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Abstract

This study investigated sext dissemination in a large convenience sample of young adults (N = 691, M age = 22.4, SD = 3.2, 53% female). Participants who disseminated sexts (17.4%) were more likely sexually active, and from a younger age, had requested sexts, received disseminated sexts, and reported higher dark triad trait levels. Images were usually received from a different gender and disseminated to the same gender. Men and women were equally likely to disseminate sexts, mainly to the same gender, whilst men tended to distribute to more individuals. Common motivations were attractiveness, humour and unimportance, with revenge uncommon. Men were more frequently motivated by attractiveness and increased social status. Four unique factors were associated with sext dissemination: having requested sexts, received disseminated sexts, had one's own sexts disseminated and elevated narcissistic traits; consistent with social exchange theory. Age, having requested sexts and having one's own images shared were associated with increased frequency of dissemination. One in ten respondents knew of their own sexts being disseminated; with men (27.9%) three times more likely than women (9.5%) to have consented to dissemination. Theoretical explanations and implications are discussed. Future interventions should focus on explicit consent and empathy, rather than punitive approaches.

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... This could potentially be a commonly used mechanism of moral disengagement in the context of IBSA. A recent study found that approximately 31% of the participants who had disseminated a sext without consent did so as a joke, with male participants being significantly more likely to endorse this excuse (Clancy et al., 2019(Clancy et al., , 2020. ...
... The conflicting results on the effect of gender and IBSA perpetration rates may be reflective of the methods of sharing intimate images of another person without consent and the motivations behind it. For example, in previous work men most commonly endorsed reasons of sharing pictures of another person without permission to brag or to get attention (Clancy et al., 2020). On the other hand, women endorsed reasons "as a joke, to be funny", "roasting", and "gossip" as some of the most common motivations (Clancy et al., 2020). ...
... For example, in previous work men most commonly endorsed reasons of sharing pictures of another person without permission to brag or to get attention (Clancy et al., 2020). On the other hand, women endorsed reasons "as a joke, to be funny", "roasting", and "gossip" as some of the most common motivations (Clancy et al., 2020). Thus, it could be that male perpetrators who engage in IBSA for the attention may choose public dissemination channels, explaining the over-saturation of women victims on websites that host IBSA-related content. ...
Thesis
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Image-based sexual abuse (IBSA) can be defined as the non-consensual sharing or threatening to share of nude or sexual images of another person. This is one of the first studies examining how demographic characteristics (gender, sexual orientation), personality traits (Dark Tetrad), and attitudes (aggrieved entitlement, sexual entitlement, sexual image abuse myth acceptance) predict the likelihood of engaging in IBSA perpetration and victimization. In a sample of 816 undergraduate students (72.7% female and 23.3% male), approximately 15% of them had at some point in their life, distributed and/or threatened to distribute nude or sexual pictures of someone else without their consent and 1 in 3 had experienced IBSA victimization. Higher psychopathy or narcissism scores were associated with an increased likelihood of having engaged in IBSA perpetration. Additionally, those with no history of victimization were 70% less likely to have engaged in IBSA perpetration compared to those who had experienced someone disseminating their intimate image without consent themselves. These results suggest that a cyclic relationship between IBSA victimization exists, where victims of IBSA may turn to perpetration, and IBSA perpetrators may leave themselves vulnerable to future victimization. The challenges surrounding IBSA policy and legislation highlight the importance of understanding the factors and motivators associated with IBSA perpetration.
... A recent meta-analysis [3] estimated that 38% of young adults have sent sexts, 42% have received sexts, 48% have engaged in reciprocal sending, and 15% have forwarded sexts without consent. These rates have been increasing in more recent years, with some studies finding that 70% of young adults report sending sexts, and in excess of 80% receive sexts [5,6]. ...
... To understand sext dissemination behaviours, it is important to consider the underlying motivations. Only four empirical studies to date have explicitly explored sext dissemination motivations: three with young adult populations [5,6,18] and one investigating adolescents [19]. Among young adults, dissemination prevalence rates were similar across genders, ranging from 16 to 19%. ...
... For adolescents, 15% reported having shared images, with boys significantly more likely (21%) than girls (9%) to have done so [19]. Motivations or rationalisations for sext dissemination were generally self-reported as relatively innocuous, with the most frequent self-ascribed motivations including "for fun, as a joke", that it "was not a big deal", or "because the person was hot" [5,6,18]. Similar motivations were reported by adolescents, specifically for fun or as a joke, showing off, and not realising what they were doing [19]. ...
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Sext dissemination presents policy and legislative challenges given its potential psychological, social, and legal harms. We report on a cross-national comparison of sext-image dissemination in a large sample of 1148 young adults aged 18–29 years (M = 22.54, SD = 2.50, 53.0% women, 47.0% men), either U.S. (53.8%) or Australian (46.2%) residents. The results indicate that 14% of young adults disseminated sexts, with no difference by gender or country. Over 50% of respondents indicated that the last time they received a disseminated sext, it was unexpected or unwelcome, with women twice as likely as men to receive unwelcome sexts. The most frequent motivations for sext dissemination were similar cross-nationally, relating to the attractiveness of the person depicted, as a joke, to gossip, because it was not a big deal, bragging, roasting or teasing, and to increase social status. Motivations of attractiveness, bragging, or social status were more commonly endorsed by men, while women endorsed reasons around gossip or roasting/teasing. Unique predictors of sext dissemination included U.S. residence, requesting sexts, receiving disseminated sexts, having one’s own images disseminated, and more positive subjective norms to dissemination, and there was a country–gender interaction, where Australian women and U.S. men were more likely to disseminate sexts than then U.S. women or Australian men. The findings have implications for prevention programs seeking to address harmful online sexual interactions, including addressing respect, consent, and subjective norms supporting non-consensual dissemination.
