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62
‘English is the Commercial
Language Whereas Spanish
is the Language of my
Emotions’: An Exploration
of TESOL and Bilingual
Teacher Identity and
Translanguaging Ideologies
Lobat Asadi, Stephanie Moody and Yolanda Padrón
Introduction
The performativity of discourse (Butler, 1999) is embodied in language
learning. The performance of a language introduces the concept of the
phenomenon in situ – often observed in translanguaging practices. Spence
(2017) explains that truth may be rhetorical, given that the memory of the
mind’s eye may only hold fragments of it, yet ‘they are taken as reliable
clues to one or more actual events’ (2017: 882). Thus, when perception is
based on memory and performed linguistically according to one’s context,
language pedagogy can only be a dialogic process among participants, not
a means to an end-result. Pennycook (2018) explains that the organic
nature of discourse is historically sedimented, yet generative as it is ever-
changing. Past language use, present context and a projected linguistic
future are enfolded into one’s linguistic repertoire. Translanguaging is a
type of such organic discourse that emphasizes how people use their
knowledge of multiple languages to socially engage with the world (García,
2017). Many scholars believe that it is an e ective learning strategy for
multilinguals because it allows learners to make connections between past
experiences and the classroom in ways that teachers may not be able to
(Conteh, 2018; Gort & Sembiante, 2015; Henderson & Palmer, 2015).
Despite this, translanguaging has been met with resistance in the fi eld, and
3
The Complexity of Identity and Interaction in Language Education, edited by Nathanael Rudolph, et al., Channel View
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thus has not been incorporated into the mainstream curriculum (Bilgin,
2015; Cheng, 2013). Instead, language pedagogies such as bilingual and
English-only language education have been utilized to position ‘standard
English’ as the language of power (Crystal, 2003; García etal., 2017).
In order to explore the lived experiences and resultant ideologies of
multilingual language teachers, we need to better understand the complex-
ities between language and power in relation to teachers’ intersectional
identities. For the present study, bilingual and Teaching English to the
Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL) in-service teachers at a large public
university in Texas were interviewed about their identity and any relation-
ship to translanguaging. Semi-structured interviews and researcher obser-
vations were deconstructed through narrative inquiry (Clandinin &
Connelly, 2000) to determine ideologies about monolingualism versus
translanguaging. Based on our fi ndings, we provide a rationale for making
translanguaging a mainstream educational practice that counteracts tradi-
tional hegemonic language instruction (Darder & Uriarte, 2012; Gramsci,
1999; Phillipson, 2009). We warn that translanguaging will never become
a mainstream educational practice unless language instructors refl ect upon
the settler origins of the current language pedagogy in the United States,
and consider the global neo-colonial manifestations.
Literature Review
Since meaning within all languages is enforced by dominant ideolo-
gies and institutions, there arises a need to understand the multiple values.
Bakhtin (1983) examines the historical merge of past and present as an
internal drive that produces states of language. Thus, confl icting forces
and genre conventions may demonstrate various ideological associations
from language use. Thus, language acquisition is, in part, based on the
historical, socially constructed environment, which minimizes confl icting
voices, causing monologic discourse, or enables confl icting voices, causing
dialogic discourse.
The relationship between history and discourse indicates the need for
deconstruction and re-examination of language instruction. In fact, the
cognition of one’s surroundings varies based on the privilege one has in
the given environment and space (Allen, 1999). These spaces are projects
embedded in spatial memory that have specifi c roles within historical con-
texts. Even though imaginary spaces may only remain in memory, they
can be witnessed through symbolic realms such as language. Thus, they
can provide guidelines on how thought may become action in curriculum
and pedagogy. Therefore, we envision that current mainstream pedago-
gies in language instruction should be determined by the geo-political and
geo-spatial histories that have formed the conditions in which they are
instructed, such as present or former English-speaking colonies of domi-
nant western nations.
An Exploration of TESOL and Bilingual Teacher Identity 63
The Complexity of Identity and Interaction in Language Education, edited by Nathanael Rudolph, et al., Channel View
Publications, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/tamucs/detail.action?docID=6267100.
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Englishness
Before we can understand current language policies, we need to famil-
iarize ourselves with the global spread of ‘Englishness’ (Ezroura, 2018) to
recognize how it has always been constructed to fi t the agendas of English-
speaking globally dominant nations. Ezroura (2018) states, ‘such an
astounding success of English (as language, culture, episteme, and econ-
omy, hence the term “Englishness”) is directly indebted to the great
achievements of the British Empire since the 17th Century’ (2018: 3).
Today, scholars agree that the global linguistic spread of English is more
powerful than any other past attempts at linguistic dominance (Pennycook,
1998; Phillipson, 1992; Sekhar, 2012). English is now the dominant or
o cial language in 60 countries, and in countries that lack formal ties to
English, it is still widely represented and infl uential in media. Clearly, the
English language infl uences culture, epistemology, and economy across
the globe (Sekhar, 2012).
