Responding to Youth Crime in Canada
... Despite Canada's international reputation as a leader in rehabilitative-geared interventions towards youth in conflict with the law, the Liberal federal government at the time twice amended the YOA as a means to 'crack down' on violent youth crime. These changes were largely motivated by public concern over crime, including violent youth crime [3] and included increasing the maximum period of custody for certain violent offences and transferring youth to adult court for certain 'presumptive' offences [4,5]. Shortly thereafter, however, following years of reevaluation and consultations, the same Liberal government made the decision not to further amend a legislation widely perceived as not serving the best interests of youth or the public, but to implement entirely new legislation. ...
... Consistent with international trends in youth justice, the penal welfare judicial context of the JDA was replaced by the 'crime control' and arguably 'modified justice' model legislated by the YOA (1984-2003) (see author 1 and 2; [5]). Following the passing of the Canadian Bill of Rights in 1960, the JDA was widely perceived to be outdated, as its paternalistic, welfare paradigm ignored due process rights and legal protections for youth in conflict with the law ( [8]; cf. ...
... [9]). Moreover, with the passing in 1982 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, new juvenile justice legislation was needed to bring the law in line with a more due process and crime control approach [4,5,8]. Many observers perceived the formal justice system outcomes under the YOA to be overly punitive, resulting in excessively high numbers of incarcerated youth [8,10]. ...
Canada’s Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) heralded many changes in the treatment of youth within the justice system, particularly in regard to holding youth “accountable” and the use of “meaningful consequences.” Under the former Young Offenders Act (YOA) far more youth were given custodial sentences, while under the YCJA youth custody rates have plummeted. Yet few scholars have empirically assessed how correctional officers working with youth (COs) interpret and experience “accountability” and “meaningful consequences” in their day-to-day work. Based on 24 in-depth interviews, we examine the most perceptible changes COs employed in Canadian youth closed-custody facilities encountered, as a result of the legislative movement from the YOA to the YCJA. Findings suggest that the criminality of sentenced youth has changed with the new legislation, as well as how COs do their job—some feeling that the legislation is at odds with their occupational responsibility and negatively impacting their ability to “do the job”. Recommendations for youth correctional practice are offered.
... During the time frame of change from welfare dominant to neo-liberal discourse based on existing literature, there were also several considerable changes in youth justice legislation. To recap briefly, the Juvenile Delinquents Act (JDA) was geared toward helping youth (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). This was a flexible, welfare-oriented approach; in 1961 the Canadian Department of Justice had begun to examine the JDA with the intent of changing Canada's response to juvenile offending. ...
... However, the YOA still focused a considerable amount of attention on the needs of youth. In 1998, the Minister of Justice, Anne McClellan, commenced a strategy for renewing youth justice (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). In 2003, the Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) replaced the YOA. ...
... In order to target times of change in regards to young offenders and include diverse discourse around young offenders, samples were taken around times of legislative change as they represent changes in perspectives on society's approach to youth crime. Based on changes in youth justice legislation, it was estimated that there would be a stronger prevalence of content and discussion around the management of young offenders from 1970 to 1985 (JDA reform into YOA) and again from 1997-present (reform from YOA-YCJA) (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). ...
... This reinforced an evolving culture of youth, complete with styles that seemed necessarily to contradict those of the older generation. The fact that attendance at high school was considered universal further encouraged the emergence of "generational cohesion" among a group that was feeling its way into a much-changed world (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). ...
... The study confirms the questioning of the notion of the regular high school as a "universal" construct for all youth (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). Its findings are congruent with research that asserted that the high school of the 20 th century reinforces class, ethnic, and gender distinctions (Comacchio, 2006) and is a major contributor to the process that differentiates populations into strata through academic performance (O"Connor, 2001). ...
... Children were powerless to express own interests or organize themselves into selfinterested population -by end of 1800s reformers had identified children and youth as in need of "saving" (Platt, 1969;Shelden & Osborne, 1989 1908 Act Respecting Juvenile Delinquents (JDA) became basis of Canadian youth justice policy until 1984 (Department of Justice, 2009; Hogeveen, 2005) decisions based on "best interests of the child" "welfare approach" entered legislation (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Goodwin & McKay-Panos, 2004) court viewed as paternalistic, acting to protect and chastise using measures at its disposal -underlying assumption that broader protection of society would be facilitated if children were protected from their own evil ways and association with immoral adults (Department of While youth in an agrarian family were essential to functioning of the household through chores and contribution to total household income, functioned as adults with ability to exert control over their lives (Allen & Worrell Allen, 2009), at turn of the century idea emerged that childhood and adolescence were different stages from that of an adultmarked the beginning of consideration being given to developmental stages of maturation process -word "adolescence" was coined and became a concept to be studies scientifically (Santrock, 2010) Significant worries about "youth problem" stimulated by industrialization and drawing of youth to urban centresmiddle class reformers sought to make the state responsible for intervention that was from adults, proper notice given to parents, dispositions consistent with seriousness of crime, and offences clearly outlined and not up to discretion of judges (Department of Justice, 2009) seen to bring balance among due process rights of young people, protection of society, and special needs of offenders (Department of Justice, 2009) Philosophy of child welfare, in place since the late 1800s, shifted toward a more pathological philosophy which now considered maltreatment of children as "child abuse" -philosophical shift was direct response to increased amalgamation of federal and provincial funding within housing, health, and education -now directed at investigative practices, child welfare services focused resources away from the child welfare practices that had been operative since its inception (Child Welfare League of Canada, 2007) -those whose private lives had been intruded upon were those least able to object (Rodham, 1973). ...
... However, a number of authors acknowledge the strategies of social control reflective of the new penology paradigm that influences youth justice in Canada. Research literature in Canada provides critical analysis of youth crime statistics, reflects on the influence of public opinion in policy development, recounts the progression of youth justice reform over the past century, privileges the developmental considerations that influence the commission of offences and evaluates new approaches to youth justice (Bala, 2005;Carington & Schulenberg, 2004;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Lescheid, Austin & Jaffe, 1998;Peterson-Badali & Koegl, 2002& Sprott & Doob, 2005. ...
... There is an apparent increase in youth crime in the late 1980's and early 1990's with considerable controversy about how that data should be interpreted for public consumption (Bala, 2005;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Sprott & Doob, 2005;Stevenson, Tufts, Hendrick & Kowalske, 1998). In spite of the appearance that there is an increase in offences subsumed under the category of violent offences, in reality, the increase is related to minor offences precipitated by zero tolerance policies. ...
... In spite of the appearance that there is an increase in offences subsumed under the category of violent offences, in reality, the increase is related to minor offences precipitated by zero tolerance policies. The rise in violent youth crime is therefore misleading and more a function of a shift in public and police values about their discretion to charge youth and take them to court (Doob, 1996;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). Arrest and court records are the source of youth crime statistics. ...
