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AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
An Overview of
Mobile Pastoralism in
Andhra Pradesh and Telangana States
of the Deccan Plateau Region of India
Authored by
Kanna K. Siripurapu, Sushma Iyengar, Vasant Saberwal and Sabyasachi Das
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
July 2020
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA
STATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
AUTHORED BY
Kanna K. Siripurapu, Sushma Iyengar, Vasant Saberwal and Sabyasachi Das
CONTRIBUTIONS FROM
Hanumanthu Gantala, Megavardhan Reddy, Dr. Sanyasi Rao ML, Ramesh Bhatti,
Dr. Sadana DK, Dr. Kameswara Rao Kotamaraju, Dr. Shilpi Sharma,
Dr. Shersinh Chauhan, Dr. Vijaya M. Rao Akinepalli, Tushar Dash, and Sajal Kulkarni.
MAPS
Sravya Sakkuri
PHOTOGRAPHS
Chandrasekhar Nemani, Megavardhan Reddy and Kanna K. Siripurapu.
STUDY SUPPORTED BY
o The Global Environment Facility (GEF),
o The Network Project of AnGR, ICAR-National Bureau of Animal Genetic Resources
(ICAR-NBAGR), Karnal,
o Telangana State Biodiversity Board and Sahjeevan-Cfp (Centre for Pastoralism), with
technical support provided by the State Animal Husbandry Departments of Telangana
and Andhra Pradesh, India.
PUBLISHED BY
o Watershed Support Services and Activities Network (WASSAN) and
Revitalizing Rainfed Agriculture Network (RRAN)
Secunderabad, Telangana India
Website: www.wassan.org | www.rainfedindia.org
o Center for Pastoralism (CfP)
New Delhi, India
Website: pastoralism.org.in
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
C O N T E N T S
1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................... 1
2. METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................................. 3
2.1. The Study Area ....................................................................................................................... 3
2.2. Materials and Methods ......................................................................................................... 4
3. RESULTS ................................................................................................................................................. 6
3.1. An Overview of Mobile Pastoralism in the Study Area ................................................... 6
3.2. Social Composition of the Pastoralist Communities of the Study Area....................... 8
3.2. Indigenous Cattle Breeds embedded in the Mobile Pastoral System of the Study
Area ........................................................................................................................................ 12
3.4. The Seasonal Migration Pattern of Mobile Pastoralists in the Study Area ................. 17
3.5. Pastoral Economy of the Study Area ............................................................................... 26
3.6. Cultural Affiliation and Conservation of the Pastoral Cattle Breeds ......................... 30
3.7. Resource Use and Management Practices of Pastoralists of the Study Area ......... 33
3.8. Issues and Challenges of Mobile Pastoralism in the Study Area ................................ 36
4. DISCUSSION ....................................................................................................................................... 37
4.1. An Overview of Mobile Pastoralism ................................................................................. 37
4.2. Social Composition of the Pastoralists ............................................................................. 40
4.3. Indigenous Cattle Breeds maintained by the Pastoralists ........................................... 41
4.4. Seasonal Migration of the Pastoralists ............................................................................. 42
4.5. Pastoral Economy ................................................................................................................ 44
4.6. Cultural Affiliations of the Pastoral Livestock .................................................................. 46
4.7. Resource Use and Management Practices of the Pastoralists ................................... 48
4.8. Issues and Challenges of Mobile Pastoralism ................................................................. 49
5. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................... 52
6. REFERENCES ....................................................................................................................................... 53
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA
SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
ABSTRACT
Studies on extensive pastoralism of the country in general and the Deccan Plateau region
in particular remains either flimsy or absent. There is a dearth of disaggregated data of
the actual number of people/communities actively engaged in extensive pastoralism in
the country. In this context, a study was conducted on extensive pastoralism in the Deccan
Plateau region with an objective to abridge the knowledge and information gaps existing
in extensive pastoralism of this region. The study was covers four districts of Telangana
and one district of Andhra Pradesh state of India. Pastoral communities associated with
management of three indigenous cattle populations (Poda Thurpu, Nallamala-Pasa and
Vandhera) maintained under mobile pastoralist system were recruited for purpose of the
study. Overall, 16 communities including both traditional and non-traditional pastoral
communities are practicing mobile pastoralism in the study region. The indigenous
nomadic Banjara community was found to be the major community involved in mobile
pastoralism in the study area. Population of the three indigenous cattle breeds covered
in the study was found to be less than 10,000, therefore, there is a need for taking
measures for conservation of these cattle breeds. Similar to other parts of the country,
mobile pastoralism in the study area is in decline and under stress from different drivers,
which includes impositions of the forest department on access to customary grazing
lands, shrinkage of commons among others.
Keywords: Nomadic Tribes, Nomadic Pastoralism, Mobile Pastoralism, Agro-pastoralism,
Extensive Pastoralism, Indigenous Cattle Breeds, Deccan Plateau, Telangana, Andhra
Pradesh.
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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1. INTRODUCTION
Indian pastoral systems are unique and differ in nature of operation, structure and social
composition from other parts of the world. Sharma et al. (2003) points out that unlike
wider studies available on pastoralism in Africa and Mediterranean, Indian pastoralism
had been under-studied and poorly documented and understood. Only a handful of the
pastoral communities of India, the Rebari / Raika and Bharward of Western India and Gaddis,
Gujjars and Kinnaurs of the Himalayan region have been studied. And studies on extensive
pastoralism in other parts of the country including the Deccan Plateau region remains
either flimsy or absent (Sharma, et al. 2003).
Pastoralism, one of the oldest, resilient and sustainable livestock production systems
evolved as far as 9000 B.P. in Northeast Africa and about 6000 B.P. in the Andes of South
America (Dong, 2016). Pastoralism is also found in the Indian sub-continent
predominantly in two forms: nomadic and transhumant (others include, agro-
pastoralism, semi-nomadic, village pastoralism, urban pastoralism, settled pastoralism
and permanent migration), (Sharma, et al 2003). Globally, pastoralism is crucial for
supporting huge human and livestock populations, providing tremendous amount of
ecological services, making significant contributions to economy and maintaining long-
standing cultures and civilizations. The sub-continent is home to an estimated 536 million
livestock population (DAH&D, 2020). There are about 190.09 million cattle heads in the
country, out of which 139.82 million (73.5 percent) are indigenous (GOI, 2013; FE Bureau
and PTI, 2019), predominantly maintained under different extensive pastoral systems. It
is widely accepted that about 75 - 80 percent of the country’s livestock is maintained under
extensive livestock management systems (FAO, 2009). In recent decades, however,
extensive pastoralism have been overwhelmed by agricultural expansion, industrial
development, decrease in commons, degradation of grasslands, restrictions on access to
forest and grazing lands, and promotion of sedentary livestock farming (Down To Earth,
2019; TERI 2017; Dong, 2016; FES, 2012).
