content were amplified for women and individuals interested in long‐term relationships. Negative reactions were dampened for men and online daters interested in casual sexual relationships. The implications of the findings are discussed in relation to expectancy violations theory and research on relationship initiation in online contexts.
This article reports on a qualitative research study Sharing Networked Image Practices (SNIP) among young people. We explore our findings from 37 focus groups with 206 young people aged (11–19) in London and South East England and Toronto, Canada conducted in 2019 and 2020. Drawing on feminist legal and criminological scholarship (Powell & Henry, 2017; McGlynn et al., 2017; McGlynn and Johnson, 2020) we develop a framework to clearly identify how and when image sharing should be constituted as forms of: (1) Image-Based Sexual Harassment (IBSH) (i.e. unsolicited penis images (‘dick pics’) and unwanted solicitation for nudes), and (2) Image-Based Sexual Abuse (IBSA) (i.e. non-consensual image creation/sharing). We argue that categorizing non-consensual image sharing, showing and distributing as image-based sexual harassment and abuse rather than ‘sexting’ is an important conceptual shift to enable young people, schools, parents and all relevant stakeholders to recognize and address new forms of technology-facilitated sexual violence.
Young people encounter and experience both risks and opportunities when participating as actors and interactors in online spaces. Digital skills and resilience are considered important parts of a “rights-based” approach to keeping young people “safe” online in ways that enable them to avoid harm while benefiting from the opportunities. The present paper discusses findings from focus group research conducted in England with 60 young people aged 13 to 21. The research explored their perspectives on responding to different online harms, including online hate, unwanted sexual content, and unrealistic body- and appearance-related content. The findings are discussed in terms of scholarship on digital citizenship, specifically regarding the social, affective, and technical dimensions of online life and the skills required for resilience. The analysis suggests that there was a tension between young people’s individualistic responsibilisation of themselves and one another for responding to risk online and the socio-emotional aspects of online life as perceived and recounted by them in the focus groups. It is concluded that a youth-centred approach to resilience is required that encapsulates the multidimensional nature of encountering, experiencing, and responding to risk online.
Purpose
This study aims to explore innate and sociocultural forces that lead gay men to purchase invasive and non-invasive cosmetic medical treatments.
Design/methodology/approach
This work draws on a literature review and personal reflections to identify and interpret patterns and themes on drivers that encourage gay men to use cosmetic medical treatments.
Findings
In line with evolutionary theory, the authors suggest that the male proclivity to evaluate a partner’s sexual desirability on the basis of physical appearance and youth remains consistent among gay men. They also posit that sociocultural norms, such as media imagery, portray gay men as physically attractive and youthful. Among gay men, homonormative ideals that define attractiveness fall on a continuum ranging from hyper-masculinity to hypo-masculinity, with each end encouraging gay men to accept different beauty standards.
Research limitations/implications
To date, service researchers have mostly overlooked the role of evolution in consumers’ propensity to purchase professional services. This study sets the foundation for researchers to consider both instinctual and sociocultural norms that encourage consumers to purchase not only cosmetic medical treatments but also professional services in general.
Practical implications
Gay men represent a prime target market for cosmetic medical treatment providers, as their desire for physical attractiveness and youth remains constant as they age.
Originality/value
This study offers novel insights into gay male consumption of cosmetic medical treatments and services from theoretical and practical perspectives.
Sexting, the digital transmission of sexual messages and images, has become a topic of increased interest and concern. Drawing largely on cross-sectional studies, the literature on associations between sexting and psychosocial outcomes remains inconsistent. The current longitudinal study investigated associations between adolescent girls’ sexting and two indicators of psychological well-being: symptoms of depression/anxiety and self-esteem. Responses were collected from a panel sample of 859 female Croatian secondary-school students over a 20-month period, across five classroom-based data collection points. Multi-domain latent growth curve modeling indicated that sexting dynamics were unrelated to changes in psychological well-being. Adverse family environment and, to a lesser extent, participants’ peer conformism were related to more frequent sexting and lower levels of psychological well-being. Our findings support the notion that in general adolescent girls’ sexting may be a (non-pathological) part of sexual development during middle to late adolescence in today’s digital age.
This article explores women’s accounts of receiving unsolicited dick pics from men. Drawing on material derived from in-depth interviews with adult British women, its focus is on how these interviewees relied on a postfeminist discursive framework in order to make sense of such experiences, and on how this rendered them more likely to recognise unsolicited dick pic practices as acts of sexism. As such, these women also felt encouraged to respond to their receiving of unsolicited dick pics by engaging in humorous practices of anti-sexist resistance. Still, the article also shows how the interviewees’ drawing on a postfeminist discursive framework rendered them more prone to approach unsolicited dick pic practices and sexism in individualised and decontextualised manners, meaning that they failed to recognise and critically address the broader social structures that enable dick pics to circulate online as acts of sexism in the first place.
Computer-mediated communication (CMC) is pervasive in our lives, influencing social interaction including human courtship. To connect with potential partners via CMC, modern relationship-seekers must master faster and shorter methods of communicating self-disclosure and affect. Although CMC can lack crucial sensory information in this context, emojis may provide useful aid. Across two studies, we assessed attitudes toward and frequency of emoji use, and whether signaling affect via emoji use relates to more romantic and sexual opportunities. Our findings suggest that emoji use with potential partners is associated with maintaining connection beyond the first date, and more romantic and sexual interactions over the previous year. This research provides evidence that emojis convey important affective information to potential partners, and are potentially associated with more successful intimate connection. Implications for multiple theoretical models and methodologies are discussed.