Keeping Kids Safe (KKS) is a study that presents an integrated model to demonstrate that the interaction between the predisposition of the youth and the institutional environment acts to promote or deter safety among incarcerated youth. The study illustrates that the peer subculture that produces a spectrum of violence within the institution is dependent on both the extra-custody attributes of the youth that affect his attitudes, beliefs and behaviours and on the critical influence of institutional attributes like program resources, staff/youth interactions and practices of social control. A predisposition that includes child maltreatment and exposure to domestic violence was used as the clarifying example that brought the model to life. Coping strategies used by youth to ameliorate or manage peer aggression in the institutions were examined.
The KKS study utilized a mixed methods triangulation design and through self reports by youth consumers of service, offers valuable insight into the lived experience of youth who were residing in four secure custody facilities in Canada. Two sets of sites were designated Safer and Less Safe based on institutional safety as perceived by the youth. A variation in culture across the two institutional types was evidenced through the description of peer harassment and aggression and the concomitant coping strategies used by youth to manage the milieu. Further analysis of the data according to the youth's involvement in the child welfare and youth justice systems was undertaken.
Key findings that emerged from this study were: The imported risk factors of an adverse family history of child maltreatment and exposure to domestic violence, combined with an early and protracted history of incarceration in the youth justice system set the stage for a continuum of peer aggression within the youth justice institutions studied. This finding confirms the integrated model for understanding violence among incarcerated youth. Furthermore, coping strategies which served to ameliorate or manage the impact of peer aggression were directly aligned with the adaptive responses of youth who struggle with a history of child maltreatment or exposure to domestic violence. Youth imported these entrenched response patterns of internalizing symptomology, externalizing behaviours and relational difficulties into the institutional milieu. Nonetheless, the protective features of the institutional environment and the role played by staff served to mediate the prevalence and impact of peer aggression.
Youth participants reinforced that violence begins in the family and without appropriate recognition and intervention can be perpetuated in societal institutions. Accordingly, recommendations for research, policy and practice are offered.
... In this regard, BSCS modeling, as a joint-modeling technique, allows adjusting for the multidimensionality associated with the main and higher-order interaction effects of the studied outcomes (YO and VC) and any confounders (Papageorgiou et al., 2015). Lastly, the use of BSCS modeling allows the realization of three major spatial processes within the model architecture (Cesaroni & Doob, 2020): first, the youth crime, which can be modeled as a function of the spatial processes occurring across different neighborhoods in the study area; second, the influence from the putative risk factors that affect the distribution of YO and VC (Law & Quick, 2013;Law et al., 2015Law et al., , 2020, and lastly, the influence of non-spatial protective measures, such as the youth justice system that responds to the spatially varying occurrence of violent youth crimes (Cesaroni & Doob, 2020). Hence, the outputs of BSCS models have an intuitive meaning that can be used for assessing crime risks, mapping shared and YO-or VC-specific hotspots, and understanding high-priority areas for crime management interventions that can simultaneously target to reduce risk from YO and VC. ...
... In this regard, BSCS modeling, as a joint-modeling technique, allows adjusting for the multidimensionality associated with the main and higher-order interaction effects of the studied outcomes (YO and VC) and any confounders (Papageorgiou et al., 2015). Lastly, the use of BSCS modeling allows the realization of three major spatial processes within the model architecture (Cesaroni & Doob, 2020): first, the youth crime, which can be modeled as a function of the spatial processes occurring across different neighborhoods in the study area; second, the influence from the putative risk factors that affect the distribution of YO and VC (Law & Quick, 2013;Law et al., 2015Law et al., , 2020, and lastly, the influence of non-spatial protective measures, such as the youth justice system that responds to the spatially varying occurrence of violent youth crimes (Cesaroni & Doob, 2020). Hence, the outputs of BSCS models have an intuitive meaning that can be used for assessing crime risks, mapping shared and YO-or VC-specific hotspots, and understanding high-priority areas for crime management interventions that can simultaneously target to reduce risk from YO and VC. ...
Background setting
Traditional spatial or non-spatial regression techniques require individual variables to be defined as dependent and independent variables, often assuming a unidirectional and (global) linear relationship between the variables under study. This research studies the Bayesian shared component spatial (BSCS) modeling as an alternative approach to identifying local associations between two or more variables and their spatial patterns.
Methods
The variables to be studied, young offenders (YO) and violent crimes (VC), are treated as (multiple) outcomes in the BSCS model. Separate non-BSCS models that treat YO as the outcome variable and VC as the independent variable have also been developed. Results are compared in terms of model fit, risk estimates, and identification of hotspot areas.
Results
Compared to the traditional non-BSCS models, the BSCS models fitted the data better and identified a strong spatial association between YO and VC. Using the BSCS technique allowed both the YO and VC to be modeled as outcome variables, assuming common data-generating processes that are influenced by a set of socioeconomic covariates. The BSCS technique offered smooth and easy mapping of the identified association, with the maps displaying the common (shared) and separate (individual) hotspots of YO and VC.
Conclusions
The proposed method can transform existing association analyses from methods requiring inputs as dependent and independent variables to outcome variables only and shift the reliance on regression coefficients to probability risk maps for characterizing (local) associations between the outcomes.
... She found police officers are more likely to arrest a youth if they have decided that the youth is "delinquent" (2006). Officers may deem a youth to be delinquent if they have a prior record, poor attitude, come from a difficult background, or have little parental participation (Carrington and Schulenberg 2005;Doob and Cesaroni 2004;Doob and Chan 1982;Marinos and Innocente 2008;Schulenberg 2006). Officers define a "non-delinquent" youth as a first-or second-time offender who is involved in extracurricular activities, has highly involved parents, exhibits a good attitude, socializes with other non-delinquent youth, and presents as "scared and remorseful" (Schulenberg 2006, 433). ...
... Researchers surveying police in Canada contend that the seriousness of the offence, prior police contact, and the attitude exhibited by youth have the most influence on police attitudes and decisions about the use of youth diversion (Doob and Cesaroni 2004;Doob and Chan 1982;Marinos and Innocente 2008). In a 2005 study by Carrington and Schulenberg based on Uniform Crime Reporting Survey data (UCR), prior record was deemed a major factor by 96 per cent of officers, and a previous criminal record was deemed as important as offence seriousness (Carrington and Schulenberg 2005). ...