Indian pastoralists could be broadly divided into two groups: that practice vertical
movement like in the mountainous regions and that practice horizontal movement like in
the dryland regions (Blench, 2000; Sharma, et al. 2003). However, the government of India
recognizes pastoral communities as the “Nomadic Tribes”, but do not acknowledge them
as a separate / unique entity like farmers (GOI, n.d.). Except for the mere mention of the
term “pastoralism” and “pastoral communities” there is no official mechanism in place to
conduct situation analysis of this group of livestock keepers or collect disaggregated data
of this group. Studies suggest that population figures of communities actively engaged in
mobile, nomadic, semi-nomadic pastoralism, and transhumance are either scanty or non-
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existent. Alarmingly, few communities of the Deccan Plateau may never have been
reported (Sharma et al. 2003). Further, there are no official social-economic development
policies designed for pastoralists in India. Moreover, the Ministry of Agriculture and the
Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFF&CC), have been against
pastoralists. While the former perceives them as backward and their livestock
unproductive and rigorously promoting cross-breeding and artificial insemination of
indigenous livestock breeds using exotic breeds, the later had been excluding them from
their customary grazing lands and encouraging them to adopt a settled lifestyle (Ibid,
2003); jeopardizing one of the most sustainable and climate resilient livestock production
systems we have today.
It is estimated that livestock sector of India contributes 4.11 % GDP and accounts to 25.6
% of the total agricultural GDP of the country (Dash, 2017). About 20.5 million people of
the country depend on livestock sector for livelihood (Ibid, 2017) and much of this
population practice different forms of extensive pastoralism. However, there is no
concrete disaggregated data available on the actual number of people and communities
actively engaged in extensive pastoralism in the country and the number remains fuzzy
(Sharma et al. 2003; Kukreti, 2019). Sharma et al. (2003) suggests that due to dearth of
disaggregated data of people actively engaged in mobile, nomadic, semi-nomadic
pastoralism, and transhumance, the only proxy to assume their population and wellbeing
is through examining changes in the livestock population, especially like Camel, which
are kept exclusively under mobile pastoral system.
In the above background of dearth of studies on extensive pastoralism especially in the
Deccan Plateau region (Sharma, et al. 2003), the objective of the present study is to abridge
the knowledge and information gaps existing in the extensive pastoralism of the Deccan
Plateau region of India. Due to lack of disaggregated data of people actively engaged in
mobile in the Deccan Plateau region, the study adopts Sharma et al. (2003) suggestion of
using livestock population as the proxy for research investigation. The present study
investigates the management practices associated with three indigenous cattle breeds (one
registered and two yet undefined populations) of the Indian states of Andhra Pradesh
(AP) and Telangana, known to be maintained under mobile pastoralism and find answers
to the following questions:
1. What are the livestock management practices associated with the three indigenous
cattle breeds of Poda Thurpu, Vandhera and Nallamala-Pasa, in the study area of AP and
Telangana?
2. What is the socio-economic composition of the livestock keepers associated with
these three indigenous cattle breeds in the study area?
3. What is the current status of these three indigenous cattle breeds in the study area?
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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4. What are the natural resource management practices associated with management
of these three cattle breeds in the study area?
5. And, what are the major challenges for management of these cattle breeds in the
study area?
The major limitation of the present study is that it does not cover all the communities
actively engaged in mobile pastoralism in AP and Telangana. The present study is
confined to communities that are associated with only three indigenous cattle populations
maintained under mobile pastoralist system in the study area. A more elaborate study
should be conducted to cover the entire number of communities and different livestock
species maintained under mobile and other pastoral systems in the Deccan Plateau region
of the sub-continent. Nonetheless, the study may provide new and valuable insights
which hitherto may not be available with regards to mobile pastoralism of this part of the
Deccan Plateau region of the country.
2. METHODOLOGY
2.1. The Study Area
The districts of Kamareddy, Nagarkurnool, Nizamabad, and Rajanna Sircilla of the
Indian state of Telangana and Kurnool district of the Indian stated Andhra Pradesh,
have been designated as the study area of the present study. The entire study area is
located in the Deccan Plateau region of the Indian sub-continent.
Nagarkurnool district is geographically located at (16.4833° N and 78.3333° E), in
Telangana state of India (Gov. Telangana, 2020a). Kamareddy district is
geographically located at (18.3167° N and 78.3500° E) in Telangana state of India. The
district had been bifurcated from residual district of Nizamabad and formed as a
separate district in 2016. It is bounded by Nizamabad District on the North and
Rajanna Siricilla District and Siddipet District on the East, Medak District on the
South, Nanded District of Maharashtra State and Bidar District of Karnataka State on
the West. The Geographical area of this district is 3,652 km2. (Gov. Telangana, 2020b)
Nizamabad district is located at (18.6725° N, and 78.0941° E) in Telangana state of
India. It shares borders with Adilabad District to the North, Karimnagar District to the
East, Medak District to the South, Nanded District to the west. It is located at an
elevation of 575 meters to 370 meters above mean sea level and occupies an area of
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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approximately 7956 km2. (Gov. Telangana, 2020c). Rajanna sicrcilla district is
geographically located at (18.3889° N, and 78.8092° E) and it is surrounded by
Karimnagar, Kamareddy and Siddipet districts of Telangana (Gov. Telangana, 2020d).
In general, the topography of the study area in Telangana is highly undulating and
hilly, covered in savannah like forests with tall grasses. Climate of the region is
generally hot and has four seasons. The hot season is from March to May. From March
onwards it is a period of continuous rise in the temperature and May is generally the
hottest month of the year. The South-west monsoon extends from June to September
and the North-east monsoon follows up to the end of December. The cold season is
from December to February. The mean daily maximum temperature of the region is
about 43°C and a mean daily minimum 23°C is experienced during the summer. The
days are very hot and the temperature may rise up to 44°C. The rainy season starts in
June and ends in September. The average rainfall of the district is 577 mm annually.
Kurnool district is one of the districts of the eastern Indian states of Andhra Pradesh.
Kurnool district (15.6443° N, and 78.1108° E). The district is surrounded by
Tungabhadra and Krishna rivers as well as Mahabubnagar district of Telangana State
in the north, Kadapa and Anantapur Districts in the south, Bellary district of
Karnataka State in the west and Prakasam District in the east. The district has an area
of 17658 sq. km and home to 4.63 percent of the total population of the state. The
average temperature of the district is 33.5 0C during summers and 23.4 0C during
winters. The average rainfall of the district is 659 mm and the district is referred to as
local steppe climate (Climate-Data.org, 2019).
2.2. Materials and Methods
A rapid survey and reconnaissance study (Holtzman, 1986) was conducted during
2017-18, covering local livestock markets of both Telangana and Andhra Pradesh for
identification of potential undefined cattle populations. The market surveys led to the
identification of three undefined indigenous cattle populations of Poda Thurpu,
Vandhera and Nallamala-Pasa, in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh states. As a follow-
up to the market study, another survey was conducted for identification of potential
cattle breeders associated with these three indigenous cattle populations (table 1).
Thus, around 320 pastoral households from 89 villages, 17 mandals of 6 districts, of
two Indian states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana have been identified and
recruited for the purpose of the present study. Data pertaining to the socio-economic
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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status of all the 320 pastoralists HH maintaining the Poda Thurpu, Vandhera and
Nallamala-Pasa cattle populations, number of cattle heads with each pastoral HH and
livestock management practices of the HH have been collected through HH surveys
and personal interviews administering a specially designed questionnaire.
Table – 1: Details of the Study Area
S.
N.
