ArticlePDF Available
Fletcher, R., B. Büscher, K. Massarella and S. Koot (2020)
Close the Tap! COVID-19 and the Need for Convivial Conservation
Journal of Australian Political Economy
No. 85, pp. 200-11.
CLOSE THE TAP!’: COVID-19 AND THE
NEED FOR CONVIVIAL CONSERVATION
Robert Fletcher, Bram Büscher, Kate Massarella
and Stasja Koot
When 2020 was declared a super yearfor biodiversity conservation, no
one suspected that a particular form of this biodiversity would proliferate
to such an extent as to bring all of the anticipated activity to a screeching
halt.1 With species and ecosystems in dangerous decline the world over
(IPBES 2019), there is growing recognition that previous conservation
strategies have been largely inadequate to tackle the challenges they face,
and hence that something radically different is needed (Kareiva et al. 2012;
Wuerthner et al. 2015).
A series of global meetings to address this deficiency were scheduled to
take place throughout 2020. Most centrally, the IUCNs quadrennial World
Conservation Congress, slated for June in France,2 was intended to feed
into the 15th Conference of the Parties to the Convention of Biological
Diversity to be held in October in China,3 during which the global
biodiversity targets for the next decade would be established (OECD
2019). Concurrently, the 26th COP of the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change would meet in November in Scotland to
plan for the future of climate change intervention,4 upon which
biodiversity conservation crucially depends (Harvey 2020).
1 https://www.unenvironment.org/news-and-stories/news/2020-super-year-nature-and-
biodiversity
2 https://www.iucncongress2020.org/
3 https://www.greengrowthknowledge.org/event/2020-un-biodiversity-conference
4 https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/conferences/glasgow-climate-change-conference-
to-be-postponed
COVID-19 AND CONVIVIAL CONSERVATION 201
Enter COVID-19. These global meetings have all now been postponed,
cancelled or pared back due to the pandemic. This means that the future of
global biodiversity conservation has been left even more uncertain than
before. Yet the crisis has also been framed by some conservationists as an
opportunity to emphasize the vital importance of their work in the face of
zoonotic diseases such as this. Hence, the question that Adams (2020)
posed in a previous commentary how should conservation use the
growing crisis that is COVID-19?has become increasingly important.
In this article, we outline some of the ways that biodiversity conservation
is being affected by COVID-19 and how conservationists are responding
to these issues. We focus in particular on the challenge the pandemic has
posed to a model of conservation finance heavily reliant on revenue from
(eco)tourism. We conclude by suggesting that transforming policy and
practice in the direction of convivial conservation (Büscher and Fletcher
2020) might offer a hopeful way through and out of the current crisis.
COVID-19 and conservation
Discussions of the relationship between biodiversity conservation and the
COVID-19 pandemic have been multi-faceted and multi-directional. Soon
after the infection first spread from China to Europe and beyond, some
conservationists began to emphasize the viruss origins in humans
increasing encroachment on natural spaces (Carrington 2020).
Given that the virus was initially believed to have moved from animals to
humans in a wet marketin Wuhan, conservationists argued that this
demonstrated the dangers of trade in wildlife more generally (Wittemyer
2020). After China consequently instituted a temporary ban on this trade,
conservationists called for this to become both permanent and global
(Bwambale 2020).
Yet others have insisted that such a blanket ban would be devastating for
the hundreds of millions of people worldwide who depend on wildlife for
survival, and that driving the wildlife trade underground could have
additional negative consequences (Challender et al. 2020).
Still others have highlighted the links between COVID-19 and the spread
of industrial agriculture, deforestation, mining, bioprospecting and other
extractive enterprises more generally, pointing out similarities between the
current crisis and previous viral outbreaks (e.g. Safina 2020).