In Canada, the practical application of youth diversion is rooted in an
understanding of federal youth justice legislation and requires the consideration
of police discretion. Yet, policing in Newfoundland and
Labrador is shaped by localized practices, policies, and decisions. In the
current article, we draw on online survey data to explore how Royal
Newfoundland Constabulary (RNC) officers understand and apply
Canada’s current federal youth legislation — the Youth Criminal Justice
Act (YCJA) — and identify what factors, if any, influence the YCJA’s
application. To unpack police officer attitudes towards youth and the
YCJA and the actions police choose when handling matters involving
youth, we draw from data collected from non-commissioned officers
working in one of the three RNC detachments in 2016. Findings show
that officers perceive a lack of YCJA resources available to front-line
police officers in urban centres and a need for further training for officers
who interact with youth. A desire for youth diversion services was
evident among participants; however, the lack of availability of policeaccessible
pre-charge diversion options in Newfoundland and Labrador,
including specific programs for youth, as well as police-specific
training, are primary influencing factors affecting the understanding,
implementation, and success of youth diversion in the province.
... En contraste directo con las percepciones del público en general, en Canadá y los Estados Unidos, las evidencias indican que los crímenes violentos entre jóvenes, y en especial aquellos crímenes de mayor gravedad, no han incrementado dentro o fuera de los planteles escolares, ya sea entre estudiantes del sexo femenino o entre los jóvenes en general (Brooks, Schiraldi y Ziedenberg, 2000;Doob y Cesaroni, 2004). Sin embargo, lo que ciertamente ha incrementado, en contraste con las evidencias actuales de violencia, es la preocupación y temor generalizada sobre la violencia entre los jóvenes. ...
... Parte de esta preocupación se ha intensificado a raíz de los reportajes sensacionalistas que los medios publican sobre incidentes de violencia, mientras que otras preocupaciones probablemente responden a otros cambios en el clima social como son la heterogeneidad etnocultural y la disminución en el respeto hacia la autoridad. Como consecuencia a este miedo social, las respuestas a infracciones juveniles, particularmente en las escuelas, suelen ser cada vez más punitivas (Brooks, Schiraldi y Ziedenberg, 2000;Doob y Cesaroni, 2004). Las conductas que en la actualidad se castigan de manera severa son a menudo ofensas vinculadas al desafío a la autoridad, uso de drogas, o delitos contra la propiedad-no necesariamente violencia (véase Bickmore, 2004). ...
Las medidas contra la violencia que prevalecen en las escuelas públicas, especialmente en un contexto actual de un énfasis creciente ante el bullying (acoso escolar), se centran más en la vigilancia y en el control que en la construcción de relaciones sanas o en el aprendizaje sobre el conflicto y la paz. Este énfasis en dichas políticas incrementa los riesgos de marginalización y limita las oportunidades disponibles para que la diversidad de estudiantes desarrolle su autonomía y la corresponsabilidad. Este estudio cualitativo examina las interpretaciones contrastantes de los educadores en relación a las iniciativas de seguridad implementadas en las escuelas y a las prácticas de manejo de conflictos, en escuelas con mayor o menor grado de relaciones pacíficas, dentro de poblaciones urbanas con condiciones ambientales generadoras de estrés. El estudio también señala áreas de cambio potenciales para esclarecer y redefinir políticas institucionales con el fin de mejorar un entorno que fomente la construcción de la paz en las escuelas de una manera sustentablePalabras clave: Escuelas seguras, Bullying (acoso escolar), Educación sobre la paz, Resolución de conflictos, Escuelas urbanas.Prevailing anti-violence practices in public schools, especially in the context of recently increased emphasis on bullying, often allocate more resources to surveillance and control than to facilitation of healthy relationships or conflict/ peace learning. This policy emphasis increases the risks of marginalization and reduces opportunities for diverse students to develop autonomy and mutual responsibility. This qualitative study examines educators’ contrasting interpretations of various school safety and conflict management initiatives in practice, in peaceful and less peaceful schools serving stressed urban populations, and points out spaces for potential policy shifts and clarifications that could enhance sustainable peacebuilding in schools.Keywords: Safe schools, Bullying, Peace education, Conflict resolution, Urban schools.
... When Canada's Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) came into effect in 2003 it was intended to remedy a number of deficits in earlier youth justice legislation. Among these deficits was a lack of guidelines for criminal justice professionals in the handling of youth cases (Anderson, 2007;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Endres, 2004;Sprott & Doob, 2005). As an example, police would frequently lay or recommend charges in cases that could be dealt with without resorting to formal sanctions (Barnhorst, 2004). ...
... Among such actions, police officers can take 'no further action' in relation to an incident, issue verbal or written warnings or cautions, or provide young people with a referral to a rehabilitation-oriented program (Carrington & Schulenberg, 2008;Endres, 2004). Although the Act allows for police discretion by outlining several options for criminal justice officials, it also structures discretion by providing specific guidelines about how officers must make decisions (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). Except for serious Downloaded by [York University Libraries] at 20:01 12 September 2017 crimes, police are expected to exhaust all available extrajudicial measures, before considering laying a criminal charge (Endres, 2004). ...
Since its implementation, several studies have asserted that the Youth Criminal Justice Act [YCJA] (2003) has been successful in lessening the number of Canadian youth sent to court and later incarcerated. However, earlier work has not addressed the limitations of the YCJA in provinces where its provisions have only been partially implemented due to limited resources. Analyses of quantitative data derived from a survey of police officers in an Atlantic province reveals that knowledge of the YCJA and YCJA procedures is a poor predictor of officers’ likelihood to use extrajudicial (diversion) measures. Analysis of the open-ended portion of our survey, however, provides an explanation: the Act has not been fully implemented here because of resource limitations, which affect an officer’s ability to adhere to the YCJA.
... As a response to this discrepancy and lack of clarity, the YCJA aims to reserve the more serious sentences for the most serious crimes, and reduce the use of unnecessary custodial sentences for less serious, nonviolent offenders. To respond to this vagueness, the YCJA laid out very detailed sections and statements to define the purpose of sentences, as well as the principles that were to be used by judges when determining an appropriate sentence (Endres 2004;Doob and Cesaroni 2004). The YCJA lays out the 'rules' of sentencing, and the restrictions, so that judges can impose an appropriate sentence on the individual to promote the juvenile's acceptance of responsibility, as well as hold them accountable for their actions, and provide rehabilitation when necessary. ...
... This study examined whether or not this is still the case since Bala and Anand's conclusions were made in 2004, early in the implementation of the legislation. The YCJA emphasizes fair andDoob and Cesaroni 2004). The current study looked at whether or not the young offender's prior record seems to have an influence on their disposition. ...
... In Canada and the United States, in direct contrast to general public perceptions, evidence indicates that youth violent crime, especially at the most serious levels, is not increasing inside or outside schools, either among females or among young people in general (Brooks, Schiraldi, & Ziedenberg, 2000;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). However, what has certainly increased, in contrast to actual evidence of violence, is widespread fear and concern about youth violence. ...