... Across the existing empirical literature for this form of abuse, inconsistent operational definitions, measures and timeframes, and different sampling strategies and methods, have resulted in varied perpetration data. Most research on IBSA perpetration has been conducted in Australia (e.g., Clancy et al., 2019;Powell et al., 2019), the United Kingdom (UK) (e.g., Pina et al., 2017;Walker et al., 2019), Europe (e.g., Barrense-Dias et al., 2020;Naezer & van Oosterhout, 2020), Canada, and the United States (US) (e.g., Clancy et al., 2020;Ruvalcaba & Eaton, 2020). Also characteristic of this wider IBSA perpetration literature is that many studies draw on samples with young people, often under the age of 18 years (e.g., Madigan et al., 2018;Patchin & Hinduja, 2020), making it difficult to ascertain patterns of perpetration among adults. ...
... The review authors note, however, that only five of the eight studies included in the metaanalysis used the concept of consent to measure dissemination, while the remaining three used more neutral language (Patel & Roesch, 2020). Further studies have variously reported IBSA sharing or distribution prevalence of: 5.1% (n = 3044) (Ruvalcaba & Eaton, 2020), 22.9% (n = 5805) (Garcia et al., 2016) and 35.2% (n = 671) in the US (Hudson et al., 2014); 6.4% (n = 4053) in Australia (Powell et al., 2019); 12.6% (n = 1334) in Italy (Morelli et al., 2016); 15.1% (n = 5175) in Switzerland ( Barrense-Dias et al., 2020); and 17.4% (n = 691) across Australia, Canada, the US, and the UK (Clancy et al., 2020). In the UK, Walker et al. (2019) used separate measures to capture sharing of "sexy pictures" and "sexy videos" and more explicit language around the consent of the original sender. ...
... Fewer studies have presented analyses of a range of demographic and other correlates for IBSA perpetration. However, in terms of gender differences, some studies have established relatively similar perpetration rates between men and women, or no significant differences (e.g., Clancy et al., 2019Clancy et al., , 2020Reed et al., 2016;Walker et al., 2019), with participants identifying as a gender minority often excluded from published analyses due to small cell sizes. Other studies, however, have reported significantly higher rates of perpetration among men compared with women: 21.1% and 8.9%, respectively (Barrense-Dias et al., 2020); 25.3% and 19.6%, respectively (Garcia et al., 2016); 13.7% and 7.4%, respectively (Powell et al., 2019); and 7.3% and 3.3%, respectively (Ruvalcaba & Eaton, 2020). ...
Article
Image-based sexual abuse (IBSA) is a form of technology-facilitated abuse in which intimate (nude or sexual) images of a person are taken, distributed, or threats are made to distribute the images, without a person’s consent. It is an increasingly criminalized form of sexual abuse, and yet little is known about the perpetrators of these harms, including the extent, relational nature and correlates of perpetration. This article reports on the first multi-country survey study to comprehensively investigate IBSA perpetration. An online panel survey of the general community (aged 16–64 years) in the United Kingdom (UK), Australia, and New Zealand (NZ) ( n = 6109) found that self-reported IBSA perpetration was relatively common, with one in six (17.5%, n = 1070) respondents engaging in at least one form of IBSA. Logistic regression analyses identified nine characteristics that significantly increased the odds of having engaged in IBSA perpetration during their lifetime, namely: residing in the NZ as opposed to the UK or Australia, being male, having disability/assistance needs, holding attitudes that minimize the harms and excuse the perpetrators of IBSA, engaging in online dating behaviors, engaging in sexual self-image behaviors, and experiencing IBSA victimization (images taken, images distributed, and images threatened). Policy and prevention implications of the findings, as well as directions for future research are discussed.
... Victims of NCII are frequently held responsible and blamed for their victimisation, especially in cases where they had taken the photo that was eventually shared with others (Zvi & Bitton, 2021). Some may view NCII as inevitable and believe that sexts do not generally stay private (Clancy et al., 2020). In a sample of Australian adults, 70% agreed that individuals should be wise enough not to take an intimate image of themselves, and 62% agreed that someone who sends an intimate picture to another person is at least partially responsible if the picture is posted online . ...
... In a sample of Australian adults, 70% agreed that individuals should be wise enough not to take an intimate image of themselves, and 62% agreed that someone who sends an intimate picture to another person is at least partially responsible if the picture is posted online . At the same time, cases of NCII are downplayed as "harmless" and "funny" (Clancy et al., 2019(Clancy et al., , 2020. For example, as reported by Naezer and van Oosterhout (2021), in one case of NCII, the mother of the perpetrator made fun of the disseminated image and even asked for it to be forwarded to her. ...
... Work on face-to-face sexual violence has consistently found men to be more likely to accept false beliefs about rape and sexual assault (for a meta-analysis, see Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). Although research on TFSV-and IBSA-related myths is scant, in a previous study that explored the motivations behind sext dissemination, the researchers uncovered themes that parallel sexual image-based abuse myths (Clancy et al., 2020). For example, in a sample of men who had disseminated sexts without permission, more than half of the participants (55%) reported doing so because they did not think it was a big deal (Clancy et al., 2020). ...