State
District
Mandal
No. of villages
Total No. of
Pastoral HHs
1
Telangana
Nagarkurnool
Achampet
5
10
Amrabad
8
45
Lingal
5
10
Padara
8
35
Uppunoonthala
1
1
Kamareddy
Ramareddi
3
15
Machareddi
2
2
Nizamabad
Sirikonda
12
38
Rajanna sircilla
Rudrangi
7
43
Veerannapalli
7
15
Vikarabad
Dolathabaad
1
5
2
Andhra Pradesh
Kurnool
Atmakur
12
33
Bandi-Atmakur
1
6
Gaddivemula
7
31
Kottapalli
5
17
Pamulapadu
2
4
Velugodu
3
10
TOTAL
89
320
A detailed investigation was conducted with select group of sources of evidence at
seven sample villages selected through random sampling technique (Bryman, 2012;
Bartlett, II, et al., 2001) from the list of mobile pastoral villages associated with the three
cattle breeds in the study area (table 2). Criterion sampling, a variant of the purposeful
sampling technique (Creswell, 2013) was adopted for recruitment of sources of
evidence. The criteria for selection of sources of evidence was active engagement in
mobile pastoralism. Data for the purpose of present study was gathered by conducting
Participatory Appraisal of Natural Resources (PANR) and focus group discussions
(FGDs) with the sources of evidence (Mukherjee, 2003). PANR defined by Mukherjee,
(2003) as a way of learning from the local community about the natural resources.
“The primary focus of PANR is on local natural resources from local community’s
point of view where other aspects of community living become relevant only if they
form community’s relationship with local natural resources.” (Mukherjee, 2003, Pp.
31). Primary data pertaining to cultural affiliation, seasonal migration pattern,
pastoral resource management practices, and issues and challenges associated with
mobile pastoralism in the study area was collected through focus group discussions
(FGDs), using semi-structured questionnaire (Morgan, 1997; Vaughn et al., 1996).
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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Ethnographic GIS (geographic information system), (Oskarsson, 2012), was adopted
for mapping of the seasonal migration routes and resource management practices of
the mobile pastoralists in the study area. The rationale for adopting this approach is
that local ethnographic knowledge is important since it allows for a specific
understanding of who the resource users are in particular locations and why and how
they use various resources (Ibid, 2012). Locally relevant ethnographic knowledge
provides important insights into local resource uses which are relevant in a particular
social, economic and legal context in which the study is embedded.
Table – 2: Details of the Villages Selected for Mapping of the Seasonal Migration Routes and
Resource Use Management Practices of Mobile Pastoralists of the Study Area
State
District
Mandal
Name of the Village
Telangana
Nagarkurnool
Amrabad
Lakshmapur tanda
(BK)
Kalamalonipalli
Kamareddy
Ramareddy
School Tanda
Nizamabad
Sirikonda
Sarpanch Tanda
Rajanna sircilla
Rudrangi
Rudrangi
Andhra Pradesh
Kurnool
Atamkur
Kotalacheruvu
Krishnapuram
3. RESULTS
3.1. An Overview of Mobile Pastoralism in the Study Area
Lakshmapur Tanda (BK), of Amrabad Mandal in Nagarkurnool district of Telangana
state is predominantly inhabited the Goramaati Banjara community, (known also as
Lambada/Sugali), an indigenous nomadic tribe (NT). There are around 419
households (HHs) at Lakshmapur Tanda (BK), however, only 16 HHs still keep large
herds (20 – 150 animals) and only 6 out of the 16 HHs are actively involved in mobile
pastoralism, and the rest employ labour to take care of their herds. A few decades ago,
more than 100 HHs used to keep cattle herds. A couple of decades ago every HH of
the village had 40 – 50 cattle heads. However, the number of HHs with cattle herds as
well as the cattle population has decreased significantly. Almost every HHs own
agriculture land and majority of the HHs gave up nomadic lifestyle and adopted a
more settled-agriculture lifestyle. Kalamalonipalli village is located in Amrabad
Mandal in Nagarkurnool district of Telangana state. There are about 350 HHs at
Kalamalonipalli, but only one family is actively engaged in mobile pastoralism. The
grazing practices of both villages include two phases and across two different
ecological systems. One includes the traditional short distance local movement in and
around the Nallamala forest area and the other includes the long distance, inter-state
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migration across forest and agro-ecological systems. Pastoralists of both the villages
mainly practice mobile pastoralism (Sewando, et al 2016; Rass, 2006; Swift, 1988).
School Tanda is predominantly inhabited by the nomadic Goramaati Banjara
community, it is located in Ramareddy Mandal, Kamareddy district, of Telangana.
There are about 300 HHs at School Tanda, almost every HHs of the village used to
migrate a couple of decades ago but only 12 HHs are actively engaged in mobile
pastoralism now. There is over 96 percent decline in mobile pastoralism at the village.
Traditionally every HH of the village kept 2 - 5 cattle heads but only few HHs are
keeping cattle now. Although, the number of HHs rearing cattle has decreased
drastically but the number of cattle heads per HH has increased significantly. The
average number of cattle heads per HHs of this area is 86.53. Sarpanch Tanda of
Sirkonda Mandal, Nizamabad district, of Telangana. It is inhabited predominantly by
the nomadic Goramaati Banjara community. It has about 583 HHs, about 15 – 20 HHs
used were involved in mobile pastoralism couple of decades ago but only one HH is
actively involved in pastoralism now. The local pastoral system is predominantly an
agro-pastoral system, which includes both short and long distance migration. The
HHs engaged in pastoralism stay at the native village for only four months and spend
the rest of the year traversing across the forests and agro-ecosystems. Pastoralists of
both the villages mainly practice mobile pastoralism.
Rudrangi village, is located in Rudrangi mandal of Rajanna Sircilla district of
Telangana. It has 1977 HHs, about 200 HHs used to practice mobile pastoralism until
a couple of decades ago but only 50 HHs practice mobile pastoralism now. Mobile
pastoralism is on the decline at the village. Traditionally every HH of the village kept
5 – 10 cattle heads but now only few HHs keep cattle. Although the number of HHs
rearing cattle has decreased drastically but the number of cattle heads per HH has
increased significantly and the average herd size of this area is 93.12. The livestock
management system of Golla’s at Rudrangi is significantly different from that of
Lambada’s. Unlike the Lambada community, Golla’s maintain large open and well
maintained penns (called locally as “Doddi”) right next to their houses. Unlike their
Lambada counterparts, pastoralists belonging to the Golla community usually
practice short distance migration but the duration remains more or less the same.
Pastoralists of the village mainly practice mobile pastoralism.
Kottalacheruvu of Atmakur Mandal, Kurnool district of Andhra Pradesh (AP), is a
heterogeneous village, predominantly inhabited by Chenchus, a primitive vulnerable
tribal group (PVTG) and Sugali, a nomadic tribe (known also as Lambada/Banjara).
It has 8076 HHs but only 4 HHs area actively engaged in mobile pastoralism now.
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Pastoralists of the village practice mobile pastoral system and the herds are grazed
over village commons and agriculture fallows for six months (November – June) and
taken for grazing inside the nearby forest for the rest six months (July – October) of
the year. Herds are kept inside the forest from July – October to prevent crop raiding
by them. Herds are grazed over the customarily used pentas (place with fodder and
water) inside the forests. There are approximately seven pentas spread across two
forest beats namely: Indreswaram beat (located on the east of the village) and
Golukuntala beat (located on the west of the village). There are two pentas located
inside Indreswaram beat: Sasanam and Kanuguntala peta and five pentas are located
inside Indreswaram beat: Sadaram, Aara, Lingamayya, Egasari and Sari pentas.