Given that the sharing of genital images – colloquially known as “dick pics” – has become a widespread phenomenon, the purpose of the present study was to explore men’s motivations for sending unsolicited images of their genitalia. A secondary purpose was to investigate the personality and sexuality characteristics of men who send dick pics relative to those who do not. 1,087 men completed an online survey, which included a demographic questionnaire and measures of narcissism, exhibitionism, erotophilia-erotophobia, and sexism. Also included was a measure developed specifically for the current study exploring the motivations behind sending unsolicited genital pictures as well as reactions senders hoped to elicit from their recipients. We determined that the most frequently reported motivational category for sending genital images was a transactional mindset (i.e., motivated by hopes of receiving images in return), while the most commonly desired reaction from recipients was that of sexual excitement. Further, we determined that men who reported having sent unsolicited dick pics demonstrated higher levels of narcissism and endorsed greater ambivalent and hostile sexism than their non-sending counterparts. This study is among the first to provide empirical evidence into the motivations and personality characteristics of men who send unsolicited dick pics.
Image-based sexual abuse (IBSA) involves three key behaviors: the non-consensual taking or creation of nude or sexual images; the non-consensual sharing or distribution of nude or sexual images; and threats made to distribute nude or sexual images. IBSA is becoming increasingly criminalized internationally, representing an important and rapidly developing cybercrime issue. This paper presents findings of the first national online survey of self-reported lifetime IBSA perpetration in Australia (n = 4053), with a focus on the extent, nature, and predictors of perpetration. Overall, 11.1% (n = 411) of participants self-reported having engaged in some form of IBSA perpetration during their lifetime, with men significantly more likely to report IBSA perpetration than women. With regard to the nature of perpetration, participants reported targeting men and women at similar rates, and were more likely to report perpetrating against intimate partners or ex-partners, family members and friends than strangers or acquaintances. Logistic regression analyses identified that males, lesbian, gay or bisexual participants, participants with a self-reported disability, participants who accepted sexual image-based abuse myths, participants who engaged in or experienced sexual self-image behaviors, and participants who had a nude or sexual image of themselves taken, distributed, and/or threatened to be distributed without their consent were more likely to have engaged in some form of IBSA perpetration during their lifetime.
The present study explores the relationship initiation process in online dating using participants’ (N = 105) naturally occurring email messages to a prospective romantic partner. Data were collected online at time one, and participants were recontacted at time two (after meeting their partner offline) to assess the likelihood of continued interaction. A qualitative content analysis uncovered 7 broad categories and 18 subcategories of strategies for initiating relationships in online dating. The analysis indicated that participants’ relationships followed a trajectory that often began with the use of pickup lines to initiate contact and culminated with the transition offline. Along the way, they alternated between strategies for attracting and selecting a partner, constructing an authentic self-presentation, creating a shared context for interaction, revealing and seeking information, and adapting to the online dating environment. Additional quantitative analyses revealed differences in strategy use related to gender and the outcome of the first date. That is, men were generally more direct than women (e.g., by sending the first message), and those who discussed their mate preferences tended to report a higher likelihood of a second date than other participants. The results have implications for the hyperpersonal model, as well as for illuminating the evolution of online dating relationships from the first contact with a partner to meeting offline.
Modern dating platforms have given rise to new dating and sexual behaviors. In the current study, we examine predictors of sending unsolicited explicit images, a particularly underexplored online sexual behavior. The aim of the current study was to explore the utility of dark personality traits (i.e., narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and sadism) and self-rated mate value in predicting attitudes toward and behavior of sending unsolicited explicit images. Two hundred and forty participants (72% female; Mage = 25.96, SD = 9.79) completed an online questionnaire which included a measure of self-rated mate value, a measure of dark personality traits, and questions regarding sending unsolicited explicit images (operationalized as the explicit image scale). Men, compared to women, were found to have higher explicit image scale scores, and both self-rated mate value and trait Machiavellianism were positive predictors of explicit image scale scores. Interestingly, there were no significant interactions between sex and these variables. Further, Machiavellianism mediated all relationships between other dark traits and explicit image scale scores, indicating this behavior is best explained by the personality trait associated with behavioral strategies. In sum, these results provide support for the premise that sending unsolicited explicit images may be a tactic of a short-term mating strategy; however, future research should further explore this claim.
In 2014, a large archive of hacked nude photos of female celebrities was released on 4chan and organized and discussed primarily on Reddit. This paper explores the ethical implications of this celebrity nude photo leak within a frame of gendered privacy violations. I analyze a selection of a mass capture of 5143 posts and 94,602 comments from /thefappening subreddit, as well as editorials written by female celebrities, feminists, and journalists. Redditors justify the photo leak by arguing the subjects are privileged because they are celebrities; that the celebrities are at fault for failing to appropriately protect their information; and that the only person ethically responsible for the leak is the hacker. The popular press primarily took a feminist perspective, linking the photo leak to institutionalized sexism and misogyny. I argue that the Reddit participants frame the privacy violations within a context of geek masculinity, in which references to masturbation and pornography and casually misogynist language are used to signify a normative masculine self. Privacy violations are de-emphasized when the victims are women and gender or feminist concerns are rejected. Entitlement to viewing women’s bodies and male sexual desire are prioritized over ethical concerns over privacy violations. The paper contributes to understanding how privacy violations are normatively gendered and reinforced by gender inequality.