Article
ABSTRACT Method Analyses Results Discussion Conclusion Disclosure statement References Appendixes Full Article Figures & data References Citations Metrics Reprints & Permissions PDF | EPUB ABSTRACT Despite media attention on non-consensual intimate image dissemination (NCII), the literature on the personality traits, attitudes, and beliefs that predict NCII approval, enjoyment, and perpetration is limited. With a sample of 810 undergraduate students, we examined the relationship between dark personality traits, acceptance of image-based sexual abuse-related myths, and NCII. We found that 48.2% of our participants did not oppose NCII perpetration, 71.4% did not oppose NCII enjoyment, and 97.8% did not oppose NCII approval. Moreover, we found that being a man, heterosexual, and scoring higher in dark personality traits predicted acceptance of Image-Based Sexual Abuse (IBSA)-related myths. In turn, accepting such myths predicted not opposing NCII proclivity. Our results underscore the importance of demystifying technology-facilitated sexual violence and promoting educational material that highlights lived experience and dispelling IBSA-related myths.
... A recent meta-analysis [3] estimated that 38% of young adults have sent sexts, 42% have received sexts, 48% have engaged in reciprocal sending, and 15% have forwarded sexts without consent. These rates have been increasing in more recent years, with some studies finding that 70% of young adults report sending sexts, and in excess of 80% receive sexts [5,6]. ...
... To understand sext dissemination behaviours, it is important to consider the underlying motivations. Only four empirical studies to date have explicitly explored sext dissemination motivations: three with young adult populations [5,6,18] and one investigating adolescents [19]. Among young adults, dissemination prevalence rates were similar across genders, ranging from 16 to 19%. ...
... For adolescents, 15% reported having shared images, with boys significantly more likely (21%) than girls (9%) to have done so [19]. Motivations or rationalisations for sext dissemination were generally self-reported as relatively innocuous, with the most frequent self-ascribed motivations including "for fun, as a joke", that it "was not a big deal", or "because the person was hot" [5,6,18]. Similar motivations were reported by adolescents, specifically for fun or as a joke, showing off, and not realising what they were doing [19]. ...
Article
Sext dissemination presents policy and legislative challenges given its potential psychological, social, and legal harms. We report on a cross-national comparison of sext-image dissemination in a large sample of 1148 young adults aged 18–29 years (M = 22.54, SD = 2.50, 53.0% women, 47.0% men), either U.S. (53.8%) or Australian (46.2%) residents. The results indicate that 14% of young adults disseminated sexts, with no difference by gender or country. Over 50% of respondents indicated that the last time they received a disseminated sext, it was unexpected or unwelcome, with women twice as likely as men to receive unwelcome sexts. The most frequent motivations for sext dissemination were similar cross-nationally, relating to the attractiveness of the person depicted, as a joke, to gossip, because it was not a big deal, bragging, roasting or teasing, and to increase social status. Motivations of attractiveness, bragging, or social status were more commonly endorsed by men, while women endorsed reasons around gossip or roasting/teasing. Unique predictors of sext dissemination included U.S. residence, requesting sexts, receiving disseminated sexts, having one’s own images disseminated, and more positive subjective norms to dissemination, and there was a country–gender interaction, where Australian women and U.S. men were more likely to disseminate sexts than then U.S. women or Australian men. The findings have implications for prevention programs seeking to address harmful online sexual interactions, including addressing respect, consent, and subjective norms supporting non-consensual dissemination.
... Ad esempio, rispetto al sexting alcuni autori (Clancy et al., 2020) hanno rilevato elevati livelli di narcisismo, machiavellimo e psicopatia in entrambi i generi, in persone che adottavano questo tipo di comportamento, mettendo in luce atteggiamenti di superficialità e scarsa empatia nei confronti dell'altro. Così come esiste una correlazione tra la propensione al revenge porn e la Dark Triad (Pina, Holland e James, 2017). ...
... Alla base di tutte queste pratiche per lo più sembra esserci l'intento premeditato di danneggiare e umiliare la vittima, che spesso è stata la partner sessuale e sentimentale dell'autore del reato (Burris, 2014;Citron e Franks, 2014). Non tutti gli atti di diffusione d'immagini intime, tuttavia, sono perpetrati per vendetta, possono infatti essere commessi anche come mezzo di ricatto, coercizione, o per puro piacere di perseguitare gli altri (Henry e Powell, 2016), per divertimento, per irrilevanza o perché in alcune fasce d'età tale pratica è considerata normale (Clancy, Klettke e Hallford, 2019, 2020. Queste motivazioni suggeriscono che nella propensione a diffondere immagini intime e nel revenge porn possa giocare un ruolo importante la deumanizzazione della persona. ...
... Le ricerche che si sono focalizzate sui comportamenti sessuali legati all'uso della rete hanno messo in relazione questi tratti con la pratica del sexting e la diffusione delle relative immagini rilevando la non indipendenza dalla Triade Oscura (Clancy et al., 2020). Sembra, inoltre, che questi tratti favoriscano comportamenti vendicativi (Brewer et al., 2015) anche attraverso nuove forme di violenza: technology facilitated sexual violence (TFSV; Henry e Powell, 2016) tra cui il revenge porn o la propensione ad esso (Pina, Holland e James, 2017). ...