Thus, the umbrella term Englishness is utilized to address our argu-
ment that English-language instruction has manifested sociohistorically.
Understanding these roots, aids in analyzing who and what ELT does.
The term decolonial is used when deconstructing the remains of colonial
practices in places often viewed as presently colonized such as North
America (Quijano, 2000; Tuck & Yang, 2012). Participants’ educational
experiences are presented using narrative discourses about language, cul-
ture, and identity, so two areas of debate are examined regarding the
expansion of English: (a) how the historic colonial spread of the British
Empire is refl ected in English language instruction, and (b) the global
domination of English and how that impacts English language learning
and instruction in the United States.
Colonial education in the United States
While a thorough analysis of linguistic imperialism is outside the
scope of this study, such aims are tangible in the historical view of systems
that developed out of the pedagogies of Anglo-Saxon settlers in North
America. To demonstrate, in 1823, the Monroe Doctrine, laid out the
blueprints and the systems to maintain the western Empires, including
linguistic aims as colonizers in North America forced Native Americans
and enslaved Africans to learn English (Passe & Willox, 2009; Phillipson,
2009). In the 19th century, a desire for homogenized North American
culture emerged; thus English language and literature were also studied to
‘foster a sympathetic identifi cation’ with ‘America’ and show ‘patriotic
devotion’ (Brass, 2011: 344). Prime Minister Winston Churchill, whose
mother was American, outlined it in A History of English-Speaking
Peoples (Phillipson, 2009). During the 20th century, immigration to
America increased and English instruction became one way to
64 Part 1: Learners, Teachers, and the ‘Ares,’ ‘Cans’ and ‘Shoulds’ of Being and Becoming
The Complexity of Identity and Interaction in Language Education, edited by Nathanael Rudolph, et al., Channel View
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Created from tamucs on 2020-11-19 12:14:37.
Copyright © 2020. Channel View Publications. All rights reserved.
indoctrinate newcomers into American culture and form solidarity (Brass,
2011). This process of replacing knowledge constituted a ‘coloniality of
knowledge’ (Quijano, 2000). As a result, the Anglo-Saxon English-
speaking people(s), and others who assimilated linguistically were privi-
leged in North America (Ramsey, 2010; Rury, 2012).
However, in 1968 Congress passed the Bilingual Education Act, which
granted second language use in education but did not require schools to
do so (Kim etal., 2015). However, the legislation was accompanied by
laws in several states that prohibited BE, which again placed language
minority students under linguistic disadvantage.
The entire English-only movement is supported by the concept of the
‘achievement gap.’ Yet, the entire concept of the ‘achievement gap’ is
skewed because hig h-stakes tests, always in English, make it impossible to
separate linguistic profi ciency from content knowledge (Menken, 2010).
The resulting scores of language minority students are less indicative of a
lack of content knowledge, and more an a rmation of the language
learner disadvantage. With this achievement gap fallacy, monolingual ide-
ologies and interests of globally dominant western nations are reinforced
and promoted.
Theoretical Framework
Translanguaging
The language use of bilinguals has been given many di erent names,
each of which refl ects a specifi c ideological stance based on the roots
through which the term was created. We focus specifi cally on ‘translan-
guaging,’ in which individuals utilize their entire linguistic repertoire to
communicate (García, 2017), and ‘translingualism,’ used to discuss the
contact between languages that occurs through writing and meaning-
making (Canagarajah, 2013). Both concepts challenge the settler colonial
pedagogy sociopolitics of language (Guerra & Shivers-McNair, 2017).
Translanguaging pedagogy advocates for language development to be
viewed as closely related to the contextual, historical, and sociolinguistic
circumstances of the language teacher and learner. Thus, it may be used
as a means of decolonization in formerly colonized lands (Horner &
Tetreault , 2017 ).
Yet, translanguaging has been met with resistance by policymakers
and administrators. Much of this stems from deeply entrenched beliefs
about social and political forces used to categorize and rank languages.
Translanguaging may remove such hierarchies and allow for linguistic
acceptance. In Botswana, for example, languages are assigned to catego-
ries of ‘school’ and ‘home’ to indicate when they should be used, and their
level of prestige (Bagwasi, 2017). Translanguaging pedagogy threatens
categorization by asking governments around the world to recognize the
An Exploration of TESOL and Bilingual Teacher Identit y 65
The Complexity of Identity and Interaction in Language Education, edited by Nathanael Rudolph, et al., Channel View
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legitimacy of ‘lower-class’ languages for academic and professional pur-
poses. At the same time, fear stems from governments’ preoccupation
with native language loss, making many hesitant to accept translanguag-
ing as a tool (Conteh, 2018). Schools are equally resistant because they
contend that language is a neutral tool for acquiring academic concepts
and ignore that language choices may reinforce colonial beliefs and power
(García, 2017).