... Some of this concern is fueled by sensationalized reporting of violent incidents in mass media, and some probably responds to other social climate changes such as ethnocultural heterogeneity and reduced deference to authority. In response to this social fear, responses to youth infractions, especially in schools, are often increasingly punitive (Brooks, Schiraldi, & Ziedenberg, 2000;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). The behaviors that are actually severely punished are often defiance, drug, or property offenses, not necessarily violence (see Bickmore, 2004). ...
Prevailing anti-violence practices in public schools, especially in the context of recently increased emphasis on bullying, often allocate more resources to surveillance and control than to facilitation of healthy relationships or conflict/ peace learning. This policy emphasis increases the risks of marginalization and reduces opportunities for diverse students to develop autonomy and mutual responsibility. This qualitative study examines educators’ contrasting interpretations of various school safety and conflict management initiatives in practice, in peaceful and less peaceful schools serving stressed urban populations, and points out spaces for potential policy shifts and clarifications that could enhance sustainable peacebuilding in schools.
... First, they highlight the word "gang" is associated with street gangs (see Wood & Alleyne, this issue), the members of which share an existing allegiance with one another prior to and post any rape. Indeed, a gang has been described as having a relatively stable membership with some level of organization (Bijlveld & Hendricks, 2003;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004); a criterion that does not reflect the nature of most young people who commit offences in groups (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). Furthermore, despite the term "group rape" being introduced into the literature in an attempt to meet the shortcomings of the term "gang rape", Horvath and Kelly assert that both of these terms fall short in describing rapes carried out by multiple perpetrators. ...
... First, they highlight the word "gang" is associated with street gangs (see Wood & Alleyne, this issue), the members of which share an existing allegiance with one another prior to and post any rape. Indeed, a gang has been described as having a relatively stable membership with some level of organization (Bijlveld & Hendricks, 2003;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004); a criterion that does not reflect the nature of most young people who commit offences in groups (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). Furthermore, despite the term "group rape" being introduced into the literature in an attempt to meet the shortcomings of the term "gang rape", Horvath and Kelly assert that both of these terms fall short in describing rapes carried out by multiple perpetrators. ...
This review provides a current description of a number of contexts in which multiple perpetrator sexual
offending occurs. Specifically, seven sub-categories of offences are examined under two main themes of ‘rape
of peers/adults’ and ‘multiple perpetrator offenses against children.’ This is complimented by a discussion of
psychological theories and factors that contribute to the understanding of multiple perpetrator sexual
offenses within a multifactorial framework. Individual, sociocultural and situational levels are examined to
provide an explanation for the commitment of sexual offenses with others, with particular emphasis on
theories and processes of group aggression. This review provides tentative ideas to stimulate thought and
further research in this area
... Similarly, a nationwide survey of Canadians conducted in 1997 found that fully 70% reported having little or no confidence in the YOA (Roberts, in press). The principal cause of dissatisfaction with the juvenile justice system is the perception of excessive leniency on the part of youth courts (see Doob & Cesaroni, 2003; Doob, Sprott, Marinos, & Varma, 1998). When Canadians were asked to identify the most significant cause of youth crime, a " lenient criminal justice system " headed the list (see Roberts, in press). ...
... Aside from the low levels of public confidence in the juvenile justice system , a number of other problems with respect to sentencing young persons in Canada have been identified. One of the most important was an absence, under the previous YOA, of any clear philosophy underlying sentencing in youth courts (see Doob & Cesaroni, 2003 ). One consequence of this omission was that there was less emphasis on the principle of proportionality in sentences imposed in youth court. ...
Statutory reforms of the juvenile justice system came to Canada in 2003 when the Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) became law. This article reviews the principal sentencing provisions and, in particular, the purposes and principles that are now codified as a result of the new legislation. The legislation attempts to reduce the number of young offenders sent to prison while facilitating the imposition of harsher sentences on a small number of juveniles convicted of the most serious offenses. The YCJA moves youth court sentencing closer to sentencing as it is conducted in adult court but also maintains some important differences between the two levels. These reforms are likely to reduce the number of young persons sent to prison in Canada and change the composition of the juvenile prison population by reducing the number of young offenders incarcerated for minor crimes or property crimes.
... If that is the case, by decreasing motivation such as implementing more robust sentencing guidelines, reducing the suitability of potential victims, and increasing guardianship, violent crimes should decline. However, research on policy initiatives has shown this not to be the case (Bursik, Grasmick, & Chamlin, 1990;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Tunnell, 1996). In instances where crime decreased, researchers noted that it simply moved to more criminally accessible areas (Barr & Pease, 1990). ...
... 12 As Garland shows in his book, neoliberalism, or what he calls 'late modernity', has brought about several changes in the criminal justice system, 13 including the ideas that rehabilitation of the offender is no longer the main objective of criminal justice, that criminal policy emphasises fear of crime, that the victim and their interests are at the centre of criminal policy, that protection of the public is the dominant theme, that expert advice is abandoned in favour of politicians', and that probation and parole are more oriented towards risk management. 14 Notwithstanding these influences from neoliberal thinking, the YCJA has had an appreciable influence on reducing the rate of young people in custody in Canada, 15 as will be discussed next. ...
At the turn of the 20th century, Canada has been criticised for its high youth incarceration rates. These criticisms appeared in several reports, in particular those of the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child. Since the Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) came into effect in 2003 and following the implementation of extrajudicial measures and other alternative
measures, the rates of youth incarceration have dropped significantly. However, this does not mean that juvenile delinquency and custody impacts are no longer a major concern within the Canadian society. In this article, we examine the consequences of legal policy, more specifically the impacts of the YCJA on the reduction of youth incarceration rates in Canada, to then provide a picture of the current context by analysing official
statistics on youth incarceration and discussing what has and has not yet been achieved under the YCJA.
... Bangladesh is ranked in the middle of the Global Peace Index, due to fairly high rates of social exclusion and some direct violence among the supporters of rival political groups. Even in Canada, a relatively peaceful country, marginalized high-poverty communities endure considerable direct and indirect violence, including GBV, that is largely hidden from its privileged neighbors (Cotter and Savage 2019; Doob and Cesaroni 2004). Thus, the contexts for this research are neither (post)war zones nor completely peaceful zones. ...
Building durable peace through education requires addressing the gender ideologies and hierarchies that encourage both direct physical aggression and indirect harm through marginalization and exploitation. Although formal education systems are shaped by gendered patterns of social conflict, enmity, and inequity, schools can help young people to build on their inclination, relationships, and capability to participate in building sustainable, gender-just peace. In this paper, we draw from focus group research conducted with youth and teachers in public schools in Mexico, Bangladesh, and Canada to investigate how young people understood the social conflicts and violence surrounding them and what citizens could do about these issues; and how their teachers used the school curricula to address them. The research revealed that gender-based violence was pervasive in students' lives in all three settings, yet the curriculum the teachers and students described, with minor differences between contexts, included few opportunities to examine or resist the gender norms, institutions, and hierarchies that are the roots of exploitation and violence.
