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Chronopolitics of crisis: A historical political ecology of seasonal air pollution in northern Thailand

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Abstract

Geographers' engagements with environmental crises have taken a number of forms. Some scholars argue that crises judgments are revelatory and expose the contradictions of modes of production through interruptions to socio-economic life that can no longer be ignored. Others contend that crises judgments conceal more than they reveal through the framing of crisis as “error” and the focus on technocratic solutions to political-economic problems. In this article, we argue that the judgment of seasonal air pollution as a crisis is contingent on contestations over livelihoods and worldviews, and in doing so demonstrate how attention to chronopolitics reveals the nuanced ways people account for uncertainty in the causes and effects of anthropogenic environmental change. Based in northern Thailand, the paper focuses on what is described by many residents as the region's annually recurring “haze crisis”. In recent decades, broad shifts from subsistence farming to commercial agriculture and increased volumes of agricultural biomass burning have reportedly exacerbated the production of air pollution in the form of haze—an airborne mixture of pollutants that includes gasses, fine soot particles and carbon dioxide. Once a quotidian phenomenon of relatively little concern, today seasonal air pollution is described as a haze crisis. While causal uncertainty exists surrounding the precise combination of the socio-ecological drivers of haze production, multiple narratives circulate throughout the region, in which blame is frequently placed on smallholder farmers who have recently entered into new market relations. Situated within broader regional agrarian transitions, we draw on mixed ethnographic, archival and geospatial methods to examine the chronopolitics of seasonal air pollution and by what mechanisms such pollution comes to be constituted as a crisis.

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... Seasonal haze stemming from forest and agricultural residue burning was common, especially in northern Thailand (Moran et al., 2019), though it was not treated as a particularly acute public health or economic issue. 10 Rather, it was considered as the manifestation of green problems such as forest destruction (Forsyth and Walker, 2008;Mostafanezhad and Evrard, 2020). ...
... Perceptions in the public and among decision makers toward vegetation fires and AP in Thailand have changed following the 1997/1998 transboundary haze episodes caused by massive Indonesian forest fires, and particularly since the onset of the post-2007 haze crisis in Thailand's northern region. Seasonal AP in Chiang Mai City and throughout the rest of northern Thailand has ceased to be viewed as a 'normal' condition, and is now considered a critical public health, economic and environmental problem in the context of the region's ongoing haze crisis (Mostafanezhad and Evrard, 2020). Crucially, however, this viewpoint has principally been an 'urban' one. ...
... Various politicians, academics, and journalists have begun to recognize the 'role' smallholder farmers in mountainous areas of Thailand play in the forest and agricultural residueespecially maize stoverfires leading to seasonal AP 11 (Wiwatanadate and Trakultivakorn, 2010;Schweikle et al., 2015;Arunrat et al., 2018). It is now commonplace to label AP caused by northern Thailand vegetation fires as a national crisis, and to denounce highland ethnic minority farmers as the main perpetrators of such pollution (Mostafanezhad and Evrard, 2020). There is equally increased attention given to the alleged underlying role of unregulated capitalism in the degradation of public health and of the region's landscape. ...
Article
The burning of agricultural residue during the dry season in rural northern Thailand has been identified as an important source of air pollution at the heart of an ongoing haze crisis particularly felt in the region’s urban areas. Public outcry in Chiang Mai over poor air quality pressured the government into developing fire management and prevention efforts in areas with high numbers of open-air fires, such as Mae Chaem district. Nevertheless, the haze situation deteriorated, prompting the 2014–2019 military-led government to develop a pilot fire-reduction project known as the Mae Chaem Model, whose original design to mitigate and prevent fires in the district evolved into a series of sustainable development objectives. Given optimistic discourses surrounding the project’s novel and participatory nature, this paper offers a critical analysis of initial project results. The project claims to offer prized benefits such as tenure security in exchange for the collaboration of villagers in the project. Interviews with villagers and other stakeholders reveal a series of concerns regarding 1) the production of land use history maps for 2002, 2011 and 2016, and 2) substantial expropriation of farmland and other severe land use restrictions. Our calculations suggest that, under a likely scenario, an average of 66% of farmland would be expropriated in the process (88% in one community). In accordance with villagers interviewed in two villages of Mae Chaem district, we are concerned about the capacity of local villagers to sufficiently intensify their production or otherwise limit the negative impact of such drastic land use restrictions on their livelihood. The paper also outlines other problems related to the temporary and revocable nature of the benefits offered and the rather dubious claims of coercion-free ‘participation’.