Article
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In questo articolo viene presentato un lavoro di ricerca focalizzato sui fattori che favoriscono la diffusione non consensuale d'immagini intime: questo fenomeno è conosciuto con il nome di revenge porn. Le ricerche hanno messo in evidenza il ruolo giocato in questo contesto dalla Dark Triad, tuttavia, vista la compatibilità dei tratti psicopatici, machiavellici e narcisistici con gli atteggiamenti di deumanizzazione nelle relazioni romantiche abbiamo ritenuto che tali tratti giochino un ruolo importante nella propensione al revenge porn. Obiettivo: abbiamo ipotizzato che la deumanizzazione nelle relazioni romantiche possa essere correlata con i tratti della Dark Triad e con la propensione al revenge porn, e che la deumanizzazione possa essere un fattore di mediazione tra i tratti di personalità della Triade Oscura e la propensione al revenge porn. Metodo: è stato reclutato un campione sessualmente attivo di 213 soggetti, dai 18 ai 66 anni di età (M = 33.08, SD = 9.87). Risultati: I risultati evidenziano una correlazione tra il fattore deumanizzazione con i tratti di personalità della Dark Triad e con la scala del revenge porn proclivity. Il revenge porn proclivity mostra correlazioni con tutte le variabili precedenti tranne che con il tratto di personalità narcisistico. La deumanizzazione si conferma come mediatore tra i tratti della Dark Triad e la propensione al revenge porn.
... According to the results of previous studies, the characteristics responsible for gender differences in motivation for sexting seem to vary in the studies conducted. Women are more likely to cite humorous motives [20,59] and reasons related to gossip [60], while men are more likely to cite motives such as attractiveness, bragging, or social status [20,59,60]. Some qualitative data [59] suggest that a small significant group of women report forwarding unwanted or unwelcome images they received as evidence of harassment to friends or peers. ...
... According to the results of previous studies, the characteristics responsible for gender differences in motivation for sexting seem to vary in the studies conducted. Women are more likely to cite humorous motives [20,59] and reasons related to gossip [60], while men are more likely to cite motives such as attractiveness, bragging, or social status [20,59,60]. Some qualitative data [59] suggest that a small significant group of women report forwarding unwanted or unwelcome images they received as evidence of harassment to friends or peers. ...
... Women are more likely to cite humorous motives [20,59] and reasons related to gossip [60], while men are more likely to cite motives such as attractiveness, bragging, or social status [20,59,60]. Some qualitative data [59] suggest that a small significant group of women report forwarding unwanted or unwelcome images they received as evidence of harassment to friends or peers. Motives of malice or revenge are relatively rare in both genders, consistent with previous studies [20,59]. ...
Article
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Many sexting studies conducted in the Western cultures have shown that the percentage is higher in less traditional cultures. However, the generalizability of this phenomenon to non-Western cultures has not been extensively researched. The purpose of this study is to examine and explain cross-cultural differences in sexting behavior among subjects from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia. A mixed methods approach was used. The first, qualitative phase included focus groups with two groups of high school students from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia (N = 57), aged 15 to 19. In the second, quantitative phase, questionnaires were sent to 440 young adults with an average age of 21 years (SD = 3:8). From the interviews with the young people, nonconsensual sexting was perceived as less beneficial. Sexting was viewed as a double standard. The quantitative study revealed gender and country differences in attitudes toward sexting and motives for sexting. Positive attitudes toward sexting were found to predict different forms of sexting motives in both samples. In the sample from Bosnia and Herzegovina, age was found to predict sexting with instrumental motives and body image reinforcement motives. Gender, on the other hand, was found to be predictive of instrumental sexting motives in the Croatian sample and body image reinforcement sexting motives in the Bosnia and Herzegovina sample. This study illustrates the value of cross-cultural approaches combined with mixed methods as a design to study sexting behavior.
... Sext dissemination refers to the distribution of sexts (sexually explicit messages, images, or photos sent to others via electronic means) to people beyond the original intended audience, and often (although not exclusively) against the wishes or without the knowledge of the person depicted (Strasburger et al., 2019;Clancy et al., 2020). This can include posting images on OIBEV sites, as well as more private forms of dissemination via mobile phones. ...
... Victims of non-consensual dissemination may experience distress, anxiety and reduced self-esteem (Walker and Sleath, 2017), loss of employment (Citron and Franks, 2014;Cannon, 2015) and even post-traumatic stress symptoms and suicidal ideation (Bates, 2016). However, most of those engaging in sext dissemination report relatively innocuous motivations, such as thinking the individual was "hot, " as a joke or to be funny, or to enhance social status (Clancy et al., 2019(Clancy et al., , 2020, consistent with UGT that this behavior serves a functional purpose. Given the potential impact on victim mental health, and the potential for polyperpetration and/or polyvictimization, relationships between dissemination and OIBEV will also be explored. ...
... By contrast, women, who were more likely to visit OIBEV sites to see if they were depicted, were also more likely to have had their own images shared with others. Whilst there was insufficient power to test for this, it is noted from other studies that, of those who are aware that their intimate images have been disseminated, less than 10% of women had given consent for this (Clancy et al., 2020). Our results are consistent with previous suggestions (Garrity and Blinder, 2015;Sales, 2016Sales, , 2017) that many OIBEV site images are non-consensually obtained, as well as shared. ...