In the last few years, many countries have introduced laws combating the phenomenon colloquially known as ‘revenge porn’. While new laws criminalising this practice represent a positive step forwards, the legislative response has been piecemeal and typically focuses only on the practices of vengeful ex-partners. Drawing on Liz Kelly’s (1988) pioneering work, we suggest that ‘revenge porn’ should be understood as just one form of a range of gendered, sexualised forms of abuse which have common characteristics, forming what we are conceptualising as the ‘continuum of image-based sexual abuse’. Further, we argue that image-based sexual abuse is on a continuum with other forms of sexual violence. We suggest that this twin approach may enable a more comprehensive legislative and policy response that, in turn, will better reflect the harms to victim-survivors and leads to more appropriate and effective educative and preventative strategies.
Launching in September 2012, Tinder has become a popular phenomenon in the world of online dating and hookup culture. Simultaneously, it carries notorious reputation for being home to hypersexual and toxic masculine expressions. This analysis examines Tinder Nightmares, an Instagram page featuring failed attempts at hooking up, as a site that promotes counter-disciplining the deliberate toxic masculine performances on Tinder. Through a Foucauldian lens, we argue that this page delimits the toxic masculine performances through the outward display of crude performances, the showcasing of witty responses from Tinder users, and the extension of counter-discipline through digital circulation practices on the page. Given that Tinder is a location-aware app, the discipline offered through Tinder Nightmares surfaces in interpersonal, physical, and networked spaces, as Tinder users become multiply implicated public subjects of shame across media platforms.
Background: The transmission of sexual images and messages via mobile phone or other electronic media (sexting) has been associated with a variety of mostly negative social and behavioural consequences. Research on sexting has focussed on youth, with limited data across demographics and with little known about the sharing of private sexual images and messages with third parties. Methods: The present study examines sexting attitudes and behaviours, including sending, receiving, and sharing of sexual messages and images, across gender, age, and sexual orientation. A total of 5805 single adults were included in the study (2830 women; 2975 men), ranging in age from 21 to 75+ years. Results: Overall, 21% of participants reported sending and 28% reported receiving sexually explicit text messages; both sending and receiving ‘sexts’ was most common among younger respondents. Although 73.2% of participants reported discomfort with unauthorised sharing of sexts beyond the intended recipient, of those who had received sext images, 22.9% reported sharing them with others (on average with 3.17 friends). Participants also reported concern about the potential consequences of sexting on their social lives, careers, and psychosocial wellbeing. Conclusion: Views on the impact of sexting on reputation suggest a contemporary struggle to reconcile digital eroticism with real-world consequences. These findings suggest a need for future research into negotiations of sexting motivations, risks, and rewards.
This study examined the prevalence and correlates of sexting (i.e., sending sexual messages via mobile phones) within a sample of married/cohabiting couples (180 wives and 175 husbands). Married adults do sext each other, but it is much less common than within young adult relationships, and consists mainly of sexy or intimate talk (29% reported engaging in sexy talk with partners) rather than sexually explicit photos or videos (12% reported sending nude or nearly-nude photos). Sending sexy talk messages was positively related to relationship satisfaction only among those with high levels of avoidance, and sending sexually explicit pictures was related to satisfaction for men, and for women with high levels of attachment anxiety. Additionally, sending sexually explicit pictures was related to greater ambivalence among both men and women. These findings support and extend previous research with young adults.
Drawing on focus group research, this article examines the impact of norms of publicity and privacy on young people as they negotiate technologically mediated intimate and peer relations. This article argues that digital images of bodies circulate online in manner that reinforces gender inequalities, as the public feminine body is conflated with pornography in contrast to the range of meanings that can append to the public masculine body. While the exposed female body was subject to pejorative ascriptions of sexual promiscuity, the exposed masculine body could serve a range of purposes, including its deployment in sexual harassment. Young people tended to ignore male perpetration and hold girls and women responsible for managing the risks of online abuse. The article underscores the need for a ‘critical pedagogy’ of online abuse, but it also argues that social media is rendering the homosociality and misogynist strains of online publics visible and therefore contestable.
Background
Geosocial-networking apps like Grindr have been used increasingly among men who have sex with men (MSM) to meet anonymous partners. These mobile dating apps employ global positioning system technology to facilitate connections with other users based on their current location. These new technologies have generated quicker and easier modes for men who have sex with men to meet potential partners based on attraction and physical proximity.
Objective
The aim of this study is to describe geosocial-networking app use and recent sexual behaviors of MSM in the Atlanta metropolitan statistical area.
Methods
Our sample was recruited from Grindr, the most commonly used of these mobile apps among MSM, using broadcast advertising. Advertisements were displayed over the course of a 72-hour period and participants were directed to a Web-based survey.