Likewise, schools with bilingual and multilingual education programs
remain resistant to translanguaging. Ironically, these language pedagogies
may have emerged as sociolinguistic matching methods from the same
colonia l pedagogies that they purport to resist (Guerra & Shivers-McNair,
2017). Dual-language and two-way immersion programs are widely
touted as additive approaches to bilingual education, even though they
maintain and perpetuate monolingual ideologies of ‘two solitudes’
(Cummins, 2008). In these schools, students may only use Standard
English, and translanguaging as well as translingual writing practices are
shunned. In this way, monolingualism continues to be positioned as the
norm, and bilingualism is judged through a monolingual framework
(Flores & Rosa, 2015).
Translanguaging as decolonizing pedagogy
In order to deconstruct settler pedagogies, we have to reimage what
decolonizing pedagogies might look like (Pérez, 1999). In North America,
colonialism began in 1519 with Castilian settlers after the Spanish conquest
of the Aztec people in Mesoamerica. Yet today, after the second wave of
Anglo-Saxon colonialism, there are ongoing pedagogic and policy e orts
to include Latinx peoples’ history and the Spanish language in education
(Cabrera etal., 2014). Linguistically, Flores and Rosa (2015) push for a
critical heteroglossic perspective where the listener is challenged about their
preconceived ideas of native speakers, accents, and interpretations. On the
other hand, translanguaging pedagogy (García etal., 2017) acknowledges
diverse linguistic practices for problem-solving (Kabuto, 2010), making
connections to prior knowledge (Garrity etal., 2015), and the negotiation
of meaning (Worthy et al., 2013). Combining these two approaches,
Cummins (2017) suggests changing the standard additive bilingual approach
to an active approach. Thus, translanguaging pedagogy proposed by
García (2009, 2017) would be legitimized, and the two-way transfer of lan-
guage would be promoted. Likewise, the heteroglossic perspective would
be privileged, ‘highlighting the impact of societal power relations and their
refl ection in patterns of teacher-student identity negotiation as determi-
nants of the achievement gap between social groups,’ (Cummins, 2017:
420). For decolonization of language education, educators must examine
the relationship to power and the positions of all stakeholders.
66 Part 1: Learners, Teachers, and the ‘Ares,’ ‘Cans’ and ‘Shoulds’ of Being and Becoming
The Complexity of Identity and Interaction in Language Education, edited by Nathanael Rudolph, et al., Channel View
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Created from tamucs on 2020-11-19 12:14:37.
Copyright © 2020. Channel View Publications. All rights reserved.
Identity, power and discourse
By considering translanguaging a decolonial method, and through dis-
cussions about global Englishness, linguistic imperialism, and heteroglos-
sia, it becomes evident that our current English language instruction is
derived from the colonial spread of the British Empire and is centered
around privilege and power. As Bakhtin (1981) asserts, ‘language is not a
neutral medium that passes easily and freely into the private property of the
speakers’ intentions; it is populated – overpopulated with the intentions of
others’ (1981: 294). Therefore, language teachers from di erent back-
grounds may di er in how historical circumstances and geopolitical social
constructs have linguistically shaped them. Likewise, they may manipulate,
ignore, and support learning depending on how their own identities and
linguistic repertoires have developed in relationship with power.
Intersectionality
Cho etal. (2013), explain that intersectionality is a theoretical and
methodological paradigm that examines the interplay of di erence and
sameness when considering ‘gender, race, and other axes of power in a
wide range of political discussions and academic disciplines’ (2013: 787).
These crossroads of experience that vary among people based on their
lifestyles, ethnicity, and other factors, shape the identity of individuals
living with multiple realities. By including intersectionality of teachers’
linguistic positioning, ethnicity, sociocultural, and political experiences,
the examination of how lived experiences infl uence their respective views
on translanguaging emerge. Guided by intersectionality, we prioritized
exploring ways in which the dimensions of identity inform our analysis of
teacher’s perspectives on language instruction.
Idealized nativeness
Bakhtin (1981) explains that language education has been modelled on
the idealized nativeness of a language speaker. Yet, no universal linguistic
code that acts as one voice for all speakers exists. In fact, scholarship recog-
nizes that the entire concept of a native speaker is a fallacy (Phillipson &
Skutnabb-Kangas, 1996). In the case of standard English, the idea of the
native speaker was built on the belief that imperialist European nations are
intellectually and culturally superior, which led to a fi xed system of lan-
guages that marginalizes the ‘other’ (Pennycook, 2004). Thus, in order to
survive, immigrants have had to socially and linguistically assimilate (Ong
etal., 1996) to gain linguistic capital (Bourdieu, 1986).
Thus, eschewing the entire concept of a native or non-native speaker,
asserting that ‘individuals are not native or nonnative speakers per se, but
rather are (non) native speakered with respect to di erent characteristics,
An Exploration of TESOL and Bilingual Teacher Identit y 67
The Complexity of Identity and Interaction in Language Education, edited by Nathanael Rudolph, et al., Channel View
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through di erent institutional mechanisms, individual performances, and
social negotiations’ (Aneja, 2016: 576). With the (non) native speakered
approach, we are able to move beyond the categorization of individuals
and consider how language identity is negotiated and developed.