202 JOURNAL OF AUSTRALIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY No 85
All of this, various conservationists have warned, signal that nature is
sending us a messageto reign in our reckless destruction of nonhuman
species and spaces (Carrington 2020). This echoes longstanding assertions
by deep ecologists that nature is a coherent entity possessing will and
intention as illustrated by the popular Gaia hypothesischampioned by
James Lovelock (e.g. 2000). In some variants of this stance, extreme
environmentalists have even labelled humans a virusinfecting the rest of
the planet (see Brown 2020). Some have indeed warned even hoped
that nature would eventually fight backagainst the human infection
(e.g. Foreman 2014). Such scenarios include predictions that the spread of
a zoonotic virus would wipe out humans completely or reduce their
numbers to a level capable of re-establishing balance with the rest of the
planets inhabitants (see Bailey 2006).
In terms of material practice, one of COVID-19’s main impacts has been
to alter humansphysical interaction with wildlife and natural spaces on a
massive scale. The enforced or voluntary lockdowns introduced in many
societies have led to mass withdrawal from many spaces, including both
biodiverse and non-biodiverse areas that have now largely been left to
nonhuman species.5 The result has been a widely documented proliferation
of wildlife in rural as well as urban areas.6
Considering this, one might argue that COVID-19 has forced the world
into something akin to the half earthscenario championed by celebrity
biologist E.O. Wilson (2016) and others (see e.g. Wuerthner et al. 2015).
These conservationists assert that at least half the planet must be reserved
for protected areas occupied primarily by self-willed nature’. Most
humans should then be consolidated within the other half, from which they
can witness wildlife through web cams7 and other remote technologies.
This has indeed now been actively promoted by the tourism industry under
COVID-19, along with other creative innovations including online safaris8
and virtual bushwalks.9 In a certain sense, then, this half earth imaginary
5 https://dailyhive.com/mapped/yosemite-national-park-animals-video
6 http://www.rfi.fr/en/international/20200330-wild-animals-wander-through-deserted-
cities-under-COVID-19-lockdown-ducks-paris-puma-santiago-civet-kerala
7 https://explore.org/livecams/african-wildlife/tembe-elephant-park
8 https://vimeo.com/404591533/457d79b64f
9 https://vimeo.com/410654608/c90b7283aa
COVID-19 AND CONVIVIAL CONSERVATION 203
comes close to how large portions of the world have been de facto
reorganized under the global lockdown.
On the other hand, in some places with less stringent restrictions, people
have been flocking to conservation areas, as well as to nearby rural
communities, as a potential refuge from the virus and to escape the
drudgery of home-bound lockdowns (McGivney 2020; Petersen 2020). In
a variant of this trend, some indigenous groups, in Brazil, Canada and
elsewhere, are also retreating to remote areas to protect themselves from
infection and access alternate food supplies (Fellet 2020; Morin 2020).
And for the very wealthy, there are now even corona-virus free private
safarisin East Africa10 demonstrating the fact that far from being an
equalizersignalling that we are all in this together’, COVID-19 has had
highly uneven impacts that build on long-standing patterns of injustice
within the global economic order (Timothy 2020; Carr 2020).
Ecotourism under global lockdown
Among the pandemics most significant effects has been its impact on the
global tourism industry an important source of conservation financing in
many places. In some situations, this is affecting wildlife directly. For
instance, animals inhabiting conservation areas who have come to depend
on tourists for food have been threatened by the sudden withdrawal of this
sustenance (Roth 2020). Fears that endangered mountain gorillas might
contract the virus from human visitors, meanwhile, has resulted in a
suspension of highly lucrative tourism activities in Sub-Saharan Africa.11
Yet, the main consequence of COVID-19’s tourism impacts concerns the
conservation activities to which tourism is connected. The United Nations
World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) estimates that global visitations
in 2020 may drop 60-80% due to the crisis, resulting in losses of hundreds
of billions of euros to tourism operators and workers worldwide.12 This
has provoked widespread concern that loss of revenue from tourist
visitation may endanger conservation programming in many places, as
10 https://greatmigrationcamps.com/coronavirus-free-safari/
11 https://www.unenvironment.org/news-and-stories/story/virus-which-causes-COVID-19-
threatens-great-ape-conservation
12 https://www.unwto.org/news/COVID-19-international-tourist-numbers-could-fall-60-80-
in-2020
204 JOURNAL OF AUSTRALIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY No 85
over the past decade ecotourism has become one of the main sources of
revenue for conservation as well as one of the main strategies to enrol local
people within it.