ResultsIn total, 604 men clicked through the advertisement, and 92 users completed the survey. One-third (38.0%) of the men reported using these mobile apps to meet new sexual partners, and one-fifth (18.5%) used them to “kill time” when bored. Men reporting currently being in a relationship were less likely to report using these mobile apps to meet other MSM to date or to find a boyfriend or romantic partner, but more likely to report using these mobile apps to meet other MSM to have sex, X224=12.1, P=.016. Respondents had current accounts on 3.11 mobile apps (SD 1.84) on average, with Grindr being the most common (100%), followed by Scruff (52.5%), and Jack’d (45.7%). Most men were most active in the late night (40.2%), and on weekdays (64.1%). Each day, on average, men reported opening these mobile apps 8.38 times (SD 8.10) and spent 1.31 hours (SD 1.15) on these mobile apps. The age respondents began using these mobile apps was associated with the age at their first instance of insertive anal sex (r80=.527, P
This article explores gender inequities and sexual double standards in teens' digital image exchange, drawing on a UK qualitative research project on youth 'sexting'. We develop a critique of 'postfeminist' media cultures, suggesting teen 'sexting' presents specific age and gender related contradictions: teen girls are called upon to produce particular forms of 'sexy' self display, yet face legal repercussions, moral condemnation and 'slut shaming' when they do so. We examine the production/circulation of gendered value and sexual morality via teens' discussions of activities on Facebook and Blackberry. For instance, some boys accumulated 'ratings' by possessing and exchanging images of girls' breasts, which operated as a form of currency and value. Girls, in contrast, largely discussed the taking, sharing or posting of such images as risky, potentially inciting blame and shame around sexual reputation (e.g. being called 'slut', 'slag' or 'sket'). The daily negotiations of these new digitally mediated, heterosexualised, classed and raced norms of performing teen feminine and masculine desirability are considered. © The Author(s) 2013 Reprints and permissions:sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav.
Sexting - that is, the private exchange of self-produced sexual images via cell phone or the internet - has been widely discussed in public and academic discourses as a new high-risk behavior among youths (especially girls) that should be prevented through better education about the various and severe risks it poses. This paper summarizes existing data on sexting prevalence (17 studies), which reveal that sexting is much more common among adults than among youths, with increasing prevalence among adolescents as they grow older. The paper then looks at the current state of sexting research by reviewing all 50 sexting papers in the PsycINFO and PubMed databases published between 2009 and 2013 regarding their coverage of the risks and/or opportunities associated with sexting. Most of the papers (79%) address adolescent sexting as risky behavior and link it to sexual objectification and violence, to risky sexual behavior, and to negative consequences like bullying by peers and criminal prosecution under child pornography laws. In opposition to this deviance discourse, a normalcy discourse is appearing in the literature that interprets sexting as normal intimate communication within romantic and sexual relationships, both among adults and adolescents who are exploring and growing into adult relationships. Next, the paper analyzes the sexting risk prevention messages of 10 online educational campaigns. Such campaigns typically rely on scare scenarios, emphasize the risk of bullying and criminal prosecution, engage in female victim blaming, and recommend complete abstinence from sexting. The paper closes by questioning the abstinence approach in sexting education, and makes suggestions on how to move towards an evidence-based approach to sexting risk prevention that acknowledges both adolescents' vulnerability and sexual agency. © 2008 Cyberpsychology: Journal of Psychosocial Research on Cyberspace.
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This study examines the relational, normative, gender, and age dynamics of adolescent sexting in the USA using open-ended questionnaires. Girls in the study were no more likely than boys to sext; however, they were more likely to experience pressure to do so, particularly from boys. Girls were commonly judged harshly whether they sexted (e.g., “slut”) or not (e.g., “prude”), whereas boys were virtually immune from criticism regardless. Older adolescents described sexting as occurring primarily within the context of flirting, romance, or sex, whereas younger adolescents reported what might be described as “pre-sexting” behaviors, involving the joking exchange of sexually suggestive (but non-nude) photos with platonic friends. Although some adolescents expressed a fear that sexting might lead to reputational damage, the normative climate and desire for approval motivated some to sext regardless. Implications and avenues for future research are offered in the discussion.
Love is often thought to involve a merging of identities or a sense that a romantic partner is part of oneself. Couples who report feeling more satisfied with their relationships also feel more interconnected. We hypothesized that Facebook profile photos would provide a novel way to tap into romantic partners’ merged identities. In a cross-sectional study (Study 1), a longitudinal study (Study 2), and a 14-day daily experience study (Study 3), we found that individuals who posted dyadic profile pictures on Facebook reported feeling more satisfied with their relationships and closer to their partners than individuals who did not. We also found that on days when people felt more satisfied in their relationship, they were more likely to share relationship-relevant information on Facebook. This study expands our knowledge of how online behavioral traces give us powerful insight into the satisfaction and closeness of important social bonds.
Social scripting theory points to the fact that much of sexual behavior seems to follow a script. Similar to scripts that stage actors use to guide their behavior, social scripts instruct members of a society as to appropriate behavior and the meanings to attach to certain behaviors. In Western cultures, scripts for sexual activity are markedly different for males and females. In this article, the goals are to provide (a) an introduction to social scripting theory, (b) an exploration of the ways and potential reasons sexual scripts differ by gender, and (c) a discussion of ways that a social scripting perspective can be applied to work with individuals and couples experiencing sexual problems.
According to error management theory (Haselton & Buss, 2000), natural selection will of-ten produce adaptively biased systems of judgment, even when these systems produce more errors than alternative designs. In a study of naturally occurring events, evidence of one such bias in men—the sexual overperception bias—was documented. Women (n ¼ 102) and men (n ¼ 114) reported past experiences in which a member of the opposite sex erroneously in-ferred their sexual interest. Women reported significantly more false-positive errors committed by men than false-negative errors. Men reported roughly equal numbers of false-positive and false-negative errors committed by women, suggesting no bias in womenÕs sexual inferences. Several within-sex predictors of misperceptions were identified; for example, individuals high in self-perceived mate value reported more false-positive inferences by others than did individ-uals lower in mate value. Ó 2002 Elsevier Science (USA). All rights reserved.