Teacher identity
The identity of teachers is developed largely around their perceptions,
and their students’ perceptions, of them as native or non-native speakers.
For the most part, native English-speaking teachers are assumed monolin-
gual, and non-native speakers are defi ned ‘less by their plurilingualism
than by their perceived defi ciencies in English,’ (Ellis, 2016: 597). Rich
language learning experiences of teachers and their pedagogical resources
are ignored – not used as a strength (Ellis, 2016). By ignoring or inaccu-
rately perceiving the linguistic identities of educators, teachers are not able
to use their own experiences pedagogically. When translanguaging, teach-
ers are expected to exhibit a monolingual English stance. The natural
practice of translanguaging is both shamed and stifl ed, prohibiting teach-
ers from using it with their own students.
Methods
Research design
While most empirical research indicates that e ective educational
reforms rely on long-term inquiry as well as critical thinking, most studies
have not looked at the identity-related dispositions of teachers. Thus, the
specifi c stories behind the teachers’ ideologies are often omitted or reduced
to the overall fi ndings. In this study, narrative inquiry, the ‘experiential
study of experience’ (Xu & Connelly, 2010), is used to examine the iden-
tity development of six bilingual and TESOL teachers. It is research about
people, understanding that they exist in relationship to other people,
places, and things (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000).
Traditional axioms of truth look for ontological claims of generaliz-
ability (Dewey & Bentley, 1949). However, this study seeks narrative truth
as opposed to paradigmatic truth (Bruner, 1962/1979). Narrative inquiry
is not a method for answering specifi c questions, but instead a pathway
towards understanding the actions and events that become stories (Xu &
Connelly, 2010). Thus, in contrast to generalizable systemic research, nar-
rative inquiry is contextual and deliberately specifi c to the person(s), con-
text and being studied (Craig, 2003; Craig etal., 2017). ‘Narrative inquiry
is experiential because it is fundamentally concerned with human activity
and how humans make meaning as individuals and in community with one
another’ (Craig, 2003: 7). This fl uid representation and analysis of teacher
identity allow for intersectional identities of the teachers to emerge and be
explored by the researchers.
68 Part 1: Learners, Teachers, and the ‘Ares,’ ‘Cans’ and ‘Shoulds’ of Being and Becoming
The Complexity of Identity and Interaction in Language Education, edited by Nathanael Rudolph, et al., Channel View
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Created from tamucs on 2020-11-19 12:14:37.
Copyright © 2020. Channel View Publications. All rights reserved.
Participants
Inspired by a narrative inquiry study into ethnic identity by Chan
(2010), participants were sought, who would vary greatly from both their
parents and their children, due to sociolinguistic and political infl uences
in their lives. Thus, participants were not randomly selected, but chosen
for their intersectional identities as transnational or married to one or
international student. It was assumed that participants may have views on
what language they should use pedagogically, versus with their families.
Combined, six BE and TESOL teachers, all of whom are pursuing a doc-
torate in their respective fi elds, were interviewed. All participants either
speak two or more languages, and have extensive experience with lan-
guage education in Teaching English as a Foreign or Second Language, or
as a bilingual educator (Table 3.1).
Study instruments
For this study, we conducted six open-ended interviews, each of which
lasted approximately one hour. These interviews were conducted indi-
vidually with the researchers and participants. We allowed the partici-
pants to dictate the direction of the interview, as we hoped that individual
stories would guide our understanding of our participants’ beliefs about
their identities as language teachers and their perceptions of translanguag-
ing pedagogy.
Analysis
As researchers, we enter this study as both experienced language edu-
cators and peers to the educators we interviewed. We acknowledge that our
beliefs about language learning pedagogy and our experiences as English
speakers and speakers of other languages exert infl uence over our interac-
tions with our participants as well as in our interpretation of the data.
First, we conducted a content analysis (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) that
looked for teacher quotes allowed for emergent key concepts; native
speaker, colonialism, sociopolitical, language learning and language
teaching. The results were cross-checked by all three researchers for reli-
ability. At this stage, the most relevant concepts to the teachers’ identities
were: (a) past personal lived English language-related experiences, (b)
present teaching/use of heritage language and English both in their per-
sonal lives and in classroom language and fi nally (c) sociopolitical associa-
tions with English and translanguaging in their personal/familial use and
their instructional methods.
After conducting the content analysis, it was noted that the transna-
tional or international participants often referred to sociopolitical issues
that formed their language beliefs. This indicated that certain
An Exploration of TESOL and Bilingual Teacher Identit y 69
The Complexity of Identity and Interaction in Language Education, edited by Nathanael Rudolph, et al., Channel View
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70 Part 1: Learners, Teachers, and the ‘Ares,’ ‘Cans’ and ‘Shoulds’ of Being and Becoming
Table 3.1 Teache r ide ntit y
TESOL Teacher Identity Power & Discourse Analysis Historical
Identity Analysis
Translanguaging Identity Analysis
Fariba; female, Kurdish-Iranian international
student, married to Kurdish-Iranian, fl uent in
three languages. Wishes to immigrate to US.