This latter dynamic is based on what Martha Honey (2008: 14) calls the
stakeholder theory’, asserting that people will protect what they receive
value from’. This is one manifestation of an increasingly popular strategy
for championing conservation more generally, consistent with
paradigmatically neoliberal understandings of human reasoning and
motivation, which aims to offer economic incentives sufficient to make
conservation more lucrative than other more destructive land use options
(Fletcher 2010).
This stakeholder strategy has always been a dangerous gamble, since
basing conservation support on such extrinsicmotivation (rather than an
intrinsicsense of care for biodiversity) could obviate this support were
the revenue fuelling this motivation to disappear (Serhadli 2020). And,
considering the instability of the tourism industry due to its dependence on
an inherently volatile global economy, it was never really a question if this
would happen, but when. As Dickson Kaelo, CEO of the
Kenya Wildlife Conservancies Association, thus worries:
Members of these communities may lose faith in wildlife conservation
if there is no money forthcoming. In addition, people who live around
these wildlife havens and looked forward to selling artefacts to tourists
may resort to other income-generating activities such as farming,
fuelling the never-ending human-wildlife conflicts as animals invade
and destroy their new farms (cited in Greenfield 2020).
This is precisely what seems to be occurring right now, with instances of
poaching and encroachment on the rise within many conservation spaces
worldwide (Greenfield 2020).
Yet is this ostensive connection really so clear-cut? Some question the
assertion that conservation depends so heavily on tourism revenue,
pointing out that implicit in this stance is the assumption that (usually
foreign) tourists and conservationists are the main actors valuing and
nurturing biodiversity. Kenyan conservationist Mordecai Ogada thus
asserts, Lets not pretend at any point that tourists are the ones that look
COVID-19 AND CONVIVIAL CONSERVATION 205
after our wildlife. Our wildlife is looked after by our people, our wildlife
rangers, and those mandated by government to care for them.13
What next?
Given all of this, what is likely to happen now? There is much uncertainty
at the moment and different possibilities exist. In the short term, it is
probable that forms of coercive conservation enforcement will intensify
as they already have in certain places as softeroptions dry up. Yet
others assert that the precarity of ecotourism finance exposed by the
COVID-19 crisis signals the need for a deeper rethinking of how
conservation is funded more generally (Greenfield 2020; Robinson 2020).
This is compounded by acknowledgment that even before the current crisis
global conservation efforts already experienced a substantial financial
shortfall estimated at 200-300 billion euros per annum (Credit Suisse and
McKinsey 2016).
Thus Johan Robinson, Chief of the Global Environment Facility (GEF)
Biodiversity and Land Degradation Unit at the UN Environment
Programme (UNEP), contends, If the international community is serious
about conserving biodiversity as part of a just and sustainable world, we
must get serious about funding conservation(Robinson 2020). To achieve
this, Robinson calls for development of a new class of financial asset, ripe
for sustainable investment. Success would depend on investments that
simultaneously reinforce the impact of conservation; providing capital
preservation and/or returns on investments and generating cashflows
through sustainable use of nature by local communities.