Krishnapuram village of Atamakur Mandal, Kurnool district of AP, is a
heterogeneous village, inhabited predominantly by the OBC communities. It has 538
HHs but only 6 HHs are actively engaged in mobile pastoralism. Traditionally cattle
of this region have been managed under mobile pastoral system. Herds are taken to
the surrounding hillocks for grazing during the monsoon/winter seasons (June – Feb).
The customary grazing areas of Gaji banda, Garigalamma, and Tirumala Konda, are
located on Bendi Konda (hillock) located about 10 km from the village. Bendi Konda
is spread in an area of approximately 20 km2. Herds are taken to cultivable fallows for
grazing during summer (March – May).
3.2. Social Composition of the Pastoralist Communities of the Study
Area
Observations of the study suggests that situation with regards to pastoral identity is a
bit fluid and transits between herding and cultivation in the study area (Sharma et al,
2003). In addition to the traditional pastoral communities of Gollas, Kuruvas and
Banjaras, many (at least 12) non-traditional pastoral communities have taken up
mobile pastoralism in the study area. Details of the social composition of the
communities involved in mobile pastoralism in the study area is presented in the table
(3) and Fig. (4).
Table – 3: Social Composition of the Communities Involved in Mobile Pastoralism in the Study
Area
S.No
Name of the
Community
State
Category
Known also as
Traditional
Occupation
1
Chaakali
AP & Telangana
OBC
Dhobi/
Rajaka/
Washermen
Laundry/ Washing
clothes
2
Chenchu
Telangana
Primitive and
Vulnerable
Hunters and
gatherers
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Tribal Group
(PVTG)
3
Golla
AP & Telangana
OBC
Yadava
Cattlemen/
Pastoralists
4
Gowda-Idiga
AP
OBC
Idiga
Toddy tapping
5
Jangala
AP
OBC
Jangam
Wandering monks/
Scrounging
6
Kamma-
Kaapu
AP
OBC
Peasants/ Landlords
7
Kuruva
AP & Telangana
OBC
Cattlemen/
Pastoralists
8
Lambada/
Sugali
AP & Telangana
Nomadic
Tribe (NT)
Banjara
Goods
transportation and
traders
9
Maadiga
AP & Telangana
SC
Mahadiga,
Makkalu
Artisans –
manufacturing
leather goods, ropes
and baskets
10
Maala
Telangana
SC
Village watchmen,
domestic labour,
warriors, and
wrestling
11
Doodekula-
Muslim
Telangana
OBC
A combination
of Hindu and
Muslim
community
Cleaning cotton,
and manufacturing
of ropes, tapes and
mattresses
12
Reddy
AP
GN
Landlord, farming,
mercantile and
rulers
13
Telugu Besta
AP
OBC
Besta
Fishing, hunting,
boating (Oarsmen)
and agriculture
14
Vaddera
AP & Telangana
OBC
Vadde, Vadar
Stone cutters
15
Uppari
AP
OBC
Sagara
Manufacturing salt
and agriculture
16
Yerra Golla
Telangana
OBC
Sub-sect of the
Golla
Cattlemen/
Pastoralists
Note:
Kuruma (also known as Kuruba in Karnataka and Dhangar in Maharashtra) is one of the major
traditional mobile pastoralist communities in AP and Telangana. However, they are excluded in the
present study as Kuruma’s traditionally rear sheep and not cattle.
The major communities involved in mobile pastoralism in Nagarkurnool district of
Telangana state, rearing the indigenous Poda Thurpu cattle breed are
Banjara/Lambada (52%), Golla (23%), Maala (11%) and other communities include
Chenchu (2%), Kuruva (4%), Maadiga (2%), Doodekula-Muslim (3%), Vaddera (2%)
and Yerra-Golla (1%). Breakup of the social composition of the communities involved
in mobile pastoralism in Nagarkurnool is presented in the fig (1).
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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The major communities involved in mobile pastoralism in Kamareddy, Nizamabad,
and Rajanna sircialla districts of Telangana state, rearing the indigenous Vandhera
cattle population are Banjara/Lambada (85%), Golla (7%), Kuruva (3%) and other
communities include Chaakali (1%), Maadiga (2%), Reddy (1%), Yerra-Golla (1%).
Breakup of the social composition of the communities involved in mobile pastoralism
in this part of Telangana state is presented in the fig (2).
2%
23%
4%
52%
2%
11%
3% 2% 1%
Fig: 1. Social Compostion of the Communities Involved in Mobile
Pastoralism in Nagarkurnool District, Telangana
Chenchu
Golla
Kuruva
Lambada
Maadiga
Maala
Doodekula - Muslim
Vaddera
Yerra Golla
THE BANJARA / LAMBADA COMMUNITY OF
TELANGANA STATE
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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The major communities involved in mobile pastoralism in Kurnool district of Andhra
Pradesh state, rearing the indigenous Nallamala-Pasa cattle population are Jangala
(33%), Sugali/Banjara (23%), Golla (19%), Telugu Besta (8%), Maadiga (7%), and the
other communities include Chaakali (3%), Gowda-Idiga (1%), Kamma-Kaapu (2%),
Reddy (1%), Vaddera (1%), and Uppari (2%). Breakup of the social composition of the
communities involved in mobile pastoralism in Kurnool district of AP state is
presented in the fig (3).
3%
19%
1%
33%
2%
23%
7%
1% 8%
1% 2%
Fig: 3. Social Composition of the Communities Invloved in Mobile
Pastoralism in Kurnool District, Andhra Pradesh
Chaakali
Golla
Gowda (Idiga)
Jangala
Kamma-Kaapu
Lambada
Maadiga
Reddy
Telugu Besta
Vaddera
Uppari
1%
7% 3%
85%
2% 1% 1%
Fig: 2. Social Composition of the Communities Involved in Mobile
Pastoralism in Kamareddy, Nizamabad, and Rajnna Sirciall districts,
Telangana
Chaakali
Golla
Kuruva
Lambada
Maadiga
Reddy
Yerra Golla
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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Overall, 16 communities including both traditional and non-traditional pastoral
communities are practicing mobile pastoralism in the study region. The indigenous
nomadic Banjara community was found to be the major community involved in
mobile pastoralism in the study area. Overall, 55% of the communities actively
engaged in mobile pastoralism in the study area are the nomadic
Banjara/Lambada/Sugali tribe. Golla, one of the traditional pastoral communities
occupy 16%, and Jangala, a traditionally nomadic scrounging community occupies
11%, however, they are found only in AP and not in Telangana. The other
communities found to be involved in mobile pastoralism in the study area are Kuruva
(3%), Maala (3%), Maadiga (3%), Telugu-Besta (3%), Chaakali (1%), Doodekula-
Muslim (1%), Vaddera (1%), Chenchu (1%), Kamma-Kaapu (1%), Reddy (1%), Uppari
(1%), Yerra-Golla (1%) and Gowda-Idiga. Breakup of the social composition of the
entire communities involved in mobile pastoralism in the study is presented in the fig
(4).