Women’s magazines are a popular site for analysis of socio-cultural messages about gender, sex, and sexuality. We analyzed six consecutive issues of Cosmopolitan and Cleo to identify the ways in which they construct and represent male and female sexuality. Overall, male sexuality was prioritised, ‘real’ heterosex was depicted as penetrative, and orgasm was given precedence. Two main accounts of male and female sexuality were identified. Men’s need for (great) sex positioned men as easily aroused and sexually satisfied, but women as needing to develop ‘great’ sexual skills to keep their men from ‘straying.’ Accounts of pleasure, performance, and the male ego represented men as concerned about women’s pleasure, about their own sexual performance and as sensitive about suggested sexual ‘inadequacies.’ We discuss the implications of these constructions for women’s gendered (sexual) subjectivity, sexual practices, and identities.
Despite the fact that research has identified intimate relationships as being an important factor in how people look to present themselves on social networking sites, there still remains a lack of research in this domain. By comparing trends inside the rituals of the relationship status, public displays of affection and photographs on Facebook this paper examines how they can impact a relationship in the offline world by discussing the extent to which the design and features of the site can impact the emotional repertoire of its users. Results highlighted that the website has the potential to provide a new focus and channel for a person to depict where their relationship is going, feeling rules can be attached to certain rituals on the website. By focusing on the relationship statusoption and public displays of affection, it was emphasized that these rituals accentuate themes of possession and territory and can be used to configure a couple’s superiority. The discussion on photographs illustrated how the website can bring problems and jealousy to the relationship, particularly when the ‘ex-partner’ was taken into account.
A new theory of cognitive biases, called error management theory (EMT), proposes that psychological mechanisms are designed to be predictably biased when the costs of false-positive and false-negative errors were asymmetrical over evolutionary history. This theory explains known phenomena such as men's overperception of women's sexual intent, and it predicts new biases in social inference such as women's underestimation of men's commitment. In Study 1 (N = 217), the authors documented the commitment underperception effect predicted by EMT. In Study 2 (N = 289), the authors replicated the commitment bias and documented a condition in which men's sexual overperception bias is corrected. Discussion contrasts EMT with the heuristics and biases approach and suggests additional testable hypotheses based on EMT.
We examined the extent to which gender of sext message sender and type of sext message affects people's perceptions of sext messages. As part of a 2 × 2 between-subjects design, 122 undergraduates (61 women, 61 men) at a predominantly White liberal arts university in Texas read a vignette in which either a female or a male target sent a solicited or unsolicited sext message to an opposite-sex acquaintance; participants then reported their perceptions of the situation and the sender of the sext message. As predicted, women who sent unsolicited sext messages were rated as more appropriate than were men who sent unsolicited sext messages; by contrast, women and men who sent solicited sext messages were perceived as equally appropriate. These findings suggest that hypermasculinity in the form of a man sending an unsolicited sext message to a woman may be more likely to be judged as a form of sexual harassment that makes the female receiver feel uncomfortable or threatened. By contrast, cultural ideals of hegemonic masculinity seem to dictate that men should react positively to sexual advances from women, regardless of whether such advances are solicited or not.
On Instagram, the accounts Bye Felipe and Tinder Nightmares feature screen-grabbed messages of sexist abuse and harassment women have received from men on dating apps. This paper presents a discursive analysis of 526 posts from these Instagrams. Utilising a psychosocial and feminist poststructuralist perspective, it examines how harassing messages reproduce certain gendered discourses and (hetero)sexual scripts, and analyses how harassers attempt to position themselves and the feminine subject in interaction. The analysis presents two themes, termed the “not hot enough” discourse and the “missing discourse of consent”, which are unpacked to reveal a patriarchal logic in which a woman's constructed “worth” in the online sexual marketplace resides in her beauty and sexual propriety. Occurring in response to women's exercise of choice and to (real or imagined) sexual rejection, it is argued these are disciplinary discourses that attempt to (re)position women and femininity as sexually subordinate to masculinity and men. This paper makes a novel contribution to a growing body of feminist work on online harassment and misogyny. It also considers the implications for feminist theorising on the link between postfeminism and contemporary forms of sexism, and ends with some reflections on strategies of feminist resistance.
The ‘dick pic’ (DP) has become a growing cultural phenomenon in the digital realm, attracting increasing commentary regarding why men send them, with women’s responses constituting online social movements. Emerging research concerning the practice of DPs has been incredibly limited, with discussion focused on youth sexting practices and online harassment more broadly. However, research focusing specifically on the gendered dynamics of heterosexual boys’ and men’s engagement with DPs is significantly absent, and there has been no attempt to explore how the DP is framed in public commentary. We draw from a qualitative content analysis of social media and digital news articles, comics and blogs discussing the ‘dick pic’, highlighting four major ways in which the ‘dick pic’ is framed. These include: assumptions regarding men’s motivations, women’s production of ‘counterpublics’ and feminist resistance to the DP, satirical and humourous responses to DPs, and positive and transformative responses involving the active solicitation of men’s DPs. We argue that such responses work to interpret and address men’s behaviours, but lack critical consideration regarding their underlying motives and the roles DPs might have in relation to their sexual subjectivities. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of such responses and calls for future research.