... Known legally and colloquially in Southeast Asia as 'haze,' chronic air pollution blankets Thailand's national capital of Bangkok from November to February each year (Fotiou & Perkins, 2021), largely to the detriment of low-income households and outdoor workers in the construction, transport and hospitality sectors who cannot insulate themselves in purified indoor settings. By contrast, northern Thailand experiences the worst effects of unregulated biomass burning between February and April, disrupting agricultural and tourism livelihoods, adversely affecting community health, and, in the longer term, contributing to flows of out-migration (Mostafanezhad & Evrard, 2021;Sakdapolrak & Sterly, 2020). The transboundary nature of Thailand's air pollution problem extends well beyond its national borders to affect neighbouring Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Malaysia, and vice versa. ...
... Moreover, these wealth inequalities have bred 'other kinds of inequality… built into the structure of society and the attitudes of its members,' including via privileged access to legal and political power structures (Phongpaichit & Baker, 2015, p. 17). As Mostafanezhad and Evrard (2021) The divergent forms that slow violence can take have led to calls for a multi-sectoral and interjurisdictional approach to address it (Scheidel et al., 2020). To the limited extent that the slow violence of poor air quality has so far been considered in Thailand, economic impact assessments have begun to quantify the long-term healthcare costs of air pollution on the country's burgeoning ageing population and declining labour productivity due to pollution-related sick days Transboundary political ecology does not seek to downplay or minimise these difficulties of crossing borders for governance purposes. ...
... This constitutes a form of slow violence as it jeopardises the health of contract farmers while reinforcing unequal power relations to their long-term detriment as a short-term strategy to avoid indebtedness (Greenpeace Southeast Asia, 2020). Subsistence farmers with limited access to agricultural lands have also become increasingly indebted to large agribusinesses since 2012 due to falling global commodity prices, combined with fluctuating yields and reduced government subsidies (Mostafanezhad & Evrard, 2021). Consequently, they are under continual pressure to produce high-yielding crops to Thailand, have sought to accelerate national production in recent years to meet growing regional demand, especially from China, which uses maize to feed livestock used for meat consumption (Blake et al., 2019). ...
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This study develops a transboundary political ecology of air pollution to show how its spatially and socially unequal distribution constitutes a form of slow violence among already marginal sections of society. Recent research on transboundary air pollution in Southeast Asia and globally has mainly focused on the supranational or regional scale of environmental governance without taking into proper account the socially differentiated impacts of these cross-border flows of environmental harm at lower organisational scales. Air pollution in Thailand, which ranks amongst the worst in the world, generates spill-over effects across sub-national borders that disproportionately impact the urban and rural poor. We examine the drivers of the three major sources of air pollution in Thailand: vehicular emissions, agricultural emissions and industrial emissions to direct attention toward the barriers and opportunities for collaborative governance in urban, peri-urban and rural settings. The article argues that administrative fragmentation and the protection of vested economic interests by Thai business and political elites have compromised transboundary governance of the air while adding to socio-spatial inequalities and environmental injustices. We recommend legislative reforms centred on cross-sectoral and cross-jurisdictional cooperation to provide redress for the slow violence perpetrated against marginal citizens in the governance of air pollution. K E Y W O R D S air pollution, environmental governance, political ecology, slow violence, Thailand, transboundary
... However, smallholder corn farmers never receive incentives or governmental support in adapting a zeroburning mode for sustainable production [18]. In terms of social impacts, the worst effects of illegal biomass burning between February and April are disruption of tourism with adverse affects people's livelihoods and health [22][23][24]. The loss in Chiang Mai's tourism sector amounted to 477 million baht (1 USD equal to 33.42 THB) and health expenditures amounting to 15,000 baht per person during the open burning period [24][25]. ...
... In terms of economic benefits, corn farmers can benefit from selling corn residues while using biochar as a soil amendment in the corn field with a priority of 27.10%. In terms of the social dimension, biochar production can create employment for corn farmers and local people, with a priority ranking of 22 in reducing soil impacts with a priority of 23.20%. In terms of economic impacts, the volume of corn residues (calculated from corn yield) is appropriate for incorporation in soil, with a priority of 13.13%. ...