3.2. Indigenous Cattle Breeds embedded in the Mobile Pastoral System
of the Study Area
Majority of the pastoralist communities are connected with a particular livestock
breed/species (Sharma, et al 2003). It was found that pastoralist communities of
Nagarkurnool district of Telangana rear Poda Thurpu cattle, a unique, small-medium
sized, hardy indigenous cattle breed, belonging to the draught power group. The
1% 1%
16%
0%
11%
1%
3%
55%
3%
3%
1% 1%
3%
1% 1% 1%
Fig: 4. Ovearall Social Composition of the Communities Involved in
Mobile Pastoralism in the Study Area
Chaakali
Chenchu
Golla
Gowda-Idiga
Jangala
Kamma-Kaapu
Kuruva
Lambada
Maadiga
Maala
Doodekula-Muslim
Reddy
Telugu Besta
Vaddera
Uppari
Yerra Golla
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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breed predominantly has light to dark brown speckles / blotches over a white coat
(93.26 % Male, 88.2 % Female). The average height of Poda Thurpu cows is 111.84 cms,
and breeding bulls is 119.38 cms (Siripurapu, et al. 2019a). The disposition of the breed
is wild but tactile temperament. Local communities identify this cattle breed as Poda
edlu (Poda locally means spotted/ speckles/blotches), the cattle usually has
speckled/blotched coat (brown spots on white coat). The cattle breed is commonly
known as Thurpu edlu in the western parts of Mahbubnagar and Nagakurnool
districts and western parts of Telangana (Siripurapu, et al. 2019a).
Poda Thurpu had been registered as a unique indigenous cattle breed by the National
Bureau of Animal Genetic Resources (NBAGR) in Feb’ 2020 (NBAGR, 2020a). About
11036 cattle heads of this breed is reared by 101 pastoral families from 27 villages,
across 5 Mandals in Nagarkurnool district of Telangana. Large herds of the cattle, with
an average herd size of 109.26, cattle heads are maintained under extensive, mobile
pastoral system in this region. However, the breeding population is only 8593, (1055
males and 7538 females). Pastoralists rearing Poda Thurpu cattle have aligned
themselves and registered into an association named the “Amrabad Podalakshmi Govu
Sangham” in Feb’ 2018. Details of the native breeding tract and population of Poda
Thurpu cattle breed is presented in the table (4).
Similarly, the pastoralists of Kamareddy, Nizamabad, and Rajanna sircilla districts of
Telangana rear Vandhera cattle, a unique, small-sized, hardy indigenous cattle breed,
usually with white coat and compact body, belonging to the draught power group.
About 10657 cattle heads of this breed is reared by 118 pastoral families from 32
villages, across 6 Mandals in 4 districts of Kamareddy, Nizamabad, Rajanna sircilla
and Vikarabad of Telangana. Large herds of the cattle, with an average herd size of
90.31, cattle heads are maintained under extensive, mobile pastoral system in this
region. However, the breeding population is only 7292, (182 males and 7110 females).
Details of the native breeding tract and population of Vandhera cattle population is
presented in the table (4).
The cattle population is in the process of characterization and registration with the
NBAGR. Likewise, the pastoralist communities of Kurnool district of Andhra Pradesh
rear Nallamala-Pasa cattle, a unique, medium sized, hardy indigenous cattle breed,
belonging to the draught power group (Siripurapu, et al. 2019b; Siripurapu, et al.
2019c). The cattle population predominantly sports white coat, with moderate
temperament and shares similarities with the famous Ongole cattle breed in physical
appearance, but relatively shorter and smaller in size (Siripurapu, et al. 2019b). The
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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cattle population is in the process of characterization and registration with the
NBAGR (NBAGR, 2020b). About 7246 cattle heads of this breed is reared by 101
pastoral families from 30 villages, across 6 Mandals in Kurnool district of AP. Large
herds of the cattle, with an average herd size of 71.74, cattle heads are maintained
under extensive, mobile pastoral system in this region. However, the breeding
population is only 4570, (99 males and 4471 females). Pastoralists rearing Nallamala-
Pasa cattle organized themselves and registered into an association named the
“Nallamala-Pasa Govu Sangham” in Feb’ 2020.
The Nallamala-Pasa cattle population is referred to locally as Naatu Aavu (Native
cattle), Pasa aavu (white coat cattle) and Padigi Aavu because of its nativity, coat colour
and ‘specific height’ and size. Local breeders of the Nallamala-Pasa cattle usually rely
on their traditional knowledge (TK) to maintain a specific height of the cattle
population. They say that maintaining a specific height and body size enables the
animal for the life in harsh weather conditions, tolerate heat and move up and down
the hillocks with ease (Siripurapu et al. 2019c; Siripurapu, et al. 2019d). Details of the
native breeding tract and population of Nallamala-Pasa cattle population is presented
in the table (4).
PODA THURPU CATTLE BULL
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15 | P a g e
NALLAMALA – PASA CATTLE BULL
VANDHERA CATTLE BULL
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
Table: 4. The Indigenous Cattle Breeds Maintained by the Pastoralists of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh
S.
N
Name of
the Cattle
Breed
State
District
Mandal
No. of
villages
Total
No. of
Pastoral
HHs
Total No.
of Cattle
Heads
Avg.
Herd
Size
Type of the
Breed
Breed Recognition
Status
1
Poda
Thurpu
Telangana
Nagarkurnool
Achampet
5
10
1121
112.1
Draught
Power Group
INDIA_CATTLE_3600_
PODATHURPU_03044
Amrabad
8
45
5000
111.11
Lingal
5
10
925
92.5
Padara
8
35
3805
108.71
Uppunoonthala
1
1
185
185
SUB-TOTAL
27
101
11036
109.26
2
Vandhera
Telangana
Kamareddy
Ramareddi
3
15
1298
86.53
Draught
Power Group
In progress
Machareddi
2
2
184
92
Nizamabad
Sirikonda
12
38
3736
98.32
Rajanna
sircilla
Rudrangi
7
43
4004
93.12
Veerannapalli
7
15
1425
95
Vikarabad
Dolathabaad
1
5
10
2
SUB-TOTAL
32
118
10657
90.31
3
Nallamala-
Pasa
Andhra
Pradesh
Kurnool
Atmakur
12
33
2689
81.48
Draught
Power Group
In progress
Bandi-Atmakur
1
6
248
41.33
Gaddivemula
7
31
1920
61.94
Kottapalli
5
17
1526
89.76
Pamulapadu
2
4
250
62.50
Velugodu
3
10
613
61.30
SUB-TOTAL
30
101
7246
71.74
GRAND-TOTAL
89
320
28939
90.43
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3.4. The Seasonal Migration Pattern of Mobile Pastoralists in the Study
Area
The annual seasonal migration of pastoralists of Lakshmapur Tanda (BK) comprises
of two phases and across two different ecological systems. One includes short distance
local movement in and around the Nallamala forest (which includes Amrabad Tiger
Reserve), while the other is long distance, inter-state migration across agro-ecological
systems of the adjacent state of Andhra Pradesh.