Article
Full-text available
“Slutpages” are a pernicious form of online image-based evaluative voyeurism (OIBEV), whereby (sexualized) images of women are posted on webpages for (predominantly) male groups to rate and comment. Despite media and public concern, OIBEV sites have garnered limited empirical study. This paper presents the first analysis of OIBEV site visitation motivations across United States and Australian samples. Participants comprised a convenience sample of 1148 young adults aged 18 to 29 years (M = 22.54, SD = 2.50); 53.0% women, 47.0% men; 54% residing in the U.S. and 46% in Australia. Respondents completed an online questionnaire. Overall, 23% of United States and 16% of Australian respondents had visited OIBEV sites. OIBEV site visitation was uniquely associated with gender and country (with men and United States being more likely to visit OIBEV sites), requesting and disseminating sexts and having one’s own image shared. Cyberbullying perpetration was associated with reduced odds of OIBEV site visitation. Motivations differed by gender, with men (80%) being most likely to visit sites to “check them out” while women were equally likely to check it out (41%) or to see if they were depicted (36%). For men, unique predictors of OIBEV site visitation were having requested, disseminated and received disseminated sexts, lower levels of anxiety and reduced likelihood of cyberbullying perpetration. For women, OIBEV site visitation was uniquely associated with being a United States resident, sext dissemination victimization, receipt of disseminated sexts, higher levels of anxiety but reduced stress. Our findings confirm that OIBEV sites represent a highly gendered form of online image-based sexual abuse, and may have important mental health implications, given the associations with increased anxiety. Our results support the need for “slutpage” education for adolescents and young adults to address social and peer norms that encourage and support non-consensual use of intimate images.
... Tale fenomeno è chiamato "sexting", termine che deriva dalla fusione delle parole "sex" e "texting" e consiste in invio, ricezione, inoltro di immagini nude, seminude o sessualmente esplicite all'interno di forme di comunicazione digitale, utilizzando lo smartphone, le reti sociali e i canali di messaggistica. Tale prati-Rassegne Rivista di Psichiatria 2022; 57: [10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17] Riassunto. Introduzione. ...
... Tali attribuzioni negative potrebbero aumentare il disagio psicologico e ostacolare il supporto e il sostegno emotivo nonché il coinvolgimento dei servizi sanitari e della salute mentale. Rispetto alle motivazioni che sottostanno a tali comportamenti, dallo studio di Clancy et al. 17 emerge che la condivisione non consensuale può essere utilizzata per scherzo o divertimento e anche modalità di inserimento o accettazione all'interno di un gruppo amicale, in termini di maggiore valore all'interno delle relazioni. Entrambi i generi sono impegnati in attività di sexting, sia nelle relazioni intime con il proprio partner sia in generale nelle relazioni interpersonali con connotazioni affettive o sessuali; risulta che gli uomini sono maggiormente propensi alla diffusione di immagini non consensuali, principalmente per attrazione, umorismo, scarsa capacità empatica. ...
Article
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Background: The Revenge Porn phenomena is non-consensual pornography related to the sexually explicit pictures dissemination without informed consent form involved individuals. Several studies focused on sociological aspects and related issues for judiciary; few researches were conducted investigating the related psychological and psychopathological characteristics. Objective: Our study aimed to review the recent scientific literature in order to propose analysis about relevant keypoints for reveng porn. Method: A rapid review was conducted on international dababases (MEDLINE, Embase) about literature published in the period 2016-2021 in order to analyze psychological issue of reveng porn phenomena. Results: 8 articles included in the present study. Descriptive analyses showed the phenomena is becoming part of the psychosexuality, intimacy expressions, sexual relationship by technologically and digitally interpersonal interaction. Anxiety, depression and post-traumatic stress symptoms have been highlighted in revenge porn. Conclusions: Actually, predictive factors for revenge porn practice are individual aspects; our study suggested future research should be focused on the investigation of personality dimensions in order to draw more detailed psychological implications.
... The conflicting results on the effect of gender on NCII perpetration may reflect gendered dimorphic motivations and methods of distribution. For example, in previous research, men most commonly endorsed bragging or getting attention as reasons for sharing sexts (Clancy et al., 2020). On the other hand, women were more likely to endorse "roasting" and "gossip" (Clancy et al., 2020). ...
... For example, in previous research, men most commonly endorsed bragging or getting attention as reasons for sharing sexts (Clancy et al., 2020). On the other hand, women were more likely to endorse "roasting" and "gossip" (Clancy et al., 2020). Taken together, it could be that men who perpetrate NCII for attention, may choose public dissemination channels, thus explaining the over-saturation of female victims on NCII-websites. ...
Article
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Non-consensual intimate image dissemination (NCII), or else better known as “revenge pornography” is a form of technology-facilitated sexual violence that can have devastating effects on the victim. This is one of the first studies examining how demographic characteristics (gender, sexual orientation), personality traits (Dark Tetrad), and attitudes (aggrieved entitlement, sexual entitlement, sexual image abuse myth acceptance) predict NCII perpetration and victimization. In a sample of 810 undergraduate students (72.7% female and 23.3% male), 13.7% of the participants had at some point in their life, distributed nude, or sexual pictures of someone else without consent and 28.5% had experienced such victimization. NCII perpetration was predictive of NCII victimization and vice versa. Using binomial logistic regression, we found that women, members of the LGBQ+ community, those scoring higher in sadism, and participants with a history of NCII perpetration were more likely to report that someone had distributed their nude or sexual image without consent. Further, we found that those scoring higher in narcissism and sadism, along with those with a history of NCII victimization were more likely to report they had distributed the nude or sexual image of someone else without consent. Finally, the findings suggest that the relationship between victims and perpetrators is quite a bit more varied than the term “revenge pornography” implies.