... A leading Chiang Mai University scientist, Chaicharn Pothirat, explained that every increase of 10 in PM10 increased mortality by 0.3 percent and asked for safety levels similar to Europe and the United States (TN March 22, 2018). While they kept a relatively moderate tone and did not report, for instance, on the local authorities' cancellation of a rally in Chiang Mai city by residents calling for more accurate air pollution measurements (Mostafanezhad and Evrard 2021), the national newspapers nonetheless echoed civil society's perception of increased hidden risks. They also reported on the launch of independent networks of air pollution measurements, presented as "the people's AQI," based on international standards as opposed to the official AQI given by PCD. ...
... Building on nascent discussions of volume through a political ecology lens (Mosquera-Camacho and Marston 2021; Mostafanezhad and Dressler 2021;Mostafanezhad and Evrard 2021;Roberts 2021;Collins 2024b), we therefore assert that a voluminous political ecology approach can contribute an important dimension to research exploring the relationship between extraction and conservation, one that is focused on the atmosphere as an in-between space more difficult to concretely perceive than land or water. Yet bringing this liminal space more clearly into focus might nonetheless harbor potential for orienting a less contradictory politics of climate change than one focused only on terrestrial spaces, one that recognizes how seemingly disparate spaces shape one another in indirect, often unpredictable ways. ...
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Within political ecology research, a dominant focus on the hard physicality of the world limits engagement with how events taking place on land mediate and are mediated by other material spaces like the atmosphere. This article engages with burgeoning research on the extraction–conservation nexus to show how the clearly demarcated land-based boundaries on which nexus thinking relies limit an awareness of how processes of conservation and extraction cohere and take shape in and through the aerial atmosphere. The article substantiates this argument with case studies on Guyana and Suriname, two countries that have been working on avoiding deforestation through Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation for over a decade in the aim of mitigating climate change. In each case, we examine three years of news reporting on recent, major oil finds in the Guyana-Suriname Basin. The news reports, set against longer term research, demonstrate a narrative pivot from “green,” land-based avoided deforestation narratives to “black,” offshore extractive ones. The reports show that reference to the competing atmospheric effects of the mutual pursuit of these activities is scarce, even at a time of rapidly intensifying climate change. Hence, we argue that a voluminous analysis of the extraction-conservation nexus integrating a vertical awareness of the ever-present and unbounded atmosphere harbors potential for orienting a less contradictory politics of climate change—one that recognizes how activities deemed oppositional on land take shape in the shared, unbounded atmosphere. These activities consequently go on to affect other spaces and places in indirect, often unpredictable ways.
... On one hand, researchers attribute seasonal air pollution to biomass burning by farmers in forested highlands at the end of the dry season as well as transboundary haze from Myanmar and Laos. On the other hand, Highland residents contend that their farming practices have not dramatically changed over the past several decades (Mostafanezhad and Evrard 2020). Although upland and primarily ethnic minority farmers are the widely blamed culprits, recent research indicates that urban-based pollution including vehicular emissions and industrial discharge is also a major source of toxic air pollution (Sirithian et al. 2018). ...
... Butt et al. 2017). However, comparatively less scholarship focuses on the human dimensions of air quality or the myriad ways in which individuals, groups, and societies experience, interact with, and make decisions about collective air resources (Calvillo and Garnett 2019;Cupples, Guyatt, and Pearce 2007;Cupples 2009;Lu 2020;Mostafanezhad and Evrard 2021). The papers in this special issue offer a deeper understanding of these human dimensions by highlighting how humans across varying cultures, geographies, and identities relate to air resources. ...
... The high level of PM2.5 concentration in Chiang Mai is mostly from open burning in the agriculture life cycle, urban-based pollution, transportation, and transboundary haze from nearby countries. One significant factor affecting PM2.5 concentration is the topography of Chiang Mai, which is surrounded by high mountains which can affect the airflow and atmospheric circulation, and thus affects how pollution is distributed (Mostafanezhad and Evrard, 2020). Consequently, different areas possess different concentrations of pollution, leading to different levels of exposure and effects. ...
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... It has been argued that chronopolitics are the dominant practice in the era of logistics, but rather than meaning the overcoming of space, chronopolitics are woven into the politics of space (Klinke 2013). This is because chronopolitics are not only meaningful because they control times but mainly because the time regimes they enact mediate wider spatial practices, discourses, and imaginations (Norum and Mostafanezhad 2016;Mostafanezhad and Evrard 2020). Indeed, thinking about the city through chronopolitics highlights the heterotemporality (i.e., the temporal plurality) of the city and the "mutual contamination of 'nows' that participate in a variety of temporal trajectories, and which do not derive their significance from one meta-narrative about how they all fit together" (Hutchings 2008, 166). ...
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