Taught EFL in Iran adult education & US higher
education preservice teacher ed.
Idealized nativeness felt as EFL teacher
in US. Also felt this as Kurdish speaker
in Iran (Farsi prestige language).
Sociocultural associations with
her own heritage languages.
Does not prestige English or
idealized nativism.
Uses and agrees with translanguaging.
Emma; single female, Chinese, no kids, fl uent in
two languages. International student, does not
wish to immigrate to US. Taught in US in higher
education preservice teacher ed.
English was a prestige language even
though China was cloistered. Grew up
trying to sound native and imitating
sitcoms like Friends.
Does not agree with translanguaging, even
though she learned by watching sitcoms
with subtitles in China.
Peter, Married Anglo-Saxon male, Chinese
spouse, mixed race kids, fl uent in three
languages, US-born national, lived in Taiwan as a
math teacher. Taught K-12 math in US and TESOL
preservice teacher ed in higher ed.
Experienced privilege as native
speaker, Anglo-American in Taiwan.
Met spouse abroad, who is also
Chinese.
Associations with French
relatives. No connection with
much with teaching in Taiwan.
Does not use translanguaging, not agree
with it. Uses dual language instead at home
with mixed marriage & children.
Bilingual
Teacher
Identity Power & Discourse Analysis Historical
Identity Analysis
Translanguaging Identity Analysis
Clarita, Puerto-Rican Hispanic-American,
immigrated to US as 1st gen, married to Anglo-
American, mixed race kids, fl uent in three
languages. Taught in K-12 US system.
Had to learn heritage language on
her own due to leaving Puerto Rico at
early age.
Puerto Rico was colonized and
this disrupted her life and that
of her family. Second-class
citizens abroad and in US.
Idealized nativeness issues experienced as
US citizen.
Valentina; Colombian Hispanic-American 1st
gen, married to Anglo-American, mixed race
kids. Taught in K-12 US system.
Idealized nativeness indicated, not
stated.
Prestige language indicated. Native
speaking privilege indicated.
No associations with being
immigrant from Columbia.
Does not use translanguaging, not agree
with it. Uses dual language instead at home
with mixed marriage & children.
Leticia; single female, Mexican-American,
immigrated parents, 2nd generation. Taught in
K-12 US system.
English as prestige language indicated.
Idealized nativeness privilege
indicated.
Border and identity issues
growing up in US with MX
parents. MAS/language
issues in CA & TX experienced
personally and as a teacher.
Uses translanguaging for social justice and
educational purposes as needed, regardless
of curriculum. Must use Spanglish with
parents and siblings.
Prefers dual language education, not
opposed to trans as needed.
The Complexity of Identity and Interaction in Language Education, edited by Nathanael Rudolph, et al., Channel View
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sociocultural and sociopolitical contexts and mitigating factors were
interconnected to their relationship(s) English. Therefore, the researchers
conducted a second level of a priori coding to identify the themes within
three emergent themes, specifi cally related to intersectional teacher iden-
tity. The aspects of the teachers’ intersectional identities were expressed
in relation to: (a) power and discourse, (b) historical and geopolitical
backgrounds and (c) translanguaging (displayed in Table 3.1).
Findings
The pre-service teachers’ past experience with language learning
seemed to form their ideologies, beliefs and even impacted their relation-
ships to language learning. The participants’ attitudes towards teaching
language versus using translanguaging at home vary. Most di erentiated
their speech save for Leticia, who seemed consistent in translanguaging
use in both her personal and professional life.
Teachers’ nationality, status and heritage language
Leticia explained that she prefers to be able to use the same methods
of looking up words, mixing languages and explaining in the heritage
language, as determined by the needs of individual students:
The students mix languages naturally like you would at home. The aca-
demic goal is for them to be profi cient in English reading, writing, speak-
ing and listening, but in order to move them from only speaking Spanish
to being bilingual, we are not just taking their language, we’re taking
them as an entire person, as an entire entity. And that comes with culture,
their heritage, you know, whatever their passions are, their love, their
background, their family.
Leticia considered nationality, sociopolitical status, and prior heritage
language use as impacting translanguaging. Likewise, translanguaging
seemed especially benefi cial for most of the teachers who immigrated and/
or naturalized citizens because it helped to stabilize their hybrid identities.
Translanguaging appeared to encourage positive feelings of sociocultural
memories and enhance the teachers’ sense of social justice in the US, a
primarily monolingual education nation.
Monolingualism never took o in Puerto Rico, Clarita explained;
‘English is the commercial language whereas Spanish is the language of my
emotions. Language is culture…you can learn without losing your identity.’