Creation of a financial asset class for conservation been a widespread
aspiration of many for some time now. Several years ago, for instance,
Credit Suisse and McKinsey (2016) advanced a similar call in a widely
circulated report entitled Conservation Finance From Niche to
Mainstream: The Building of an Institutional Asset Class. This report
asserted that:
few conservation projects today are big enough to be structured as
marketable standalone investment products. Thus, aggregating distinct
but complementary projects with potentially different structures is
13 https://www.theelephant.info/videos/2020/04/20/dr-mordecai-ogada-conservation-in-
the-age-of-coronavirus/#.Xp29Aznzfw0.facebook
206 JOURNAL OF AUSTRALIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY No 85
required. These aggregators need to be able to bundle a diverse set of
cash flowsand mold them into a single investment product (Credit
Suisse and McKinsey 2016: 13).
Subsequently, this report helped to inspire creation of a Coalition for
Private Investment in Conservation, organized by IUCN and including
Credit Suisse as well as bankers JP Morgan Chase along with UNEP, GEF,
Conservation International and the World Bank, among many others, to
put this plan into action.14
Yet realization of this ambitious vision has remained elusive. Dempsey and
Suarez (2016: 654) demonstrate that efforts to tap economic markets for
conservation finance globally to date have fallen far short of intended
aims, producing only slivers of slivers of sliversof envisioned funding.
Meanwhile, global programmes like payment for ecosystem services
(PES) and the reduced emissions from avoided deforestation and forest
degradation (REDD+) mechanism have largely morphed from their
original design as market-based instruments(MBIs) for conservation
finance into dependence on state-based taxation and other forms of
redistributive funding (Fletcher et al. 2016; Fletcher and Büscher 2017).
There is little to suggest that this situation will reverse in the future. On
the contrary, there are serious questions whether it is possible for MBIs to
ever achieve their aim to reconcile conservation and sustainable local
livelihoods with profitable return on investment at significant scale
(Fletcher et al. 2016). Indeed, it is apparent that most MBIs paradoxically
depend on expansion of destructive extractive industries and financial
institutions as the basis of their economic model (Fletcher et al. 2016).
Rather than presenting opportunities for increased conservation finance
through market expansion, the current crisis will likely intensify pressures
on already vulnerable conservation areas as governments and capitalists
look to previously restricted natural resources as new sources of
accumulation. The global economy is already in deep recession and will
likely sink further in the months to come (Elliot 2020). After the 2008
recession, capitalists turned to intensified resource extraction to recapture
lost growth (Arsel et al. 2016), at great expense to ongoing conservation
efforts. It is likely that this same pattern will be repeated now too. At the
same time, the growing recession will certainly further impoverish
countless residents of rural communities close to biodiversity hotspots
14 http://cpicfinance.com/
COVID-19 AND CONVIVIAL CONSERVATION 207
(Elliot 2020) who may be forced to turn to exploitation of conserved
resources if other survival options dry up.
Closing the tap: Towards convivial conservation
All of this suggests the need for a more profound rethinking of
conservation finance than Robinson and others propose. As Serhadli
(2020) asserts:
If we promote conditions where local people are completely dependent
on external market forces, and the motivation behind conservation is
money-based, then conservation will always be dependent on a stable
global economy, which is highly uncertain as we are witnessing right
now.15
Rather than doubling down on efforts to fund conservation through
financial markets that have proven quite miserly thus far, we may
instead need to double-step in the opposite direction. That is, we may
need to begin taking the market out of conservation altogetherand
instead experiment with providing subsidies (state supported or
otherwise) to resource-dependent communities based on direct
taxation of extractive activities of the type that are already in some
cases covertly supplied through MBIs(Fletcher et al. 2016: 675).
But even this is merely a first step towards the much more radical change
that is ultimately needed. Conservation will always be a rear-guard battle
if done within a fundamentally unsustainable global economy. Bluntly
stated, it is like frantically mopping the floor with the taps wide open. The
real solution is simple: to close the tap.
A different economic system is needed to facilitate another form of
conservation. One that allows humans and nonhumans to live side-by-side
in meaningful coexistence rather than shallow commodified encounter.