Sexting, defined as the sending and receiving of sexually suggestive or sexually explicit text or photos, has been growing in prevalence. Recent studies have demonstrated that over half of individuals sampled over 17 and regardless of gender participate in some type of sexting behavior. Most studies on sexting behaviors, including those looking at men who have sex with men (MSM) focus on emerging adult or university-based populations. The goal of the current study was to sample a nonuniversity-based MSM adult population to determine the prevalence of sexting behavior and the odds that a person engages in sexting behaviors based on certain sexual behaviors. The sample consisted of 213 MSM (mean age = 34.8 years, standard deviation [STD] = 12.1) who reside in Oklahoma. The majority of participants (133, 62.4 percent) participated in sexting behaviors. Logistic regression indicated that individuals had 10 times higher odds to engage in sexting if they had participated in a hookup (odds ratio [OR] = 10.44, 95% CI = [4.16-26.25]) and individuals who are married or in a committed relationship had 71 percent lower odds that they had sent a sext message (OR = 0.29, 95% CI = [0.12-0.71]). Sexting behaviors were not associated with condom use. Implications, including using third-party geolocation mobile application (such as Grindr) to deliver sexual health information, are discussed.
Our understanding of the prevalence, correlates, predictors, and outcomes of sexting is increasing; however, little is known about potential positive aspects of this emerging behavior, and whether the consequences of sexting vary by gender or relationship type (committed vs. casual). Using a sample of 352 undergraduate students (106 men, 246 women) the present study addresses this gap in the literature. Sixty-two percent of the participants reported that they had sent or received a sexually-explicit picture message. Of these, 56% reported that the sexting occurred with a committed partner, and 44% reported that it was with a casual partner. Men were significantly more likely to report sexting with a casual partner, while women were more likely to sext with a committed partner. Approximately half of young adults identified positive or inconsequential outcomes related to sexting; however, there were differences by relationship type and gender. For the most part, those who sexted with a casual partner identified fewer positive and more negative consequences than did those who sexted with a committed partner. Overall, findings point to the importance of considering individual and relationship characteristics in identifying and responding to teen and young adult sexting.
Sexting and its potential links to sexual behavior, including risky sexual practices, have received scholarly scrutiny, but this literature is marked by divergent perspectives and disparate findings. To assess claims regarding the nature of the relationship between sexting and sexual behavior, we conducted a critical review of the literature and analyzed data from 15 articles via quantitative meta-analytic techniques. Sexting behavior was positively related to sexual activity, unprotected sex, and one's number of sexual partners, but the relationship was weak to moderate. Additional information, gleaned from a critical review of included studies, helped contextualize these findings and point to specific limitations and directions for future research.
This article brings to attention and explores women’s use of non-traditional forms of resistance to online sexual harassment. In this piece we use Anna Gensler’s Instagram art project Instagranniepants to examine how women are appropriating the language and practices of the cyber realm to expose online sexual harassment and to engender a creative resistance which is critical, comedic and entertaining. Drawing from interdisciplinary literature on witnessing, satire and shaming, we explore the techniques Gensler uses to not only document harassment but also resist, engage and punish those who seek to perpetrate it. This article problematises the stereotype of women as passive victims of online public spaces, and is critical of popular discourses that portray online spaces as exclusively risky and that position women as the natural victims of online violence. It concludes that a more nuanced account of women’s negotiation of online spaces is necessary, particularly as an overarching narrative of risk and victimisation undermines the liberatory potential of the online realm.
Individuals in pursuit of, or currently in, a romantic relationship typically communicate via technology, extending to sexting with one another. Sexting is commonly understood as the sending and receiving of sexually suggestive or sexually explicit photos, video, or text via cell phone or other technologies. The characteristics that fuel whether one engages in sexting are not well understood. In this study, 459 unmarried, heterosexual undergraduate students (female = 328; male = 131), aged 18 to 25 years, from three universities completed an online questionnaire about their behaviors with technology and romantic relationships. In general, low attachment avoidance and high fear of negative evaluation from the dating partner predicted sending a sexually suggestive photo or video, sending a photo or video in one's underwear or lingerie, and sending a sexually suggestive text. High fear of negative evaluation predicted sending a nude photo or video as well as sending a text message propositioning sex. Low attachment avoidance, greater fear of negative evaluation, and greater social distress when dating were associated with sexting behaviors.
Given that few researchers have addressed sexting among adult samples, we sought to evaluate the prevalence of adults who sext, their sexting behaviors, and how it impacted relationship satisfaction. Analyses on the sample (N = 1171) revealed that heterosexual women are negatively impacted if they do not reciprocate a sext message; yet nonheterosexual women, and men in general, are not negatively impacted. This finding can be best understood within the framework of relational cultural theory (RCT). Implications for future research and for the practice of mental health providers are discussed.