While Clarita described her resistance to English-only curriculum, she
did not face the physical punishment for speaking Spanish school that her
elders and many others described facing during the earlier days of US
colonization:
An Exploration of TESOL and Bilingual Teacher Identity 71
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There’s more allegiance to the Spanish language that feels like your cul-
ture. We had leaders, we had art, we had institutions, newspapers and
things like that. So, when the United States came, it was even really hard
for the Americans to assimilate the Puerto Ricans.
Today, Clarita uses translanguaging to teach, just like Leticia and Fariba.
Ironically, all three hail from nations that were directly impacted by colo-
nization and/or prestige languages be it in Mesoamerica/North America,
Iran, or Puerto Rico. Leticia, Clarity and Fariba had entanglements with
language, power, and identity, often related to the use of English. In the
case of Fariba, a Kurdish mother-tongue speaker, she experienced this
reduction of prestige associated with native-language abilities in both
Farsi and English.
Furthermore, three teachers in this study married nationals from other
nations. Clarita and Valentina married Anglo-Americans and became
naturalized citizens, while Peter, a native-born US citizen, married an
Asian woman, whom he met while teaching in Taiwan. While in Taiwan,
Peter learned Chinese and continues to speak it with his wife and kids,
hoping that his children will grow up bilingual. All three have mixed-race
children and use translanguaging at home. Yet, their opinions about the
use of translanguage varied. This may have been due to prestige languages
and language policies in tandem with their ancestral lands having been
colonized.
Teachers’ identity refl ected in privilege and prestige
Privilege associated with idealized nativeness and English as a prestige
language was referenced several times by both TESOL and BE instruc-
tors. Due to the diverse languages, backgrounds and identities of the
teachers in the study, it is interesting to note that the prestige of English
native-language speech was the strongest infl uence over the pedagogical
choices and professional stances the teachers expressed. Fariba, a Kurdish
minority who hails from Iran, said she often feels like a second-class
teacher because she is not a native speaker, despite the fact that she holds
the same credentials as other instructors:
I was once rejected in an interview for an English language institution in
Iran. The reason that they rejected me is that I did not sound like a native
speaker. You can only teach lower levels otherwise (in Iran). Here (US), I
met a lot of professors in my department that are not native speakers.
They have no problem. Some have accents, but they can communicate
easily, and there’s no problem interacting with those professors. I think
whether you sound like a native speaker or not; you should have a good
relationship with students and communicate as you need to in order to
teach them.
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Fariba uses translingual writing practices herself as a learner, with
both Farsi and English in her academic life and believes one can learn by
using multiple languages:
It makes me feel so confi dent than I’m going back to my fi rst language. I
just translate. For example, I write a sentence and translate it have a better
understanding. When I write notes in English, I lose some concepts that
I want to take away, but if it (notes) is in Farsi, I can convey more informa-
tion than in English.
Perhaps sociocultural memories embedded in Fariba’s notes and asso-
ciations with Farsi add confi dence. ‘It’s really beautiful when we hear a lot
of languages. It’s like a garden full of di erent fl owers.’ Yet, Fariba
explained that in familial situations, she uses translanguaging between
Kurdish and Farsi:
I was born as a simultaneous learner because I was speaking Kurdish with
my parents until the age of four or fi ve. At the same time, I was looking
at the cartoons and movies in Farsi. Uh, so because I learned Kurdish
fi rst, that’s the language I use when speaking with my parents and my
brothers. When angry or become very emotional, I also automatically go
back to Kurdish.
Opposite to the intentional use of these practices expressed by Fariba,
Clarita and Leticia, Peter states that translanguaging is a spontaneous
action, not a pedagogic tool. Both Peter and Emma, who is near-native in
English and native in Chinese, reported using translanguaging spontane-
ously in personal conversations. Similarly, Valentina shares the belief that
translanguaging occurs naturally but asserts that is it not the best lan-
guage practice or pedagogic tool – opting for dual monolingualism in both
language praxis and personal life.
In addition, non-native speakers gaining status with the spread of
Englishness and English, (Crystal, 2003; Ezroura, 2018) Peter, as a
native-speaking, Anglo-American male, could be more privileged than
others in this study. Critical race theorists may argue that those more
closely associated with Anglo-America, either through racial attributes
or by marriage, hold whiteness as a form of property and possess more
sociocultural and economic privileges than those with intersectional
identities (Crenshaw, 1994; Harris, 1995). Ironically, Peter stated that he
prefers teaching in Taiwan over the US because he could speak Chinese
and access it personally and professionally as needed, whereas in the US,
he feels confi ned to using English-only whenever he has taught math. ‘I
fi nd it cognitively stimulating to be in a country and a culture and a situ-
ation where I’m able to use two languages however I feel throughout the
day, and the fact that I’m able to be exposed to a foreign language and
engage in conversations, I think for me is fulfi lling, and I can’t do that
in the US.’