... In the central Mexican state where our research takes place, the economic inequality and direct violence situation has deteriorated: the number of crime victims in Guanajuato increased by about 50% between 2010 and 2014 (IEP, 2021). In Canada, a relatively peaceful country (eighth on the Global Peace Index), high-poverty communities still experience considerable direct and systemic violence (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;IEP, 2016). ...
... Canada was the most peaceful context included in our study, ranked 8 th (peaceful) on the Global Peace Index and spending about 2% of its GDP annually on containment of violence (IEP, 2016). However, violence and fear of violence were still evident in Canada's economically marginalized urban areas (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Eizadirad, 2016), and (to differing degrees, from moderate to severe) in the participating schools in the one city region in the province of Ontario. Curriculum guidelines are mandated at the provincial level in Canada-not nationwide, like the other two cases. ...
... In relation to research directly involving children, it is noteworthy that there are very few studies demonstrating that deterrence is an effective strategy in reducing youth crime (Johnson, 2019). The evidence that does exist in relation to children has either shown zero or equivocal deterrence effect, or has suggested an increase in offending in areas with harsher sentencing (Baron and Kennedy, 1998;Doob and Cesaroni, 2004;Fagan et al., 2003;Jensen and Metsger, 1994;Lochner, 2003;Myers, 2001;Peterson-Badali et al., 2001;Ruhland et al., 1982;Singer and McDowall, 1988). ...
Children receive sentences underpinned by deterrence theory in many jurisdictions, as demonstrated by recent cases in Australia and England and Wales. This article explores whether deterrent sentencing is justified from a legal, criminological and neuroscientific perspective. Analysis of international instruments suggests that deterrent sentencing conflicts with children’s rights, particularly the obligation to factor in the child’s age and best interests. There is scant criminological evidence that deterrent sentencing works for children. The principles that underpin deterrent sentencing are at odds with the way children make decisions according to recent neuroscientific evidence. Principles of deterrence should not apply when sentencing children.
... In the central Mexican state where our research takes place, the economic inequality and direct violence situation has deteriorated: the number of crime victims in Guanajuato increased by about 50% between 2010 and 2014 (IEP, 2015). In Canada, a relatively peaceful country (8th on the Global Peace Index), high-poverty communities still experience considerable direct and systemic violence (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;IEP, 2016). ...
Resource distribution concerns, including exploitation of the Earth’s environment, are sources of urgent. escalating conflicts — directly experienced by local citizens, indirectly involving transnational social structures. The symptoms, anxieties and misgivings arising from such social conflicts over resource interests are especially vivid in the lives of non-affluent youth, in the global North and especially in the global South. In this chapter, we examine the lived citizenship perspectives of economically marginalized youth (10-15 years old), and their experienced classroom curriculum, in ordinary state-funded schools in economically marginalized areas in the global South and North. Participants include 81 students and 21 teachers in four schools in one central (Guanajuato) Mexican city, and 55 students and 14 teachers in three schools in one south-central (Ontario) Canadian city. We listen to the young people’s
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understandings of environmental and other economic resource conflicts they experienced locally, and what they believed citizens like themselves could do to mitigate or transform the roots of those conflicts. We compare these young people’s representations to those in the enacted curricula, described by the students and their teachers in separate focus groups. This paper focuses on participants’ perspectives about social conflicts in which tangible material (resource) interests are prominent, as these most clearly illustrate the disjuncture between narrow neoliberal-individualist and broader critically-global-minded dimensions of (peacebuilding) citizenship education.
... Canada is the most peaceful context included in our study, ranked 8 th (peaceful) on the Global Peace Index (IEP, 2016). However, amid wealth disparities, fears of violence were evident in economically marginalized areas (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Eizadirad, 2016), and in the participating schools in the city region studied. Unlike the other cases, Canadian curriculum policy is provincial, not federal. ...
This chapter compares the ways several classroom teachers, in economically marginalized urban contexts in different countries, endeavored to foster peaceful, democratic social relations across relevant social differences and inequalities, primarily through teaching values. The settings were regular public schools, in three countries not war-torn but suffering severe local violence. In Bangladesh, participating teachers taught Islamic moral precepts-for instance, to treat women respectfully and materially aid the poor-and a national enmity narrative in relation to Pakistan. In Mexico, the teachers taught abstract values linked to interpersonal behavior-such as respect, honesty, and solidarity-and a national narrative valorizing blended indigenous and European origins. In Canada, the teachers taught multicultural awareness and individual character development, narrating a peaceful nation of immigrants. Within each context, most teachers' enacted curriculum presented values unidimensionally, emphasizing compliant tolerance. However, some teaching connected these social cohesion values with broader democratic justice foundations for sustainable peace, illustrating alternative (narrow or broad-based) approaches to values education for building peace.
... Canada is the most peaceful context included in our study, ranked 8 th (peaceful) on the Global Peace Index (IEP, 2016). However, amid wealth disparities, fears of violence were evident in economically marginalized areas (Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Eizadirad, 2016), and in the participating schools in the city region studied. Unlike the other cases, Canadian curriculum policy is provincial, not federal. ...
... "It is for their own good", they say. Doob and Cesaroni (2004), in Responding to Youth Crime in Canada, describe the utilitarian purposes of incarceration that the Canadian government attempts to pass off as justice: ...
Colonization is a common experience amongst Indigenous youth; the effects of which have contributed to an over representation of Indigenous youth in correctional facilities in British Columbia (B.C). Placing youth in custody violates Indigenous values and child rearing practices and advances internalized oppression by focusing on the individual as the problem. In order to counter these effects, Indigenous youth in custody require education and engagement in the areas of colonization and decolonization. This paper discusses how the youth justice system in B.C fails Indigenous youth and how one group of young Indigenous people have acted upon their responsibility to support their incarcerated brothers and sisters.
... Bangladesh is ranked in the middle (83) of the Global Peace Index (IEP 2016), due to fairly high rates of social exclusion and direct violence, including escalated violence between supporters of rival political groups. Even in relatively peaceful countries such as Canada, marginalized, high-poverty communities endure considerable direct and indirect violence that may remain largely hidden from privileged neighbors (Doob and Cesaroni 2004;IEP 2016). ...
Transnational Perspectives on Democracy, Citizenship, Human Rights and Peace Education considers ways in which national systems of education could work together, across borders, to determine the meaning and significance of the principles of democracy, human rights and peace education, in ways that are comparative and relational. The contributors and editors (Mary Drinkwater, Fazal Rizvi and Karen Edge) argue that in an era of globalization, collaborative investigations are crucial for developing an understanding of rights, democracy and peace that is transnationally inflected, and through which national systems of education hold each other accountable. The chapters address issues such as citizenship, identity, language, conflict and peace-building, global educational policy, democratic approaches to policy and education and human rights and peace education through analyses of case studies, research findings and policy initiatives drawn from countries in the global north and south.