One that does not aim to control nature, but that lets natures (human as
well as nonhuman) thrive, while recognising and celebrating the
biophysical limits that necessarily both constrain and enable this (Kallis
2019). And one that supports and subsidizes the livelihoods of people
living intimately with wildlife beyond providing precarious tourism
15 https://news.mongabay.com/2020/05/market-based-solutions-cannot-solely-fund-
community-level-conservation-commentary/
208 JOURNAL OF AUSTRALIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY No 85
employment for instance, through redistributive mechanisms like a
conservation basic income (Fletcher and Büscher 2020).
Such calls for radical or transformationalchange have been gaining
momentum over the last decade (e.g. IPBES 2019; Adams 2017; Lorimer
2015) and the COVID-19 crisis has added urgency to these calls. If
transformational change is indeed most likely to happen at times of crisis,
when enough stakeholders agree that the current system is dysfunctional
(Olsson et al. 2010: 280), then the current conjuncture may present an
opportunity to find a new way forward that may not have seemed possible
before.
Closing the tap on aggregate economic growth opens positive new
possibilities. It renders possible a more equitable world and a form of
convivial conservation that celebrates and enables living together
(Büscher and Fletcher 2020). This post-capitalist proposal is currently
being debated and tested in a number of places by various actors. Aspects
of it are already being practiced in many indigenous and community
conservation projects worldwide.16 Moving further towards convivial
conservation, we suggest, may help turn an aborted super yearfor
biodiversity into a super futurefor human and nonhuman natures alike.
Robert Fletcher is Associate Professor in the Sociology of Development
and Change group at Wageningen University.
robert.fletcher@wur.nl
Bram Büscher is Professor and Chair in the Sociology of Development
and Change group at Wageningen University.
Bram.buscher@wur.nl
Kate Massarella is a postdoctoral researcher in the Sociology of
Development and Change group at Wageningen University.
kate.massarella@wurl.nl
Stasja Kootis is Assistant Professor in the Sociology of Development and
Change group at Wageningen University.
stasja.koot@wur.nl
16 https://www.iccaconsortium.org/
COVID-19 AND CONVIVIAL CONSERVATION 209
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... Como dice Mace et al. (2018, en Moranta et al., 2022 la biodiversidad no ha dejado de disminuir en estas últimas décadas, aunque la ciencia, los programas de conservación y las políticas gubernamentales se hayan esforzado por protegerla. Por tanto, los instrumentos de conservación dominantes actualmente no parecen suficientes salvaguardar la naturaleza y eso lleva a la necesidad de plantear cambios considerables (Bücher & Fletcher, 2020;Fletcher et al., 2020a;Escrivà, 2022). ...
... Requiere una contracción voluntaria y planificada y puede implicar la transición hacia un decrecimiento "suave" (Fletcher et al., 2020b) Sobre las implicaciones entre decrecimiento y conservación, Moranta et al. (2022) apuestan por medidas como la eliminación de mecanismos basados en el mercado y la mercantilización de recursos naturales; el abandono de la preservación de "trozos de naturaleza intacta"; el desarrollo de una conservación basada en la comunidad; la democratización de los procesos de toma de decisiones en las políticas conservacionistas; y la mejora del diálogo entre actores locales. En este marco decrecentista y postcapitalista, se plantea la conservación convivencial (Büscher & Fletcher, 2020;Fletcher et al., 2020a) como un nuevo paradigma fundamentado, entre otros aspectos, en una mayor integración entre hombre y naturaleza y una gestión más democrática de la misma como bien común y no como capital; de hecho, como apuntan Müller & Blázquez (2023), compartir "lo común" es uno de los principios del decrecimiento. Se trata de una alternativa basada en la justicia social y ambiental a través del respeto y la conexión con la naturaleza (Müller et al., 2022). ...