... Barrense-Dias et al. (2020) Motivaciones para el renvío de sexting sin consentimiento. Clancy et al. (2020) Motivaciones para el reenvío de sexting. Gil-Llario, Morell-Mengual, García, y Ballester-Arnal (2020) Actitudes positivas frente al sexting. ...
... Barrense-Dias et al. (2020) Motivaciones para el renvío de sexting sin consentimiento. Clancy et al. (2020) Motivaciones para el reenvío de sexting. Gil-Llario, Morell-Mengual, García, y Ballester-Arnal (2020) Actitudes positivas frente al sexting. ...
... Barrense-Dias et al. (2020) Motivaciones para el renvío de sexting sin consentimiento. Clancy et al. (2020) Motivaciones para el reenvío de sexting. Gil-Llario, Morell-Mengual, García, y Ballester-Arnal (2020) Actitudes positivas frente al sexting. ...
... Barrense-Dias et al. (2020) Motivaciones para el renvío de sexting sin consentimiento. Clancy et al. (2020) Motivaciones para el reenvío de sexting. Gil-Llario, Morell-Mengual, García, y Ballester-Arnal (2020) Actitudes positivas frente al sexting. ...
... On the basis of these results, therefore, we expect a moderate degree of stability in the forms of image-based sexual abuse. In addition, given previous studies have shown gender differences in the characteristics and dynamics of different types of image-based sexual abuse (e.g., Barrense-Dias et al., 2020;Clancy et al., 2020), we also explored whether the stability of victimization and perpetration differed between girls and boys. ...
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Introduction. The aim of this study was to develop a new measure of victimization and perpetration of two frequent forms of image-based sexual abuse, namely, sextortion (i.e., threat of distributing sexual images to pressure the victim into doing something) and nonconsensual sexting (i.e., distributing sexual images of someone without consent of the victim). Additional aims were to analyze the prevalence of these forms of victimization and perpetration, and to examine their temporal stability over a one-year period. Methods. The sample was made up of 1,820 Spanish adolescents (mean age = 13.38, SD = 1.42; 929 girls, 878 boys, 3 nonbinary, and 10 did not indicate gender) who completed self-report instruments on image-based sexual abuse and related variables (e.g. cyberbullying victimization). Results. Confirmatory factor analysis supported a structure composed of the four hypothesized factors: sextortion victimization and perpetration, and nonconsensual sexting victimization and perpetration. Higher sexting, cyberbullying victimization, and symptoms of depression and anxiety had stronger associations with image-based sexual victimization than with perpetration, which showed evidence of concurrent validity. Prevalence was 2.6% and 0.7% for sextortion victimization and perpetration, respectively, and 3.4% and 4.9% for nonconsensual sexting victimization and perpetration, respectively. Temporal stability over 1 year was .26 for sextortion victimization, .19 for nonconsensual sexting victimization, .33 for nonconsensual sexting perpetration (all ps < .001), and nonsignificant for sextortion perpetration. The stability of nonconsensual sexting victimization was significantly higher for girls compared to boys, whereas nonconsensual sexting perpetration was more stable over one year for boys. Conclusions. Future studies must advance the analysis of the predictors and consequences of image-based sexual abuse among adolescents to better prevent this problem. Prevalence of sextortion and nonconsensual sexting is not negligible, and these problems should be particularly addressed in prevention programs.
... Alternatively, do they intend to cause the victim lasting suffering because they feel that their own suffering is going to be prolonged as they struggle to make sense of their story? Another possibility is that the perpetrator is oblivious to or minimizes the extent of the harm and is motivated by their own gain, such as enhanced social status (Clancy et al., 2020). Neither partial explanation justifies the harmful behaviour, but it does point to the power of stories-their ability to provide both clarity and confusion-in understanding the actions of those who engage in IBSA. ...
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... Although we did not focus on sext dissemination, it is important to note that the nonconsensual distribution of sexts (nude images) of women and girls is likely the most harmful consequence of sexting and has recently been identified as a form of image-based sexual abuse (Branch et al., 2017). Although sext distribution is often branded as "funny" (Clancy et al., 2020), much of image-based sexual abuse occurs when sexts are nonconsensually distributed with the intention of bringing harm and humiliation to the victim (Henry & Flynn, 2019). For example, consensually sent sexts featuring nude and seminude images of girls and women are posted without consent on secret social media platforms as group-specific "slut pages" for high schools, fraternities, and the military (Maas et al., 2021). ...
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n the lead-up to International Women’s Day, an all-female panel of guests on ABC TV’s Q&A program discussed issues ranging from sexual assault and domestic violence to “revenge porn”, where a nude or explicit image is shared without consent. Actor and presenter Faustina Agolley questioned what the law says on this issue, asking: “I thought there were laws to kind of protect [against] revenge porn? There aren’t?” Let’s check the facts.
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This paper presents a novel study, exploring a form of technology facilitated sexual aggression (TFSV) known as revenge porn. Despite its emerging prevalence, little is known about the characteristics of revenge porn perpetrators. In the current study, a revenge porn proclivity scale was devised to examine participants’ behavioural propensity to engage in revenge porn. One hundred adults, aged 18-54, were recruited online from a community sample. The correlational relationship between revenge porn proclivity and the self-reported endorsement of the Dark Triad, sadism and ambivalent sexism was examined. Additional proclivity subscales of revenge porn enjoyment and revenge porn approval were also created. The study’s main findings revealed a positive correlation between a greater behavioural propensity to engage in revenge porn and higher levels of the Dark Triad and ambivalent sexism. Moreover, endorsement of psychopathy was found to be the only Dark Triad trait that independently predicted revenge porn proclivity. The results suggest that perpetrators of revenge porn may have distinct personality profiles. Limitations and directions for future research are discussed.