... Academic work shows that Quebecers are more lenient about punishing crimes committed by young offenders than other Canadians. Doob and Cesaroni (2004) report that Quebecers are significantly less likely than other Canadians to think that youth court sentences are not severe enough. Trépanier (2004) provides several explanations that can account for this greater focus on rehabilitation rather than punishment in Quebec. ...
An important part of Stephen Harper's early strategy to form a majority government was to appeal to Quebec voters. Open federalism, the recognition of the Quebec nation in the House of Commons, and international representation at the UNESCO were all measures aimed at increasing support for the Conservatives in the province. This article reviews Quebecers' reception to several key policy decisions taken by Stephen Harper's government in the 2006-2011 time period. It also estimates the impact of these policies on satisfaction towards the federal government, appreciation of Stephen Harper, and voting intentions towards the Conservatives in Quebec.
... Further, a recently released federal report stated the Canada had among the highest rates of child poverty among the leading advanced industrial countries (UNICEF, 2010). Finally, while incarceration rates for young offenders in Canada, generally, have dropped substantially during the last decade, those youth in custody disproportionately have been from the above multi-problem families, especially Aboriginal families (e.g., Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). Two key policy issues among many others emerge from this Canadian context: First, provincial governments, and, to a lesser degree, successive federal governments, have restructured their child welfare protection laws and policies, along with criminal law and youth justice systems, to respond to the needs of these multi-problem families. ...
... All measures are based on mean-score scales of the adolescents' self-reports. Selfreport surveys as a means for generating reliable incidence rates have been extensively reviewed in the literature on self-reports (Alder & Worrall, 2004;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Hindelang, Hirschi, & Weis, 1981;Sprott & Doob, 2004). In order to create our survey we adapted and adopted a number of standardized subscales that are described below. ...
In this cross-sectional study on family violence and resilience in a sample of 5,149 middle-school students with a mean age of 14.5 years from four European Union countries (Austria, Germany, Slovenia, and Spain), we worked from the premise that resilience should not be conceptualized as a dichotomous variable. We therefore examined the gender-specific personal and social characteristics of resilience at the three levels “resilient”, “near-resilient”, and “non-resilient”. We also expanded our definition of resilience to include the absence of both externalized and internalized problem behaviours in adolescents who have been exposed to violence in their families. Using multinomial logistic regression we found reliable gender differences in the protective and risk factors between the three resilience levels. We also found that the achieved reliability of our resilience classifications is very high. Our findings suggest that adolescents’ positive adjustment despite family violence is affected only in small part by school characteristics. The co-morbidity of social risks in the family and individual factors explains a much larger part of the variance in the analysis. From a content perspective this means that an individual’s “resilience status” can be influenced in a focused way by moderating the living environment. These results are discussed in terms of their practical implications for policy.
... In order to address both the need to decrease the number of minor cases dealt with in court and to respond to such cases in a more effective and timely manner the Youth Criminal Justice Act (2002) introduced the extrajudicial measures and the extrajudicial sanctions (Davis- Barron, 2009;Doob & Cesaroni, 2004;Doob & Sprott, 2004Latimer, 2011;Latimer & Verbrugge, 2004). These dispositions replaced the non-judicial ways of addressing less serious offenses known as alternative measures in the Young Offenders Act (1984). ...
This study used thematic analysis to investigate how youth court professionals, namely Youth Court Judges, Youth Probation Officers, and Youth Police Officers, make decisions to incarcerate young females for administrative offences. Sixteen professionals from Lower Vancouver Island shared their experiences through one-on-one interviews, which were then thematically analysed. This method of analysis shed light on four major themes across the professional groups: i) The Youth Criminal Justice Act (2002); ii) Decision-making; iii) The decline in crime; and iv) Services for adjudicated youth. Findings were discussed in relation to the literature and the resources currently available in the community.
... The YCJA sample includes significantly more indictable offences against the person (21.1%) than the YOA sample (11.1%). In Canada, research on youthful offending by sex reports that boys more often commit, and are more often convicted of, offences against the person, while girls tend more frequently to commit and to be convicted of property-related offences (Carrington and Moyer 1998;Doob and Cesaroni 2004). The YCJA sample contains a greater number of offences against the person and, as a result, a greater number of boys. ...
This study investigates whether judges attempt to craft proportionate proba-tion sentences under the Young Offenders Act (YOA) and the Youth Crimi-nal Justice Act (YCJA). Using two samples of probation cases -one disposed of under the YOA and the other disposed of under the YCJA -the effect of the offence on probation sentence length was investigated. The results suggest that youth court judges are more influenced by the nature of the most serious offence in the case under the YCJA than they were under the YOA. This could be seen as preliminary evidence of the effect ofs. 38(2)(c) of the YCJA, which directs judges to craft sentences that are proportionate to the seriousness of the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender. La presente etude a pour but d'evaluer dans quelle mesure les juges essaient d'etablir des peines de probation proportionnelles en vertu de la Loi sur les jeunes contrevenants (LJC) et de la Loi sur le systeme de justice penale pour les adolescents (LSJPA). Pour cefaire, les auteures ont analyse Vimpact de la nature de Vinfraction sur la duree de la peine de probation en exploitant (1) un echantillon de causes jugees en vertu de la LJC et (2) un echantillon de causes jugees en vertu de la LSJPA. Or, selon les resuitats de leur analyse, les juges du tribunal pour adolescents seraient davantage influences par la nature des infractions les plus graves jugees dans le cadre de la LSJPA qu'ils ne Vetaient dans le cadre de la LJC. Une telle tendance constituerait ainsi une preuve provisoire de Vimpact de Varticle 38(2){c) de la LSJPA. En effet, selon eet article, la peine doit etre proportionnelle a la gravite de Vinfraction et au degre de responsabilite de Vadolescent a Vegard de Vinfraction.
... We argue that a new area of inquiry and policy research in Canada should be the special needs of young adults in adult corrections. In most Western jurisdictions, there has always been a question of where and how to draw the line between the adult and youth justice systems (Doob and Cesaroni 2004). The developmental vulnerabilities and special treatment needs of adolescents have been a key argument in having a separate youth justice system, including special sentencing arrangements and the use of separate youth correctional facilities. ...
Dans cette étude, nous discutons de constatations clés portant sur l’expérience et l’adaptation des jeunes emprisonnés et détenus avant procès. Les problèmes liés à la surutilisation de la ségrégation des adolescents et des jeunes adultes y sont débattus. À l’aide de théorie et d’études portant sur les adultes émergents – la période de développement suivant l’adolescence –, nous mettons l’accent sur la nécessité de faire attention aux expériences des jeunes adultes en prison.