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El turismo de naturaleza ha ido ganando importancia a lo largo de las últimas décadas, con especial desarrollo en las áreas protegidas como principales destinos; más aún tras la pandemia y las nuevas dinámicas provocadas por las crisis. El presente trabajo centra su atención en España como caso de estudio. Se realiza un estado de la cuestión y se analizan varias de las políticas de recuperación post-pandemia materializadas, en este caso, en planes de sostenibilidad turística para la creación de oferta en torno a espacios naturales de gran valor. Los riesgos derivados de la adopción de medidas continuistas de recrecimiento hacen necesarias algunas consideraciones recogidas en el texto. Así también, el planteamiento de alternativas para el impulso de prácticas recreativas asociadas a distintos mecanismos de conservación, además de la propuesta de actuaciones en el marco de la contención turística y el decrecimiento.
... In other words, co-adaptation needs to be an ongoing process. Fletcher et al. (2020) differentiate "shallow" from "meaningful coexistence," where the latter "allows humans and nonhumans to live side-by-side in meaningful coexistence rather than shallow commodified encounter" (207, also see Büscher and Fletcher 2019). Meaningful (or convivial) coexistence "does not aim to control nature, but that lets natures (human as well as nonhuman) thrive, while recognising and celebrating the biophysical limits that necessarily both constrain and enable this" (Fletcher et al. 2020, 207). ...
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This paper examines the role of interspecies communication in the pursuit of coexistence with wolves returning to the Netherlands. Low-conflict coexistence with wolves in densely populated countries calls for an abandonment of the traditional culture-nature dichotomy. Moreover, it requires that humans learn to understand the wolf’s needs and ways perceiving the world, and engage in a ‘negotiation process’ with wolves about how to share the landscape. However, the mere knowledge of how other beings perceive the world does not suffice; it might even lead to a more controlling human attitude towards wildlife. Sharing landscapes with resurging wolves in a more ‘meaningful’ or ‘convivial’ way, requires a willingness to co-adapt and recognize wolves as beings with agency and a legitimate claim to space. A mutual learning process is needed, in which humans and nonhumans both can learn how to thrive, and how to avoid unnecessary conflicts in a shared landscape.
... While various shifts to reframe conservation as 'convivial' (Turnhout et al, 2013;Büscher et al, 2017;Büscher and Fletcher, 2019;Oommen et al, 2019;Büscher and Fletcher, 2020;Fletcher and Büscher, 2020;Fletcher et al, 2020a;2020b;2020c;Fletcher and Toncheva, 2021;) are a step in the right direction, a move from people-less protected areas (Grünberg and Elías, 2018) and a conserving-from-people approach to a conservingfor-people rationale (McCarthy et al, 2018;Prado Córdova, 2021) are critical to transformations that the frame of food sovereignty begins to address. To conserve biodiversity, supporting Indigenous Peoples and other human caretakers of Earth in these processes of rematriation (Gray, 2022) is a must. ...
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Central to the more-than-human form of biocultural diversity conservation linked to Maya Ixil practising and living tiichajil and its txaa norms is a more-than-human identity that animates agency beyond the human. Drawing these terms and concepts together, the biodiversity conservation models that they create in their application to the land is an everyday performance and interaction of caretaking with and of diversities of life. This article explores the biocultural, spiritual and cosmological relationships of caretaking in the milpa according to one Indigenous knowledge system that manages the land from embodied, multispecies, networks of reciprocity, that are practised in a peopled, bottom-up model, built in equality, for biocultural diversity’s transmission to next generations. Emphasised in the analysis of data collected from multispecies ethnography with the Maya Ixil, I argue that expression of these embodied and more-than-human Maya Ixil knowledge systems not only ‘decolonises’ the Ixil from historical and globalised systems of oppression, thereby addressing historical inequalities, but that the other-than-human agencies implicit within them demonstrate a model of relationality articulated through local languages and transgenerational and multispecies biocultural expression in the very real local expressions of the global buen vivir , decolonial and rematriation movement. The Maya Ixil demonstrate not only the theoretical plausibility of forms of community beyond globalised anthropocentric society rooted in colonial structures of inequality, but that the living networks that tiichajil speaks to and txaa guides the human right relation within, provide an alternative model for human behaviour to preserve biodiversity from food systems generating food sovereignties.