Short distance local movement starts during the month of July and continues till
January (7 months), when herds return home with the onset of monsoon season, when
fodder and water are aplenty. The herds spend this period of the year inside the
Nallamala forest area, grazing in the customarily used pasture lands called locally as
“penta”. There are at least 26 – 27, pentas inside the Nallamala forest area. The herds
move among these pentas, spending a month or so at each penta or as long as resources
exist, before moving on to another penta. Herds usually travel 5 – 10 km every day
grazing on pentas inside the Nallamala forest area. The cattle usually feeds on a wide
variety of vegetation, which includes: Nandara gaddi, Erra gaddi, Allam gaddi, Kamachi
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
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(aromatic herb), Pattadi aaku, etc. The names of few customarily used pentas located
inside the Nallamala forest is provided in the table (5).
Table: 5. Names of the Customarily used Pentas used by Pastoralists of Lakshmapur Tanda (BK)
Located inside the Nallamala Forest
Alatam penta
Tammagarugu
Narsingbai
Garasa penta
Erjan
Bandamachilaka
Gunivani penta
Ghandaral
Gundalarevu
Chinchelona
Long distance inter-state seasonal migration starts during the month of February and
continues till the end of June (5 months). Local pastoralists leave for seasonal
migration when local resources (fodder availability in the forest areas) shrinks. It
usually involves crossing of inter-state borders to arrive at their destination located in
and around Tenali region of AP. Cattle herds move across the agriculture fallows
grazing on the crop residue and stubble of paddy, sorghum and other crops. The inter-
state migration is rather a recent phenomenon, it came into to practice less than a
decade ago. Details of the inter-state migration route of the pastoralists of Lakshmapur
Tanda (BK) is provided in the table (6).
Table: 6. Route of the Inter-state Seasonal Migration of the Pastoralists of Lakshmapur Tanda
(BK)
S.No
Major Destinations Along the Migration
Route
Coordinates
State
1
Gundanathi penta (or any other penta)
Point of origin
Telangana
2
Cheeramani banda (or any other penta)
Point of origin
Telangana
3
Aramancha penta (or any other penta)
Point of origin
Telangana
4
Palenka Devudu gudi (temple)
Telangana
5
Maddimadugu
16°18'42.7"N 79°08'19.0"E
Telangana
6
Gheesigandu revu (river bank)
16°05'17.3"N 78°53'26.3"E
Telangana
7
Chigurupadu
16°36'42.6"N 80°08'14.7"E
Andhra Pradesh
8
Karampudi
16°25'50.8"N 79°43'06.8"E
Andhra Pradesh
9
Sattenpalli
16°23'41.4"N 80°09'03.1"E
Andhra Pradesh
10
Guntur
16°18'12.5"N 80°26'08.0"E
Andhra Pradesh
11
Tenali
16°14'10.6"N 80°38'52.0"E
Andhra Pradesh
12
Kolluru (destination)
16°11'16.7"N 80°47'38.9"E
Andhra Pradesh
*Note: After arriving at the destination (Guntur-Tenali-Kolluru), herds spend most of the time grazing
crop residue and stubble, traversing across the rice fallows. At the onset of monsoon season
pastoralists follow the same route to return home. Upon arrival at the native place, families gather
at the village outskirts to greet and welcome the returning herds amid performance of traditional
rituals.
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Similarly, pastoralist family of Kalamalonipalli practices both Short distance
movement in and around the Nallmala Forest and go out on long distance migration
but within the Telangana state. The short distance movement includes about 15 km
travel from the camp every day. The herd moves among the different customarily
used penta (pasture lands) located inside the Nallamala forest. The seasonal short
distance migration starts with the onset of monsoon, usually in June and continues up
to January. Details of the few customarily accessed pentas by the herd is presented in
the table (7).
Table: 7. Major Camping Sites of the Pastoralists of Kalamalonipalli village during the
Seasonal Short Distance Migration
Kommanapenta
Kollam
Rayalacheruvu
Erupulammacheruvu
The long distance inter-state migration was unheard of to the local Golla community
earlier, it is rather a recent phenomenon as per the information of the family. It all
started a decade ago, following an outbreak of Gudala rogam, the family started taking
their herd away to save the cattle from contracting the deadly disease. It was reported
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that Gudala rogam is fatal for calves, adolescents, and pregnant/lactating cows. It was
reported that a couple of years ago local herders have sold over 3000 cattle from the
fear of losing them to the fatal disease.
The seasonal long distance migration starts in the month of February after the
celebration of Sivaratri and continues for 4 – 5 months, usually from February to June.
The herd spends most of the time traversing across the rice fallows, grazing stubble
and other crop residue. Cows calve during January - April which overlaps with the
long migration. Usually three people accompany the herd during migration. Herders
take turns (shifts of 3 hours each from 6 PM – 6 AM) at night to prevent the cattle from
going astray and raid crops. The herder is usually accompanied by few dogs during
both the long and short migration. Dogs not only alert the herder and herd not only
potential danger from predators and cattle lifters but also defend them from attacks
of wildlife. Major destinations of the long migration is listed in the table (8).
Table: 8. Route of the Long Seasonal Migration of Pastoralists of Kalamalonipalli Village,
Telangana
Place
Coordinates
State
Vankeswaram (origin)
16°25'51.2"N 78°54'38.9"E
Telangana
Chennamapalli
16°12'47.7"N 78°32'33.7"E
Telangana
Bakkalingalapalli
16°26'53.4"N 79°03'04.7"E
Telangana
Nalgonda
17°11'50.1"N 79°13'17.4"E
Telangana
Bedaburiya
Telangana
Aligarh
Telangana
Miriyalaguda (destination)
16°52'37.3"N 79°33'57.7"E
Telangana
Pastoralists of School Tanda stay home for about five months from July to October;
during which the cattle herds are grazed predominantly over the village commons,
cultivable fallows and the adjacent forest areas. The herds usually move within 10 km
radius, and covering a distance of about 18 - 20 km daily, for grazing. Many
customarily used grazing patches are located inside the adjacent forest are, few
prominent ones are: Limidi, Lingannapeta, Kota devudu, and Chendra devudu. Details of
the grazing areas around School Tanda are presented in the table (9). Traditionally,
herds are penned adjacent to the houses but this practice has changed now. Currently,
herds are penned away from the village, at designated patches over the commons,
adjacent to the forest with waterbodies to supply water for the cattle. Unlike the
Golla/Yadava community, Lambadas do not build large penn’s/ cattle shelters
adjacent to their homes. In comparison with Lambadas, the Golla/Yadava pastoralists
of this region maintain better cleaning and sanitation of the cattle shelters.
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Table: 9. Details of the Grazing Areas around School Tanda when Herds Stay at the Native
Village
Place
Coordinates
Month
State
School Tanda
(Origin)
Late October – Early
November
Kamareddy district,
Telangana
Maddi kota
Reddy peta
Kondapur
The seasonal long distance migration of pastoralists of School Tanda commences
immediately after celebration of Diwali festival, which is usually the last week of
October or the first week of November and continues up to June. The herds linger
around the grazing patches inside the forests until the Shivaraathri festival, or until
harvesting season of the Rabi Jowar crop (sorghum) draws to an end. Soon after
harvesting of the jowar crop, herds are moved across the cultivable fallows for
grazing. Herds spend about 10 – 15 days at each village along the migration route,
penning at farms for a price (cash and kind). The long distance migration route of the
pastoralists of School tanda extends all the way to Balakonda from their native place.
The local pastoralists follows the same route to return home. Details of the long
migration routes is presented in the table (10).