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This may impact his identity and translanguaging ideologies, as he
only uses it randomly with his Chinese-speaking family. Furthermore,
under the perspectives of intersectionality and critical theories, learning
Chinese would be perceived by dominant global perspectives as an accom-
plishment for Peter. Since speaking Chinese is not a requirement to the
teaching profession, Peter may experience multiple levels of privilege both
as a math teacher and currently as a TESOL teacher educator doctoral
student. Regardless of native-speaking or Anglo-American status, Peter
would like for translanguaging to become more mainstream as a peda-
gogic tool, indicating that he feels some constraints by monolingual
curricula.
Ironically, Leticia, the only other native speaker besides Peter, admitted
that English is a prestige language amongst Hispanic people, which dis-
rupts her social justice stances. While she was ashamed of her Spanish-only
speaking parents as a child growing up in California, she admits to now
rebelling against this negative imagery by using both translanguaging per-
sonally and professionally. The two other teachers, Emma and Valentina,
who both sound like a ‘traditional’ native-speaker, expressed privilege and
may unknowingly possess even more. It is interesting to note that Emma
speaks English and Chinese, often mixing the two spontaneously when in
China. She acknowledged that it is prestigious to speak English in China,
in personal and academic contexts. Yet, like Peter and Valentina, she was
opposed to using translanguaging as a pedagogic tool. Valentina is also
near-native in speech, and married to an Anglo-American, indicating that
she may experience a higher level of status associated with idealized native-
ness of English as the prestige language in North America. Valentina did
not say she was aware of any privileges and asserted that it is important to
stay monolingual when learning a language. ‘I choose the language that
I’m going to communicate with and stay with that language. I think it’s
important for language preservation purposes and at home just to use the
language that I’m going to communicate with.’
Thus, due to ideological or curricular issues, most of the teachers, who
have English native or near native-speaking status, only use translanguag-
ing spontaneously in their private lives. Leticia is a native-speaking excep-
tion but also remains passionate about linguistic rights and equity. Fariba
is not a native speaker, nor is she a US citizen, but she does use translan-
guaging personally and pedagogically. Given the sociocultural references
and the fact that she is a student-visa resident, not a US citizen, she may
be experiencing the joy of using Farsi as it connects her to her heritage and
associated memories.
‘Native speaking’ abilities
In tandem with monolingual constructs that often advocate idealized
nativeness, half of the teachers (Leticia, Fariba, Clarita) stated that they
74 Part 1: Learners, Teachers, and the ‘Ares,’ ‘Cans’ and ‘Shoulds’ of Being and Becoming
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were somehow impacted by idealized nativeness, and all were in favor of
translanguaging. While Peter and Valentina may have unknowingly ben-
efi ted by sounding like a native English speaker, it is indicated in the cul-
tural capital-related intersectional markers of more prestige associated
with their race and/or nationality associated with native speaking abili-
ties. Emma expressed awareness of native-speaking privilege, yet she
remained uncertain about the use of translanguaging pedagogy. Overall,
a higher level of teachers’ native English language speaking ability may
indicate uncertainty about translanguaging.
To illust rate, con fi dence and ideologies about language instruction
seemed to vary based on how native the teacher sounded. Peter and Leticia
are the only two natural-born US citizens with native-speaking teachers
in the study, yet Leticia speaks Spanish as a Mexican-American, and Peter
speaks Chinese that he learned, in part while working in Taiwan, and in
his interracial marriage. Peter stated that he thinks translanguaging use is
determined to the identity of the speaker, rather than being a pedagogic
tool, and he only uses it in his personal life. Peter asserted that translan-
guaging was a random phenomenon, and it would not appear in speech
until the learners had acquired advanced levels of profi ciency in the second
language. Leticia, however, is a Mexican-American, and passionately
endorses translanguaging praxis.
Both Leticia and Peter stated that they had witnessed translanguaging
happening spontaneously in their multi-lingual lived experiences, but
Peter preferred the use of dual language practices in overall language
learning, while Leticia used translanguaging regardless of the curricula.
However, Leticia is also second-generation binational. Growing up, she
was disturbed by the way her parents were treated as non-native and for-
eign-language speakers in the United States. Leticia remembers feeling
rebellious when told to use English-only and continues to resist it actively.
This is because she dislikes the perception in Mexico, and in North
America, speaking English over Spanish elevates one’s sociocultural
status. She perceives translanguaging as an equity-oriented discourse, in
tandem with its instructional benefi ts.
Implications
Teacher education
Acknowledging that this study cannot claim an ultimate truth, we
have instead explored narrative storied by the participants that we have
re-storied and explored using our perspectives. As we dissected the epis-
temological infl uences of settler pedagogy, we assessed the curricular
responses, which varied somewhat between TESOL and BE teachers.
Overall, teachers’ preservice training of TESOL or BE may have impacted
their use and opinions of translanguaging. Yet, it emerged as a pedagogy
An Exploration of TESOL and Bilingual Teacher Identity 75
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that supported many transnational teachers’ restructuring of their own
ideologies about language learning. Overall, translanguaging was per-
ceived as equitable, culturally responsive, transformative, as a pedagogi-
cal tool – in accord with accessing the entire linguistic repertoire of the
learner (Otsuji & Pennycook, 2011).