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Concerns about sexting are increasingly prevalent in mainstream and academic media despite limited and inconsistent research findings about the practice. Much of this discourse centers around harm and sexting is commonly considered to be a risky behavior. A driving factor in these discussions is the apparent conflation of consensual and nonconsensual acts or sexting behaviors. A systematic review was conducted to determine the extent to which consensual and nonconsensual acts were conflated in the legal, educational, and psychological literatures on sexting, and how nonconsensual sexting was conceptualized within these disciplines. Definitions of sexting varied widely with regard to the inclusion or exclusion of nonconsensual acts. Nonconsensual acts were conceptualized in the following ways: as a risk of sexing, as being the fault of the victim, as bullying, or as a form of violence against women. Implications for research and practice are discussed.
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This article brings to attention and explores women’s use of non-traditional forms of resistance to online sexual harassment. In this piece we use Anna Gensler’s Instagram art project Instagranniepants to examine how women are appropriating the language and practices of the cyber realm to expose online sexual harassment and to engender a creative resistance which is critical, comedic and entertaining. Drawing from interdisciplinary literature on witnessing, satire and shaming, we explore the techniques Gensler uses to not only document harassment but also resist, engage and punish those who seek to perpetrate it. This article problematises the stereotype of women as passive victims of online public spaces, and is critical of popular discourses that portray online spaces as exclusively risky and that position women as the natural victims of online violence. It concludes that a more nuanced account of women’s negotiation of online spaces is necessary, particularly as an overarching narrative of risk and victimisation undermines the liberatory potential of the online realm.
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This study examines the emotional and mental health effects revenge porn has on female survivors. To date, no other academic studies have exclusively focused on mental health effects in revenge porn cases. In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted between February 2014 and January 2015 with 18 female revenge porn survivors, and inductive analysis revealed participants’ experiences of trust issues, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, depression, suicidal thoughts, and several other mental health effects. These findings reveal the seriousness of revenge porn, the devastating impacts it has on survivors’ mental health, and similarities between revenge porn and sexual assault.
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Recent research concerning sexual harassment has highlighted important individual differences in the tendency to engage in these behaviors. The present studies extend these findings by examining the connections between the Dark Triad of personality traits (i.e., narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism) and sexual harassment proclivity. Study 1 (N=642 Israeli community members) revealed that the Dark Triad traits had unique positive associations with sexual harassment tendencies. Similar results emerged for Study 2 (N =1909 Israeli community members) such that each of the Dark Triad traits had a unique positive association with the proclivity to engage in sexual harassment. In addition, Study 2 revealed differences in the connections that the Dark Triad traits had with perceived likelihood estimates concerning whether targets would be victims or perpetrators of sexual harassment. Discussion focuses on the implications of these results for understanding the links between Dark Triad personality traits and sexual harassment.
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Nonconsensual pornography is the distribution of sexually graphic images of individuals without their consent. This includes images that were originally obtained without consent (e.g. hidden recordings or recordings of sexual assaults) as well as images originally obtained with consent within the context of a private or confidential relationship (e.g. images consensually given to an intimate partner who later distributes them without consent, popularly referred to as “revenge porn”). Nonconsensual pornography does not include images taken of individuals in public or of people engaged in unsolicited and unlawful sexual activity, such as flashing. This short document provides answers to some of the most frequently asked questions about criminalizing revenge porn and other forms of nonconsensual pornography.
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Young people's use of technology as a tool for the negotiation of their sexual identities and encounters has increasingly become a focal point in popular and scholarly discussion. Much of this debate centres on the sending of explicit sexual images and/or video (‘selfies’ or ‘sexting’) by mobile phone, email or social media. In Australia and elsewhere, legislative frameworks have arguably over-regulated or criminalised young people's consensual, digital, sexual communications. Equally, the law has failed to respond to the harm that is experienced by victims of non-consensual making and/or distribution of such sexual images. In this paper, we examine the non-consensual creation and distribution of sexual images in the context of harassment, stalking and family or intimate violence. We argue that harmful digital communications are often framed as a problem of user naiveté rather than gender-based violence. Moreover, we argue that current legal and policy approaches fail to adequately capture the social and psychological harm that results from the use of sexual imagery to harass, coerce or blackmail women. We draw on preliminary data from a larger project investigating adult women's experiences of technology-mediated sexual violence and harassment.
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Background: This study examines the temporal sequencing of sexting and sexual intercourse and the role of active sexting (sending a nude picture) in mediating the relationship between passive sexting (asking or being asked for a nude picture) and sexual behaviors. Methods: Data are from Wave 2 (spring 2011) and Wave 3 (spring 2012) of an ongoing 6-year longitudinal study of high school students in southeast Texas. Participants included 964 ethnically diverse adolescents with a mean age of 16.09 years (56% female; 31% African American, 29% Caucasian, 28% Hispanic, 12% other). Retention rate for 1-year follow-up was 93%. Participants self-reported history of sexual activity (intercourse, risky sex) and sexting (sent, asked, been asked). Using path analysis, we examined whether teen sexting at baseline predicted sexual behavior at 1-year follow-up and whether active sexting mediated the relationship between passive sexting and sexual behavior. Results: The odds of being sexually active at Wave 3 were 1.32 times larger for youth who sent a sext at Wave 2, relative to counterparts. However, sexting was not temporally associated with risky sexual behaviors. Consistent with our hypothesis, active sexting at Wave 2 mediated the relationship between asking or being asked for a sext and having sex over the next year. Conclusions: This study extends cross-sectional literature and supports the notion that sexting fits within the context of adolescent sexual development and may be a viable indicator of adolescent sexual activity.