Table: 10. Details of the Route and Season of Annual Long Distance Migration of Local
Lambadas
Place
Coordinates
State
School Tanda (Origin)
18°24'56.8"N 78°26'41.7"E
Kamareddy district, Telangana
Maddi kota
Reddy peta
Kondapur
Gadukol
18°32'23.5"N 78°25'43.0"E
Sirikonda
18°34'47.8"N 78°27'04.1"E
Kundoor
Gunugopula
Bada Bheemgal
18°41'38.9"N 78°24'60.0"E
Armur
18°47'22.2"N 78°17'16.2"E
Chengal
18°42'26.2"N 78°22'55.1"E
Arugula
Balakonda (destination)
18°52'13.1"N 78°20'09.7"E
Note: The pastorals use the same migration route to return home
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The pastoralist family of Sarpanch Tanda practices both short and long distance
seasonal migration. The family stays at home from July to October, during which they
practice short distance movement covering a distance of 8 – 10 km (one way)
everyday, grazing over village commons, cultivable fallows and forest areas
surrounding their village. The herds move out for long distance seasonal migration
during late October – early November, after celebration of Diwali festival. The long
distance seasonal migration continues from October/November to June,
predominantly grazing over cultivable fallows and penning over farm lands. Three to
five people usually accompany the herd on migration. Details of the movement of
pastoralists of Sarpanch Tanda is presented in the table (11).
Table: 11. Details of the Route and Season of Annual Migration of Local Lambadas
Place
Coordinates
State
Sarpanch Tanda (origin)
18°29'41.9"N 78°25'47.7"E
Nizamabad district, Telangana
Tumpally
18°29'12.3"N 78°27'31.9"E
- do -
Gadkol
18°32'23.5"N 78°25'43.0"E
- do -
Ram madugu
- do -
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Kondur
- do -
Muchkur
18°38'15.7"N 78°27'40.8"E
- do -
Bheemgal
18°42'05.3"N 78°27'14.6"E
- do -
Bada Bheemgal
18°41'38.9"N 78°24'60.0"E
- do -
Elpur
18°45'50.9"N 78°23'38.9"E
- do -
Fatehpur
18°50'51.6"N 78°18'11.6"E
- do -
Balkonda
18°52'13.7"N 78°20'13.1"E
- do -
Nirmal (destination)
19°05'42.9"N 78°20'36.9"E
Nirmal district
Note: The pastorals use the same migration route to return home – however, they seldom use an
alternate route which passes via Bhainsa.
Unlike the local Lambadas, the local Golla pastoralists of Rudrangi village do not
practice long distance seasonal migration, instead they move the herds within a radius
of 15 – 20 kms around the village, all year around. Herds are grazed over the village
commons and cultivable fallows for most part (eight months) of the season
(November – June) and put up inside the forest for about four months from July to
October. There are about 16 – 20 customary grazing patches located inside the forest
and herds are moved over the customary grazing patches depending on the
availability of fodder and water. Details of the movement of pastoralists of Rudrangi
village is presented in the table (12).
Table: 12. Details of the Customary Grazing Areas Inside the Forest of Rudrangi Village
Place
Coordinates
State
Rudrangi Village (Origin)
18°37'32.4"N 78°42'27.7"E
Rajanna siricilla district,
Telangana
Nalla gutta
-do-
Kalagandi
-do-
Bugga devastanam area
-do-
Sir Bugga rjarajeshwari swamy area
-do-
Lonka rameswara swamy area
-do-
Patcha gutta
-do-
Kalapayya
-do-
Kottapeta
-do-
Malyala
-do-
Haindalupi
-do-
Bolabanda
-do-
Konda gutta
-do-
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Guba gutta (destination at the
neighbouring village, Salugula)
-do-
Rajula gutta (destination at the
neighbouring village, Salugula)
-do-
Forest vegetation
Late July – Early November
Pastoralists of Kottalacheruvu village graze their cattle herds over the village
commons and agriculture fallows for eight months (November – June) and move them
into the surrounding Nallmala forest for the rest four months (July – October) of the
year. Herds are kept inside the forest from July – October to prevent them from raiding
crops. Herds are grazed at customarily used pentas (place with fodder and water)
located inside the Nallamala forest. There are approximately seven pentas spread
across two forest beats namely: Indreswaram beat (located on the east of the village)
and Golukuntala beat (located on the west of the village). There are two pentas located
inside Indreswaram beat: Sasanam and Kanuguntala peta and five pentas are located
inside Indreswaram beat: Sadaram, Aara, Lingamayya, Egasari and Sari pentas.
Calves are born during February – April, when herds are moving inside the forest.
Animals often fall sick from eating Nuruku gaddi (a type of grass) found in this region.
Around 30 animals died recently from a sudden outbreak.
Pastoralists of Krishnapuram village take their cattle herds to the surrounding hillocks
for grazing for nine months during the monsoon/winter seasons (June – Feb). The
customary grazing areas of Gaji banda, Garigalamma, and Tirumala Konda, are
located on Bendi Konda (hillock) located about 10 km from the village. Bendi Konda
is spread in an area of approximately 20 km2. Herds are moved across the cultivable
fallows for three months during summer (March – May), grazing over the stubble and
crop residue. Movement of pastoralists of Nallamala-Pasa cattle of Kurnool district is
provided in the table (13).
Table: 13. Details of the Pentas Located inside the Nallamala Forest, Customarily used
by the Pastoralists in Kurnool District
S.No
Name of the Mandal
Name of Forest Patch Customarily Used for Grazing
1
Atmakur
Rollapenta
Nallapasu konda
2
Bandi Atmakur
Same as Velugodu
3
Gaddivemula
Gmmadi konda
Palabuggajendla
Vundutla jenda
Gunki banda
4
Kothapalli
Sangameswaram konda
Ankalamma kota
Mallayyaashala
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
25 | P a g e
5
Pamaulapadu
Same as Gaddivemula
6
Velugodu
Pavuralagutta
Rudrakodu
Mallelamma cheruvu
Annaram cheruvu
Kammakunta cheruvu
Pallaebai vanka
Peddalinu
There is some variation in the seasonal migration of pastoralists among the sample
villages. Pastoralists of Lakshmapur tanda (BK) and Kalamaloni palli follow the same
pattern in terms of season and duration short and long term migration but the distance
they cover during migration differs significantly. Pastoralists of School tanda and
Sarpanch tanda follow the same pattern in terms of season and duration short and
long term migration but the distance they cover varies. Although, Rudrangi and
Kottalacheruvu villages are geographically located in different states and located far
apart but interestingly pastoralists of both the villages are found to follow the same
pattern in terms of short and long seasonal migration. Although, pastoralists of
Krishnapuram village do not go far on long distance migration, nonetheless they
spend relatively longer time grazing their herds inside the forests and relatively
shorter time grazing their herds on commons and cultivable fallows in and around
the village. The summary of seasonal migration pattern of the study villages is
presented in the table (14).
Table: 14. Summary of the Seasonal Migration Pattern of Pastoralists in the Study Area
S.
No
State / District
Name of the
Village
Period of
Short
Distance
Migration
No. of
Months
Period of
Long
Distance
Migration
No. of
Months
Approx.