Communication over the Internet is helpful for marginalized individuals in their efforts to feel a part of the collective whole and gain personal empowerment. For individuals who identify as part of the LGB community, the Internet can be seen as a tool to take control of their lives, may promote self-esteem, and foster a sense of belongingness. The purpose of the study was about sexting practices on college campuses in general. It builds on the existing body of knowledge by attending specifically to sexting rather than the previous literature about engagement in sexual behavior online. Participants responded to a survey on sexting and technology use as well as questions from the Sociosexual Orientation Inventory–Revised (SOI-R) and the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual Identity Scale (LGBIS). Findings indicated that sexting is viewed as more acceptable in same-sex relationships compared with heterosexual relationships. Implications for future research include exploring how greater degrees of perceived acceptability manifests in both problematic and advantageous ways in relationships. Implications for practice include being able to identify how same sex couples reporting higher degrees of acceptability with sexting in their relationship can translate to heterosexual relationships.
In this study, we examined the relationships between sexting coercion, physical sex coercion, intimate partner violence, and mental health and trauma symptoms within a sample of 480 young adult undergraduates (160 men and 320 women). Approximately one fifth of the sample indicated that they had engaged in sexting when they did not want to. Those who had been coerced into sexting had usually been coerced by subtler tactics (e.g., repeated asking and being made to feel obligated) than more severe forms of coercion (e.g., physical threats). Nevertheless, the trauma related to these acts of coercion both at the time they occurred and now (looking back) were greater for sexting coercion than for physical sex coercion. Moreover, women noted significantly more trauma now (looking back) than at the time the events occurred for sexting coercion. Additionally, those who experienced more instances of sexting coercion also endorsed more symptoms of anxiety, depression, and generalized trauma. Finally, sexting coercion was related to both physical sex coercion and intimate partner violence, which suggests that sexting coercion may be a form of intimate partner violence, providing perpetrators with a new, digital route for physical and sexual covictimization.
The concept of hegemonic masculinity has influenced gender studies across many academic fields but has also attracted serious criticism. The authors trace the origin of the concept in a convergence of ideas in the early 1980s and map the ways it was applied when research on men and masculinities expanded. Evaluating the principal criticisms, the authors defend the underlying concept of masculinity, which in most research use is neither reified nor essentialist. However, the criticism of trait models of gender and rigid typologies is sound. The treatment of the subject in research on hegemonic masculinity can be improved with the aid of recent psychological models, although limits to discursive flexibility must be recognized. The concept of hegemonic masculinity does not equate to a model of social reproduction; we need to recognize social struggles in which subordinated masculinities influence dominant forms. Finally, the authors review what has been confirmed from early formulations (the idea of multiple masculinities, the concept of hegemony, and the emphasis on change) and what needs to be discarded (onedimensional treatment of hierarchy and trait conceptions of gender). The authors suggest reformulation of the concept in four areas: a more complex model of gender hierarchy, emphasizing the agency of women; explicit recognition of the geography of masculinities, emphasizing the interplay among local, regional, and global levels; a more specific treatment of embodiment in contexts of privilege and power; and a stronger emphasis on the dynamics of hegemonic masculinity, recognizing internal contradictions and the possibilities of movement toward gender democracy.
The effects of sexting on relationship satisfaction and the conditions under which sexting occurs in adult romantic relationships was the focus of the study. Participants were recruited through social networking websites to participate in an online survey. The sample (n = 86) included 44 participants who were married or living together and 42 participants who were in a dating relationship. Results indicated that couples who scored higher on the consensus scale were more likely to have sexted. Hedonism was found to be a motivator of sexting behaviors. Clinical implications are discussed.
We know little about the prevalence of sexting behavior among young men who have sex with men (YMSM) or its association with their sexual behaviors.
To address these gaps, we used data from an online study examining the partner-seeking behaviors of single YMSM (N = 1,502; ages 18-24 years) in the United States. Most participants (87.5%) reported sexting, with 75.7% of the sample reporting having sent and received a sext.
Sexting was more frequent among sexually active YMSM, with YMSM who had sent and received a sext being more likely to report insertive anal intercourse, with and without condoms, than those who had not sexted. We found no association between sexting and receptive anal intercourse.
Our findings suggest that sexting may vary by YMSM's sexual roles. We discuss our findings with attention to their implications for sexual health promotion.
The current study examines whether adolescents who report sexting exhibit more psychosocial health problems, compared to their non-sexting counterparts. Participants included 937 ethnically diverse male and female adolescents recruited and assessed from multiple high schools in southeast Texas. Measures included self-report of sexting, impulsivity, alcohol and drug use, and depression and anxiety symptoms. Teen sexting was significantly associated with symptoms of depression, impulsivity, and substance use. When adjusted for prior sexual behavior, age, gender, race/ethnicity, and parent education, sexting was only related to impulsivity and substance use. While teen sexting appears to correlate with impulsive and high-risk behaviors (substance use), we did not find sexting to be a marker of mental health.
In the mere-repeated-exposure paradigm, an individual is repeatedly exposed to a particular stimulus object, and the researcher records the individual's emerging preference for that object. Vast literature on the mere-repeated-exposure effect shows it to be a robust phenomenon that cannot be explained by an appeal to recognition memory or perceptual fluency. The effect has been demonstrated across cultures, species, and diverse stimulus domains. It has been obtained even when the stimuli exposed are not accessible to the participants’ awareness, and even prenatally. The repeated-exposure paradigm can be regarded as a form of classical conditioning if we assume that the absence of aversive events constitutes the unconditioned stimulus. Empirical research shows that a benign experience of repetition can in and of itself enhance positive affect, and that such affect can become attached not only to stimuli that have been exposed but also to similar stimuli that have not been previously exposed, and to totally distinct stimuli as well. Implications for affect as a fundamental and independent process are discussed in the light of neuroanatomical evidence.