In this article, we discuss key findings from research that focuses on the experiences and adjustment of youth in custody and pre-trial detention. Problems with the overuse of segregation for both adolescents and young adults are debated. Complemented by theory and research on emerging adulthood – the developmental period following adolescence – we highlight the need for attention to the experiences of young adults in prison.
... Under the YOA, some of the research contends that incarcerated youth are more likely to have been involved with The Children's Aid Society (Bortner & Williams cited in Doob & Cesaroni, 2004). Thus, data was collected to ascertain how many youth in the contested Bail Court were Crown wards or past Crown wards of The Children's Aid Society (also known as Family and ...
... This trend was attributed to the overuse of the courts and custody for relatively minor offences as well as for child welfare concerns. Research on judges' reasons for sentencing under the YOA reveals that detention was often imposed for mental-health or child-protection reasons (Doob 2001;Doob and Cesaroni 2004). The findings suggest that a large number of youth were detained and incarcerated because of criminogenic factors or other health and social needs, regardless of the relative seriousness of the offence. ...
Increasingly, risk assessments are being adopted throughout the criminal justice system in Canada, and they are playing a significant role in the preparation of pre-sentence reports. Over the past five years, nine of Canada's jurisdictions have adopted the use of risk assessments for the preparation of youth pre-sentencing reports (PSR). While ample theoretical knowledge about risk exists, there are noticeably fewer empirical studies of how risk frameworks (re)shape and (re)organize local institutional decision-making practices or of what the socio-political effects of these processes are. Drawing on interviews, case law review, and analyses of risk-assessment documents, this article considers the implications of using risk assessments in the preparation of youth pre-sentencing reports (PSRs). In particular, attention is paid to the tensions between emerging risk practices and the emphasis on proportional sentencing under the Youth Criminal justice Act (YCJA).
... The term ''gang'' is often used, particularly in the media, to describe any offence involving more than one perpetrator, and some commentators suggest that this contributes to a misleading stereotype. Doob and Cesaroni (2004) argue, in the context of general offending, that it is important to distinguish between ''gangs'' and ''groups'': ''If one defines a gang as a relatively stable, somewhat organized, group with clear or formal leadership, most groups of young people that commit offences do not qualify as 'gangs'' ' (p. 96). ...
Multiple perpetrator rape presents a significant problem nationally and internationally. However, previous research is limited and findings are often contradictory. The details of 101 rape allegations recorded in a six-month period in a large police force in England were analysed. Findings are presented about case classification, victim and perpetrator characteristics, approach and assault location, perpetrator group composition and victim targeting. The discussion of the findings is used as a basis to explore the pitfalls and benefits of the established naming and definition of this offence. Local and colloquial terms (e.g. “gang bang” and “streamlining”) as well as academic terminology (e.g. “group” and “gang” rape) are considered. The paper concludes by proposing an overarching term “multiple perpetrator” rape that allows a series of subtypes to be developed both locally and transnationally.
This paper examines the patterns of harmful weapon behavior and the protective influence of perceived collective efficacy on harmful weapon behavior among a cross-national sample of youth detainees in Toronto and Philadelphia. Despite different firearms policies, detained youth in both cities reveal considerable knowledge of where to get a gun. Multivariate analyses reveal that participating in gang fights, non-violent delinquency, and neighborhood gun markets are significantly related to harmful gun behavior in both cities. Only one collective efficacy subscale, perceived social cohesion, exerted a protective influence on harmful gun behavior among youth in both cities. These results suggest that in the absence of “strong ties,” reflected in family and residential stability, there may be added value in the “weak ties” provided by the community, making social cohesion an important protective characteristic for this high-risk group of youthful detainees. The significance of the findings, limitations, and potential policy implications are discussed.
This article draws on research conducted with Canadian provincial correctional officers who have experience with youth in closed-custodial settings since the enactment of the 2003 Youth Criminal Justice Act. In Canada, where attempts to avoid a full embrace of the punitive turn seem to be persistent, we examine youth justice as the “last bastion” of the rehabilitative ideal as mediated by youth correctional officers. Our findings reveal that while officers retain a clear commitment to the ideal of rehabilitation and a desire to “save” young people, they are increasingly under siege by the changing context of prison, shifting managerial priorities, and the paradox of trying to help convicted youth in an inherently punitive environment.
Prior to the coming into force of the Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) in 2003, Canada had a discretionary approach to youth justice, and one of the highest rates in the world for use of courts and custody for adolescent offenders. The YCJA significantly structured the discretion of police, prosecutors, and judges, restricting use of courts and custody. There have also been changes in the culture of youth justice professionals, and in correctional programs and policies. There have been substantial reductions in the use of courts and custody for youth, though there is still significant variation across the country. The YCJA governs offences for those aged 12 to the 18th birthday, and affords youth significant legal protections, while recognizing the principle of “diminished moral accountability” of youth.
Girls often find themselves at the center of a moral panic surrounding youth crime with claims that their behavior is out of control in national news media. While media often readily suggests that crime among girls is on the rise, there is little scholarly consensus. This article explores the Integrated Criminal Court Survey to analyze whether guilty findings among girls are rising, what can be said about girls’ involvement in crime and violence over the past few decades, and how legislation changes and ideological shifts have altered how youth in conflict with the law have been treated.
Prior to 2003, Canada discretionary approach to youth justice resulted in the country having one of the highest rates in the world for use of courts and custody for adolescent offenders. The Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) came into force in 2003 and has significantly structured the discretion of police, prosecutors and judges, and been accompanied by very substantial reductions in youth charging and use of custody for adolescents and more use of community-based sentencing options; youth crime has fallen slightly. Canada’s federal parliament has jurisdiction over juvenile justice legislation, while provincial and territorial governments are responsible for the establishment of youth courts and the provision of services for young offenders, as well as jurisdiction over child welfare, so there is significant variation in the implementation of the law across Canada. There are concerns in Canada about such issues as overrepresentation of visible minority and Aboriginal youth in custody.
Using the Safe Schools Act in Ontario as an example of a school zero-tolerance policy, I demonstrate that there are more implications for governing students through these policies than the literature tends to suggest. The push to exclude students found in zero-tolerance policies co-exists uneasily with the liberal democratic pull to an inclusive education. Principals negotiate the contradictory positioning of students as simultaneously excludable and includable uniquely. There is also an insertion of ‘choice’ as a strategy to resolve these tensions. Inappropriate conduct conceived as the students’ choice signals a reorientation of the main function of the school, to an institution now interested in managing its own reputation by devolving the responsibility of good behaviour onto the student.