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Purpose Parents of young boys seeking circumcision or circumcision revision commonly cite concern that their sons may be teased in middle or high school because of their penile appearance. There is no current data to substantiate or refute the presence of such teasing. We explored the validity of this concern by investigating the extent and frequency of teasing regarding penile appearance. Materials and Methods An IRB-approved, anonymous questionnaire was administered to undergraduate men at the University of Iowa. Participants answered questions regarding middle and high school demographics, school sports and gym class participation, and any teasing experienced or witnessed due to penile appearance in locker rooms. Results Two-hundred ninety men completed the questionnaire. The mean study participant age was 19.2 years (17-24 years). Ninety-eight percent of individuals were required to participate in high school gym class and 96% participated in a school sport. Ten percent were personally teased about their penile appearance, while 47% reported witnessing someone else being teased. The most common characteristic that was witnessed or personally teased was penile size. Having an uncircumcised penis or a “strange” penile appearance, however, accounted for 33% of the witnessed penile teasing. Only 3% of the cohort wished that they had a different penile appearance. Conclusions Teasing in the locker room about penile appearance occurs frequently. While our study is limited to one Midwest university population, it appears that parental concerns regarding teasing related to penile appearance are valid, although most causes for teasing may not be alleviated with surgical therapy.
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‘Revenge porn’ is the online posting of nude or sexually explicit photographs or videos of a former lover without his or her consent. Despite the malicious intent behind revenge porn, victims are provided with little to no relief due to Section 230 of the Federal Communications Decency Act, also known as the ‘Good Samaritan’ provisions. Section 230 unambiguously provides blanket immunity for website operators and Internet service providers that feature user-generated content, including revenge porn.In Section 1, I discuss the purpose of Section 230 of the Communication Decency Act. In Section 2, I analyze the legal impact of the blanket immunity established in Section 230. In Section 3, I examine the potential remedies already in existence for revenge porn victims and highlight their inadequacies. In Section 4, I argue Congress should create a narrow exception to Section 230 immunity specifically geared toward revenge porn. The exception would establish a definition of revenge porn, which would prevent over-deterrence. Additionally, the exception would institute a takedown procedure similar to the process found in the Digital Millennium Copyright Act. In creating a narrow exception, the spirit of Section 230 will remain while also providing adequate legal relief for victims of revenge porn.
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Two hundred undergraduate students completed paper-and-pencil measures of the Dark Triad (Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy) and the Humor Styles Questionnaire, which taps two adaptive (affiliative and self-enhancing) and two maladaptive (aggressive and self-defeating) styles of humor. The first purpose of the study was to replicate relationships between these variables reported by Veselka et al. (2010). The second purpose was to expand on their results by investigating relationships between several sub-factors of the Dark Triad (in addition to global scores) and the humor styles. Results provided substantial replication of Veselka et al. at the global level and, at the sub-factor level, provided additional insights into the potential role of adaptive and maladaptive humor styles in the personality dynamics of individuals characterized by the various facets of the Dark Triad.
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The study was designed to measure the relationship between probability of endorsement of personality items and the scaled social desirability of the items. Scale values were determined by applying the method of successive intervals to 140 personality trait items which had been administered to 152 subjects with pertinent instructions. The items were then administered to a different group of 140 students as a personality inventory. The proportion of "yes" answers was taken as a measure of the probability of endorsement and correlated against the social desirability scale value for the items. The high degree of relationship ( r = .871) is discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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The present study investigated correlations between four humor styles and the Dark Triad traits of personality. Participants were 114 pairs of adult twins from North America who completed the Humor Styles Questionnaire, the Narcissistic Personality Inventory, the Self-Report Psychopathy Scale, and the MACH-IV. Results revealed that participants who scored higher on sub-clinical psychopathy and Machiavellianism exhibited a greater tendency to employ negative humor styles (aggressive, self-defeating), whereas individuals who obtained higher scores on narcissism were more prone to employing a positive affiliative humor style. These results help to clarify the nature of the Dark Triad traits and shed light on the interpersonal styles employed by individuals who exhibit these traits.
Indecent communications: Revenge porn and congressional intent of Section 230 (c)
  • L Cannon
Cannon, L. (2015). Indecent communications: Revenge porn and congressional intent of Section 230 (c). Tulane Law Review, 90, 471-488.
A dish served cold: The case for criminalising revenge pornography
  • J T Dawkins
Dawkins, J. T. (2015). A dish served cold: The case for criminalising revenge pornography. Cumberland Law Review, 45, 395-447.
School climate 2.0: Preventing cyberbullying and sexting one classroom at a time
  • S Hinduja
  • J W Patchin
Hinduja, S., & Patchin, J. W. (2012). School climate 2.0: Preventing cyberbullying and sexting one classroom at a time. USA: Corwin Press.
Adults post the darndest things
  • J Ronay
Ronay, J. (2014). Adults post the darndest things: [ctrl þ shift] freedom of speech to [esc] our past. The University of Toledo Law Review, 46, 73-94.