The purpose of this study was to assess the prevalence of sexting among sixth through twelfth grade students and its correlations with other risk behaviors. The survey was conducted in 35 different schools in a midwestern state. Overall, 17% of students engaged in sexting, which varied significantly by age (3% of 12-year-olds to 32% of 18-year-olds). Adjusted odds ratios found statistically significant correlations between sexting and sexual behaviors, substance use behaviors, emotional health behaviors, and time spent texting. Sexting should be addressed by parents, teachers, and mental health professionals who interact with adolescents.
This article takes as its textual focus the U.K. men’s lifestyle magazine and explores the notion that irony is strategically employed in the partial constitution (and evasion) of a specific masculine identity. It is frequently claimed that irony is a prominent feature of the postmodern condition, with its slippery ability to disclaim allegiances to particularpolitical or critical positions; within the men’s lifestyle magazine, we can see how irony functions both to give voice to reactionary and antifeminist sentiments and to continually destabilize the notion of a coherent and visible masculinity. The article focuses on both irony as a trope and irony as a mode of existence in the pursuit of describing the ambiguity inherent in magazine masculinity, and it engages with close textual and linguistic analysis of a magazine feature and an interview.
Abstract Sexting, or the exchange of sexually explicit material via Internet social-networking site or mobile phone, is an increasingly prevalent behavior. The study sought to (1) identify expectancies regarding sexting behaviors, (2) examine how demographics (i.e., gender, sexual identity, relationship status) might be differentially related to sexting expectancies and behaviors, and (3) examine whether these concurrent relationships are consistent with a theoretical causal model in which sexting expectancies influence sexting behaviors. The sample consisted of 278 undergraduate students (mean age=21.0 years, SD=4.56; 53.8% female; 76.3% caucasian). Factor analyses supported the validity and reliability of the Sextpectancies Measure (α=0.85-0.93 across subscales) and indicated two expectancy domains each for both sending and receiving sexts: positive expectancies (sexual-related and affect-related) and negative expectancies. Males reported stronger positive expectancies (F=4.64, p=0.03) while females reported stronger negative expectancies (F=6.11, p=0.01) about receiving sexts. There were also differences across relationship status regarding negative expectancies (F=2.25, p=0.05 for sending; F=4.24, p=0.002 for receiving). There were also significant effects of positive (F=45.98, p<0.001 for sending, F=22.42, p<0.001 for receiving) and negative expectancies (F=36.65, p=0.02 sending, F=14.41, p<0.001 receiving) on sexting behaviors (η(2) from 0.04-0.13). College students reported both positive and negative sextpectancies, although sextpectancies and sexting varied significantly across gender, race, sexual identity, and relationship status. Concurrent relationships were consistent with the causal model of sextpectancies influencing sexting behaviors, and this study serves as the first test of this model, which could inform future prevention strategies to mitigate sexting risks.
Purpose:
Cell phone use has become more widespread over the past decade. Young adults are frequently early adopters of new technologies, including cell phones. Most previous research examining sexting, the act of sending sexually explicit or suggestive images via text message, has focused on the legal or social consequences of this behavior. The current study focused on the public health implications of sexting by examining associations between sexting, substance use, and sexual risk behavior in youth.
Methods:
Young adults (N = 763) completed online questionnaires assessing demographics, cell phone use (e.g., texting, sexting), substance use, and sexual risk behaviors.
Results:
Sexting was reported by a substantial minority of participants (44%). Compared with their nonsexting counterparts, participants who engaged in sexting were more likely to report recent substance use and high-risk sexual behaviors, including unprotected sex and sex with multiple partners. Of those who engaged in sexting, a considerable percentage (31.8%) reported having sex with a new partner for the first time after sexting with that person. In multivariate analyses, sexting was associated with high-risk sexual behavior, after accounting for demographic factors, total texting behaviors, and substance use.
Conclusions:
Results suggest that sexting is robustly associated with high-risk sexual behavior. Many individuals exchange explicit or provocative photos with long-term sexual partners, but at least some participants in this study were incurring new sexual risks after sexting. Additional research is needed to understand the contexts in which sexting occurs, motivations for sexting, and relationship of sexting to risk behavior.
When U.S. college students tell breakup stories, they often indicate what medium was used for each exchange. In this article, I explore what this practice reveals about people's media ideologies. By extending previous scholarship on language ideologies to media, I trace how switching media or refusing to switch media contributes to the labor of disconnecting the relationship, determining whether phrases such as “it's over” are effective or not.[breaking up, genre, media ideologies, media switching, new media]
A general introduction to scripting theory is offered, attempting to provide links between macrolevel considerations of sociocultural development and general theories of individual development. The scripting of behavior is examined on three distinct levels: cultural scenarios (instruction in collective meanings), interpersonal scripts (the application of specific cultural scenarios by a specific individual in a specific social context), and intrapsychic scripts (the management of desires as experienced by the individual). These concepts of the scripting of behavior are then applied to sexual behavior. Interpersonal scripts are seen as the ordering of representations of self and other that facilitate the occurrence of a sexual act; intrapsychic scripts represent the ordering of images and desires that elicit and sustain sexual arousal. Issues of stability and change in sexual scripts are then examined in terms of the changing circumstances and requirements associated with movement through the life cycle.