This paper examines youth offenders’ responses to changing sanctions, using evidence from the Canadian Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA), which replaced the Young Offenders Act on April 1, 2003. Using police reported and court based official statistics and the difference‐in‐difference strategy, it is found that Canadian youth offenders were less likely to be charged by police and less likely to receive a custodial sentence following the YCJA. These changes were relatively large for less serious crime and small or insignificant for more serious crime. In response to these changes in the certainty of sanctions, less serious youth crime increased while the direction of change for more serious youth crime was less clear. Empirical analysis on youth self‐reported crime corroborates the findings on youth crime reported to police, particularly for boys.
There have been profound changes in Canada’s juvenile justice system during the century that it has been in existence, most recently when the Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA)1 came into force in April 2003. A major rationale for enacting the statute was to reduce Canada’s high rate of custody for adolescent offenders, based on the belief that community-based responses are more effective for dealing with most young offenders. The YCJA continues to protect the legal rights of youth, such as access to counsel. This chapter discusses the evolution of Canada’s juvenile justice system over the past two decades. It considers the policy concerns that led to the enactment of the YCJA and the impact that the new law is having. The new statute addresses some problems in youth justice that have been uncovered by empirical research, and is thus to a significant degree, evidence-driven. Where appropriate, we provide Canadian research findings relevant to the specific policy developments.
The Republic of Ireland has a population of 3.9 million of this figure 29% are under the age of 20 years and 37% are under 25 years. Despite increasing immigration, Ireland still remains a relatively homogenous country with over 90% of individuals categorised as Irish and 88% of the population classified as Roman Catholic (Central Statistics Office, 2002). In April 2005, Ireland had the lowest rate of seasonally adjusted unemployment (4.2%) in the Eurozone compared to an average of 8.9% (Eurostat, 2005). Ireland also had the second lowest rate of youth unemployment (7.9% compared to an average of 19%) in the same period.
This chapter provides a historical summary of key legislation supporting societal responses to youth crime in Canada. It highlights the changing nature of perceptions of youth over time, and the contemporary emphasis on the rights of society and individual responsibility. Specifically, the history of youth crime legislation in Canada reflects a gradual shift away from the attitude that children were no different than adults, through a period where children were seen as in need of protection and welfare, to a situation today which attempts to balance the rights of society with those of the young offender while recognizing, in principle, that the root causes of much crime are social. Increasingly, however, we may be witnessing a transition in youth crime legislation reflecting a “get tough” punishment oriented ethos, at the same time, paradoxically, as we are embracing the idea of “getting tough” on the causes of crime.
This chapter examines some important aspects of what we know about the quality and quantity of youth crime. One of the key arguments is that there are severe limitations associated with official sources of data for certain types of crimes, thus reducing our confidence in fully understanding the nature and level of youth crime in Canada. Keeping these limitations in mind, the chapter shows that youth are not getting more violent and that a significant contributor to the perception of increased youth violence lies in the category of common assault which is sensitive to changes in official responses to youths behavior. The chapter also examines the relevance of categories such as “race,” class, and gender.
Book synopsis: Pathologized, terrorized, and confined, trans/gender non-conforming and queer folks have always struggled against the enormity of the prison industrial complex. The first collection of its kind, Eric A. Stanley and Nat Smith bring together current and former prisoners, activists, and academics to offer new ways for understanding how race, gender, ability, and sexuality are lived under the crushing weight of captivity. Through a politic of gender self-determination, this collection argues that trans/queer liberation and prison abolition must be grown together. From rioting against police violence and critiquing hate crimes legislation to prisoners demanding access to HIV medications, and far beyond, Captive Gender is a challenge for us all to join the struggle.
The aim of this paper was to review published accounts of resilience-based approaches with and for disabled children and young people aged up to 25 years. The review is part of a broader study looking more generally at resilience-based interventions with and for young people. The authors attempt to summarise the approaches and techniques that might best support those children and young people who need them the most. However, when compared to the number of evaluated resilience-based approaches to working with typically-developing children and young people, those including children and young people with complex needs are disappointingly lacking. Of 830 retrieved references, 46 were relevant and 23 met the inclusion criteria and form the body of this review. They covered a variety of intervention content, setting, and delivery, and diverse children and young people, making comparative evaluation prohibitive. The difficulties in identifying suitable resilience-based interventions are discussed, together with the authors' iterative approach, which was informed by realist review methodology for complex social interventions. The review is set into a context of exclusion, an ableist mindset and the political economy of research. It also provides recommendations for future research and practice development in this field. Acknowledgement: The authors would like to thank Marina Trowell for her assistance with article screening and translation.
Dans un numéro récent de la Revue canadienne de criminologie et de justice pénale, Latimer et Foss (2005) affirment que les peines de placement sous garde imposées, en vertu de la Loi sur les jeunes contrevenants, aux jeunes Autochtones de cinq villes canadiennes étaient de plus longue durée que celles imposées aux jeunes non-Autochtones habitant les mêmes villes. En fait, il s'agit d'un constat factice fondé sur des variations inter-juridictionnelles. L'analyse des données de chaque ville prise séparément ou l'application d'autres contrôles statistiques ne font dégager aucun écart entre les deux groupes de contrevenants. Ce phénomène semble illustrer le Paradoxe de Simpson : lorsqu'on regroupe les calculs de deux variables grâce à l'agrégation des données de deux ou de plusieurs sous-populations, on peut établir un lien entre ces variables et obtenir en conséquence un certain résultat ; et pourtant le calcul des mêmes variables pour chacune des sous-populations prise individuellement donne le résultat inverse ou ne montre aucun lien entre les variables.
In a recent article in this journal, Latimer and Foss (2005) suggest that Aboriginal youth in five Canadian cities who were sentenced to custody under the Young Offenders Act received longer sentences than did non-Aboriginal youth. This finding is shown to be an artefact of jurisdictional variation. When the cities are looked at individually, or when cities are controlled for in other ways, the effect disappears. This might be seen as an illustration of "Simpson's Paradox," whereby an association between two variables can be in one direction when pooled across two or more sub-populations but, when looked at individually (within each sub-population), is non-existent or points in the opposite direction.
The Government of Canada, in its 2003 changes in the law governing young offenders, managed to appear to be ‘tough on crime’ while, at the same time, attempting to reduce the use of the formal youth justice system. This was accomplished by focusing public statements on tough, symbolic measures that had little impact on the manner in which young offenders were punished while at the same time promoting, in its legislation, attempts to reduce the rates of formal processing and of incarceration of young people. It is understandable, then, that some critics, including academics, who focused on public statements described Canada's new youth law as being unnecessarily harsh. We suggest, on the basis of an analysis of the law and of its administration – including comprehensive sentencing data showing no real increase in punitiveness over the past decade or so – that the law as written and administered is quite different from the way in which it has been described in this journal and in the Canadian mass media. In this way, the Government of Canada was able to have its cake and eat it, too.
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