Overall, the TESOL teachers were in support of its use in non-aca-
demic contexts at home, with family and spontaneously. However, Fariba
supported its use in academic contexts and passionately shared her trans-
lingual writing practices with the researchers. She was determined to dem-
onstrate its usefulness but expressed feeling an enriched, happier sense of
ethnic and national origins when she used both Farsi, her academic fi rst
language, and English in academia and instruction as TESOL teacher and
preservice teacher educator.
Linguistic imperialism
The study raises many questions for further study such as: what do the
attitudes language instructors have towards translanguaging at home,
versus its use at an institution of learning, indicate (particularly when these
instructors are multilinguals)? Should language-related pedagogy be di er-
ent for learners who hail from nations that are sociopolitically challenged
by Englishness or other Western-centric issues? Further study is also
needed about the ways in which TESOL and BE teacher education vary
and how the di erences impact instructors’ translanguaging ideologies.
Guerra and Shivers-McNair (2017) place the current language peda-
gogies into an accessible historical framework that enables our compre-
hension of language policy and praxis. Their connection of language
instruction to coloniality, broaden, yet also further entangle, how linguis-
tic imperialism has been constructed by globally dominant powers to
maintain their hegemonic systems (Phillipson, 1992). Likewise, looking
back into historical infl uences of teachers through their narratives juxta-
posed with the intersections of their nationalities, race, and English-
idealized nativeness, we can see how each teacher has been linguistically
managed through prestige languages or otherwise impacted by coloniza-
tion and resultant discourses of privilege.
Leticia, Fariba and Clarita explicitly stated colonial and sociopolitical
issues that impacted their identity and linguistic use ideologies. In addi-
tion, it may be argued that Peter was privileged as an Anglo-American
male, given ancestral colonization of North America from Europe. The
issues of English language prestige, idealized nativeness, and any socio-
cultural or rebellious responses indicate that colonial factors have not
been well mitigated, and current language pedagogies are immersed in
sociolinguistic issues. These fi ndings support Phillipson’s assertions that
monolingual curricula and native-speaking abilities are some of the
underpinning fallacies of pedagogic expertise (Phillipson, 2009). The
76 Par t 1: Learners, Teachers, and the ‘Ares,’ ‘Cans’ and ‘Shoulds’ of Being and Becoming
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indications that neo-colonial pedagogies and ideologies exist among lan-
guage teachers in this study indicate that some institutions are functioning
in a neocolonial English language curriculum in the United States, and the
spell of Englishness has been cast globally. Thus, translanguaging, with
its nod to social justice and dialogic discourse, may not be fully actualized
in the current pedagogic system.
However, in this study, monolingual pedagog ies and concepts of ideal-
ized nativeness have shown that traditional (monolingual) methods are
not e ective for all teachers and learners. Concerned language educators
may consider resisting methods, which are often rooted in linguistic impe-
rialism. For example, Kumaravadivelu (2001) suggests a ‘three pedagogic
parameters of particularity, practicality, and possibility as organizing
principles for L2 teaching and education’ instead of a method of transmis-
sion (2001: 537). In response to ine ective traditional and colonial con-
ceived forms of pedagogy, which due to identity and sociocultural issues
raised in this study, have not been holistically e ective methods, we look
towards translanguaging, translingual practice, and postmethod peda-
gogy (Kumaravadivelu, 1994, 2001).
This study into TESOL and BE teacher ideologies about translan-
guaging demonstrates that translanguaging is better understood by his-
torical deconstruction and inquiry about linguistic imperialism by those
teachers who possess less linguistic privilege. For several teachers in the
study, translanguaging indicated that they have a personal history with
linguistic imperialism and/or transnationalism. Thus, their ideologies
about social justice have likely emerged from these, and often confl ict-
ridden lived experiences. As teachers, their complex histories with linguis-
tic rights has allowed the often more marginalized teachers of both
TESOL and BE to feel empowered as educators and language minority
speakers. This was evident as most of the teachers who shared stories of
marginalization also expressed support of the students they determined
as needing linguistic support.
Teachers with privileges associated with their linguistic repertoires and
identities questioned or were averse to translanguaging pedagogies.
Though well-intentioned, these potentially more privileged teachers and
curriculum-makers alike may oust practices that would benefi t language
learners. Due to these results, we look towards decolonizing linguistic
pedagogies and encourage a forthcoming educational era that is no longer
entrenched in linguistic imperialism, coloniality and Englishness. Likewise,
monolingualism appears as a settler-colonial, hegemonic construct given
the resulting power of Englishness displayed in the globally dominant
spread through colonization. Furthermore, ‘global’ education and EFL
perpetuate imperialism through neoliberal multicultural tactics of local
and global governing systems of economy and education (Melamed, 2011).
Pedagogy should include a wider range of political, sociocultural experi-
ences that infl uence TESOL instruction other than Western-centric means.
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