... The pandemic has made clear that ecotourism cannot provide for a stable economy for local peoples while depending on external market forces, nor can it facilitate durable conservation if this is only based on the monetary income ecotourism generates (Refisch, 2020;Serhadli, 2020). Issues such as these have led to calls for the need to socialise tourism to enhance its contribution to the wellbeing and livelihood of local communities (Higgins-Desbiolles, 2020) and for alternative support for conservation beyond ecotourism markets (Fletcher, Büscher, Massarella & Koot, 2020). ...
... The pandemic also had a negative effect on the livelihoods of people depending on tourism. This led to poaching to make up for decreased food availability and the loss of jobs, including those responsible for protecting wildlife (Greenfield & Muiruri, 2020;Fletcher et al., 2020b). Conservation became highly dependent on local people's intrinsic sense of care for biodiversity. ...
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The state is slowly withdrawing from the management of natural sites to guarantee its public use, because neoliberal, territorial and environmental regulations favour the interests of their private ownership (Castree N. Neoliberalising nature: The logics of deregulation and reregulation. Environ Plan A: Econ Space 40(1):131–152. https://doi.org/10.1068/a3999, 2008; Büscher B and Fletcher R. The conservation revolution: Radical ideas for saving nature beyond the Anthropocene. Verso, 2020). We analyse the relation between conservation policies and the tourist industry within the Spanish context, and how they reflect broader conservation trends. We compile the state of the art and present study cases. Our preliminary results demonstrate the expansion of the commodification of nature and the enclosure of land for conservation and tourism related to environmental gentrification. We discuss the critique to dominant approaches to the conservation-tourism nexus and present alternative proposals of convivial conservation and degrowth that argue for the unavoidable integration of humanity in all nature management.
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We critically unpack the term 'coexistence' and discuss its potential to facilitate transformative change in wildlife governance.
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Conservation needs a revolution. This is the only way it can contribute to the drastic transformations needed to come to a truly sustainable model of development. The good news is that conservation is ready for revolution. Heated debates about the rise of the Anthropocene and the current ‘sixth extinction’ crisis demonstrate an urgent need and desire to move beyond mainstream approaches. Yet the conservation community is deeply divided over where to go from here. Some want to place ‘half earth’ into protected areas. Others want to move away from parks to focus on unexpected and ‘new’ natures. Many believe conservation requires full integration into capitalist production processes. Building a razor-sharp critique of current conservation proposals and their contradictions, Büscher and Fletcher argue that the Anthropocene challenge demands something bigger, better and bolder. Something truly revolutionary. They propose convivial conservation as the way forward. This approach goes beyond protected areas and faith in markets to incorporate the needs of humans and nonhumans within integrated and just landscapes. Theoretically astute and practically relevant, The Conservation Revolution offers a manifesto for conservation in the twenty-first century—a clarion call that cannot be ignored.
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Mainstream environmentalism and critical scholarship are abuzz with the promise and perils (respectively) of what we call for-profit biodiversity conservation: attempts to make conserving biodiverse ecosystems profitable to large-scale investment. But to what extent has private capital been harnessed and market forces been enrolled in a thoroughly remade conservation? In this article we examine the size, scope, and character of international for-profit biodiversity conservation. Despite exploding rhetoric around environmental markets over the last two decades, the capital flowing into market-based conservation remains small, illiquid, and geographically constrained and typically seeks little to no profit. This marginal character of for-profit conservation suggests that this project continues to underperform as a site of accumulation and as a conservation financing strategy. Such evidence is at odds with the way this sector is commonly portrayed in mainstream environmental conservation literature but also with some critical geographical scholarship. We present a more puzzling situation: Although for-profit conservation has long been promoted as a logical, easy fix to ecological degradation, it remains negligible to and largely outside of global capital flows.We argue that this project has important consequences, but we understand its effects in terms of how it reaffirms narrowed, antipolitical explanations of biodiversity loss, instills neoliberal political rationalities among conservationists, and forecloses alternative and progressive possibilities capable of resisting status quo logics of accumulation.
