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Winnie Mandela: Homophobia and Dystopia in One of Achmat Dangor’s Forgotten Short Stories

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This article focuses on a transition-era short story by Achmat Dangor, “Mama & Kid Freedom” (1995, Index on Censorship 24 [3]: 108–13), which has thus far been wholly overlooked by literary scholars. The story depicts a political dystopia that is characterised by assassinations, arbitrary violence, and the mass incarceration of those deemed to be homosexual. There are also clear overlaps between the eponymous character Mama and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. The story reproduces the binary tropes that surround Madikizela-Mandela and her then estranged husband, Nelson Mandela: whereas he is cast as the hero of the narrative of nation-building, she is cast as its villain. In this article, I argue that Dangor weaves a story that pulls together two particularly salient transition-era political discourses: Madikizela-Mandela as a homophobic and violent woman, and sexual rights as a bellwether of the country’s project of democratic modernity. The story evidences a homonationalist logic in which the recognition or non-recognition of sexual rights comes to be read as the axis on which post- apartheid democracy and human rights depend.

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This article explores the paradoxical prominence of seemingly private family stories and memories in the democratic public spheres emerging in the wake of the ‘Dirty War’ in Argentina and apartheid in South Africa. In part because the discourse of the family was used in these cases to both uphold and protest dictatorial regimes, individuals who lost family members to state violence became powerful moral agents in the post‐dictatorship and post‐apartheid periods. Narratives told by and about these individuals – ranging from personal testimony given in each country’s truth commission to representations in theatre, fiction and film – have worked to constitute what may be called a ‘public private sphere’. They not only express personal grief, but also (and especially in wider cultural circulation) have been emplotted and mobilised to construct democratic publics. These may or may not correspond to the nationwide publics envisioned in state discourses of reconciliation. Using genealogical fiction surrounding ‘disappeared children’ in Argentina as a lens to analyse South Africa, this article argues that stories of children attempting to piece together their family histories reveal this dynamic as they become sites for convening democratic publics and critiquing transitional politics.
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As Zoë Wicomb observes in “Shame and Identity: The Case of the Coloured in South Africa” (1998), the country's history of miscegenation has been silenced by the very people whom the practice has created: “it is after all the very nature of shame to stifle its own discourse” (Wicomb quoted by Attridge & Jolly 1998:92). In chronicling the ways in which the color bar was constantly and continually being subverted through interracial couplings, Kafka's Curse (Dangor 1997) works to challenge the silence surrounding miscegenation as well as the idea that pure categories of race could even exist. But the categories must not be ignored altogether. Kafka's Curse cautions against a total rejection of attachment to origins, obscure, distant or elusive as those origins may be. It must be the project of the new South African literature to examine the role of ethnic identification in nation‐building, and to consider how “remembrance” can be harnessed toward it.
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The South Atlantic Quarterly 100.1 (2001) 111-143 When Ratunya Mochi opened her eyes on the second day—still wracked with cholera and a disease of scabs on her arms and legs—she had no idea that where she lay was Africa. . . . She had barely survived a forced journey of six months from . . . a village near Hyderabad. . . . She looked into the faces of the family crowded around her, sold also into sugar slavery, . . . and murmured that she had decided to die. —Ashwin Desai, Arise Ye Coolies I am Majiet from Ahmedabbat, a prince among princely people. But through our land strut soldiers of the British RAJ. . . . They burnt my home down. Ransacked the mosque in my village. And searched, even under the fallen folds of Indian women. . . . I shipped out on a Portuguese trader. Goa, Cairo, Delagoa Bay. Until one winter morning we arrived at the Cape of Good Hope. . . . I came as a slave. —Achmat Dangor, Majiet—A Play These two vignettes—of Indians in slavery in South Africa—are striking for several reasons. In the first place, they depict slaves in South Africa, rare in fictional as in historiographical narratives and almost nonexistent in popular accounts. Unlike African American writing on the Black Atlantic, which includes canonized narratives of capture, slavery, and liberation, South African accounts of slavery, fictional, historical, and otherwise, are few. In the second place, even more astonishing, these vignettes portray Indians as slaves, whose journey to the place navigators called the Cape of Storms followed what might be called a “Black Indian” route, with ports of call from Madras and Goa in India, to Mauritius and Madagascar in the Indian Ocean, and to the Cape of Storms (or of Good Hope), where Indian and Atlantic Oceans collide. The first scene, a fictionalized depiction that opens an otherwise nonfiction account of Indians in South Africa, takes as its point of reference the standard account of arrival, in which Indians were brought by the British to the colony of Natal on the Indian Ocean coast of South Africa, as they were to the British “West Indies” as indentured laborers (mostly employed on sugar plantations), but departs from that account by calling the workers slaves, arguing that many were captured rather than coming of their own accord. The second scene, from a play named for a Muslim Indian slave, which juxtaposes present-day homeless people with slaves owned by the Dutch East India Company in the seventeenth century and kept in the Company Slave Lodge (now the South African Cultural Museum), depicts the life of one such slave; it debunks what one Cape Muslim historian has called the “myth of the 1860 settlers,” the presumption that there were no Indians in South Africa before the SS Truro arrived at Durban Harbor in 1860, carrying mostly Tamil- and Telugu-speaking Hindus from southern India. These indentured laborers were followed by “passenger Indians,” Muslim and some Hindu traders mostly from Gujarat (northwestern India) who, like similar migrants to British East Africa and the island of Mauritius, had the means to pay their way and the desire to attain middle-class, even white, status through capital investment and self-representation as “Arabs.” The notion of a clearly demarcated arrival of an intact body of Indians has been matched by an almost willful ignorance of the fact that the majority of first-generation slaves brought by the Dutch to the seventeenth-century Cape Colony were from Bengal and Madras rather than Malaya, as is still commonly supposed. The setting of the scene in the play also challenges an equally pervasive myth from the Cape, which holds that present-day Cape Muslims are the descendants of “Malay” slaves and exiles rather than, as the historical record shows, the issue of a heterogeneous group of people who were brought by the Dutch primarily from the Indian coasts and the Indies archipelago and only rarely from the Malay Peninsula and whose first languages ranged from Javanese and Malay to Bengali and Kannada, even though many slaves and traders (Arabs, Gujaratis, and Europeans) used the regional trade language Melayu as a lingua franca...
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