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Increasingly, one hears furtive whispers in the halls of conservation: "REDD+ is dead; it's time to cut our losses and move on." In a recent Conservation Biology editorial, Redford, Padoch and Sunderland (2013) identify REDD+ (Reduced Emissions through avoided Deforestation and forest Degradation) as one of the latest in a long line of conservation "fads," defined as "approaches that are embraced enthusiastically and then abandoned" (2013: 437). They caution: "we must take such fads more seriously, to work collectively to develop learning organizations. . .and study where new ideas come from. why they are adopted, why they are dropped, and what residual learning remains" (2013: 438). This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
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Protected natural areas have historically been the primary tool of conservationists to conserve land and wildlife. These parks and reserves are set apart to forever remain in contrast to those places where human activities, technologies, and developments prevail. But even as the biodiversity crisis accelerates, a growing number of voices are suggesting that protected areas are passé. Conservation, they argue, should instead focus on lands managed for human use—working landscapes—and abandon the goal of preventing human-caused extinctions in favor of maintaining ecosystem services to support people. If such arguments take hold, we risk losing support for the unique qualities and values of wild, undeveloped nature. Protecting the Wild offers a spirited argument for the robust protection of the natural world. In it, experts from five continents reaffirm that parks, wilderness areas, and other reserves are an indispensable—albeit insufficient—means to sustain species, subspecies, key habitats, ecological processes, and evolutionary potential. A companion volume to Keeping the Wild: Against the Domestication of Earth, Protecting the Wild provides a necessary addition to the conversation about the future of conservation in the so-called Anthropocene, one that will be useful for academics, policymakers, and conservation practitioners at all levels, from local land trusts to international NGOs.
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Historically, the dominant model of conservation is one of the impositions of nature protection from above, by aristocratic landowners, by state agencies and increasingly by non-governmental organisations. While conservationists often talk about ‘community conservation’, top-down approaches still dominate. This chapter identifies five dimensions of contemporary top-down conservation—its global frame, its dependence on science, its corporate character, its engagement with neoliberalism and its dependence on hierarchical systems of knowledge. But not all conservation fits this model. The chapter ends by discussing the possibilities of a new conservation from below, an assembly of practices emerging from local and everyday engagements between human and non-human nature and shared social values and political organisation.
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Elephants rarely breed in captivity and are not considered domesticated, yet they interact with people regularly and adapt to various environments. Too social and sagacious to be objects, too strange to be human, too captive to truly be wild, but too wild to be domesticated-where do elephants fall in our understanding of nature? In Wildlife in the Anthropocene, Jamie Lorimer argues that the idea of nature as a pure and timeless place characterized by the absence of humans has come to an end. But life goes on. Wildlife inhabits everywhere and is on the move; Lorimer proposes the concept of wildlife as a replacement for nature. Offering a thorough appraisal of the Anthropocene-an era in which human actions affect and influence all life and all systems on our planet- Lorimer unpacks its implications for changing definitions of nature and the politics of wildlife conservation. Wildlife in the Anthropocene examines rewilding, the impacts of wildlife films, human relationships with charismatic species, and urban wildlife. Analyzing scientific papers, policy documents, and popular media, as well as a decade of fieldwork, Lorimer explores the new interconnections between science, politics, and neoliberal capitalism that the Anthropocene demands of wildlife conservation. Imagining conservation in a world where humans are geological actors entangled within and responsible for powerful, unstable, and unpredictable planetary forces, this work nurtures a future environmentalism that is more hopeful and democratic. © 2014 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota. All rights reserved.