Distance
(one way)
of Long
distance
Migration
(in KM)
A] TELANGANA
1
Nagarkurnool
Lakshampuram
tanda
Jul - Jan
7
Feb - Jun
5
571
2
Kamareddy
School tanda
Jul - Oct
4
Nov - Jun
8
3
Nizamabad
Sarpanch tanda
Jul - Oct
4
Nov - Jun
8
Rajanna sircilla
Rudrangi
Nov - Jun
8
Jul - Oct
4
B] ANDHRA PRADESH
1
Kurnool
Kottalacheruvu
Nov - Jun
8
Jul - Oct
4
2
Kurnool
Krishapuram
Mar -
May
3
Jun - Feb
9
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
26 | P a g e
3.5. Pastoral Economy of the Study Area
In addition to rearing cattle majority (91.86 %) of the mobile pastoralists of the study
also practice agriculture. The average landholding size of the pastoralists of
Nagarkurnool district is 5.4 acres, it is 1.33 acres in Kamareddy, 2 acres in Nizamabad,
1.9 acres in Rajanna Sircilla, and 2 acres in Vikarabad district in Telangana and 2.99
acres in Kurnool district of AP. The overall landholding size of the pastoralists of the
study area is about 3.56 acres. About 8.14% of the mobile pastoralists in the study
region are landless. About 5% of the mobile pastoralists of Telangana have been
reported to be landless. Landlessness was reported only among the pastoralists of
Veerannapalli mandal of Rajanna Sircialla district of Telangana. About 40% of the
mobile pastoralists were reported to be landless. On the contrary, about 15.84% of the
mobile pastoralists of Kurnool district of AP have been reported to be landless.
Around 12.12% mobile pastoralists in Atmakur, 50% in Bandi-Atamkur, 12.9% in
Gaddivemula, 23.52% in Kottapalli, and 10% in Velugodu Mandal of Kurnool district
of AP have been reported to be landless. The incidence of landlessness is relatively
more prevalent among the mobile pastoralists of AP than Telangana. Details of
landholding of the mobile pastoralists of both the states is presented in the table (15).
S.
N.
District
Mandal
No. of
villages
Total
No. of
Pastoral
HHs
Average
Land
holding (in
acres)
Landless
HHs (%)
Name of
the Cattle
Breed
A] TELANGANA
1
Nagarkurnool
Achampet
5
10
7
0
Poda
Thurpu
Amrabad
8
45
5.29
0
Lingal
5
10
8.18
0
Padara
8
35
4.3
0
Uppunoonthala
1
1
5
0
SUB-TOTAL
27
101
5.4
0
B] ANDHRA PRADESH
2
Kamareddy
Ramareddi
3
15
1.06
0
Vandhera
Machareddi
2
2
1.6
0
Nizamabad
Sirikonda
12
38
2
0
Rajanna
sircilla
Rudrangi
7
43
2.24
0
Veerannapalli
7
15
1.57
40
Vikarabad
Dolathabaad
1
5
2
0
SUB-TOTAL
32
118
1.71
5
3
Kurnool
Atmakur
12
33
2.87
12.12
Nallamala-
Pasa
Bandi-Atmakur
1
6
2.33
50
Gaddivemula
7
31
3.96
12.9
Kottapalli
5
17
3.76
23.52
Pamulapadu
2
4
2.5
0
Velugodu
3
10
2.57
10
SUB-TOTAL
30
101
2.99
15.84
TOTAL
89
320
3.56
8.14
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
27 | P a g e
The average annual household (HH) income of the mobile pastoralists of
Nagarkurnool district of Telangana rearing Poda Thurpu cattle breed is INR 222933.3,
and about 39.02% of the HH income comes from the livestock. HH income from
livestock primarily comes from the sale of male calves for draft power. A pair of year
old male calves of Poda Thurpu cattle is sold anywhere between INR 45,000 to 60,000,
locally. The local market price of a breeding bull (usually 4 years old) could be
anywhere between INR 90,000 – 1,50,000. The major livestock markets where the local
pastoralists sell Poda Thurpu cattle are Mallelatheertham at Amrabad of
Nagarkurnool district and Kurumurthy mela at Ammapur village of Mahabubnagar
district, Telangana. Farmers also purchase male calves from the pastoralists directly
either visiting their village or during migration.
The average annual household (HH) income of the mobile pastoralists of Kamareddy,
Nizamabad, Rajanna Sircialla and Vaikarba districts of Telangana rearing Vandhera
cattle population is INR 207985.3, and about 31.91% of the HH income comes from the
livestock. HH income from livestock primarily comes from the sale of male calves for
draft power. A pair of year old male calves of Vandhera cattle is sold anywhere
between INR 16,000 – 25,000, locally. The local pastorals do not take their cattle to any
designated livestock market place for sale. Instead, farmers usually visit their village
during June – October and purchase cattle directly at the village.
The average annual household (HH) income of the mobile pastoralists of Kurnool
district of AP rearing Nallamala-Pasa cattle breed is INR 190227.7, and about 61.38%
of the HH income comes from the livestock. HH income from livestock primarily
comes from the sale of male calves for draft power. A pair of year old male calves of
Nallamala-Pasa cattle is sold anywhere between INR 60,000 – 70,000, locally. The local
pastorals do not take their cattle to any designated livestock market place for sale.
Instead, farmers usually visit their village during June – October and purchase cattle
directly at the village.
Overall, the average annual HH of the mobile pastoralists of the study area is INR
206361.4 and about 44.35% of the income comes from the livestock. However, these
figures are minus the inclusion of HH income from sale of dung and penning. Details
of the average annual income of the mobile pastoralists of the study area is presented
in the table (16).
Insights into the significance of dung/ penning economy emerged a bit later in the
survey, therefore could not be included in the primary HH income analysis.
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
28 | P a g e
Consecutive discussions with the pastoralists revealed that sale of dung and penning
contributes significantly to the HH income of the mobile pastoralists. For instance,
mobile pastoralists of Lakshampur Tanda (BK), report that farmers of the adjacent
state of AP often invite them for penning their herds at their farms for a price.
Pastoralists are paid both in cash (usually INR 700 – 1000/ herd of 100 cattle heads)
and kind (usually food grains) for penning overnight. Likewise, mobile pastoralists of
Kalamalonipalli village reports that they are paid INR 500 – 600 and food grains by
farmers for penning the herd overnight on their farm lands.
Similarly, the mobile pastoralists of School Tanda of Kamareddy district of Telangana
practice penning of the herds at farms along their seasonal migration route.
Traditionally farmers pay them for penning herds over their farmlands. They earn
about INR 1000 – 1200 for penning a herd of 100 – 150 cattle heads over the farmland
per night. In addition, farmers also give food grains to the pastoralists. Pastoralists of
this region also earn from the sale of dung. A herd of 70 – 100 cattle produce a truck
load of dung a month and a truck load of dung fetches INR 10,000 locally. Usually the
local pastoralists sell 4 – 5 truckloads of dung during their stay at the village.
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
Table: 16. Average Annual HH Income of the Mobile Pastoralists from Different Sources in the Study Area
S.N.
State
District
Mandal
Avg. HH
Income from
Agriculture
Avg. HH
Income from
Other
Sources
Avg. HH
Income from
Livestock
Sale
Avg. HH
Total Annual
Income
% HH Income
from
Livestock
Sale
Indigenous
Cattle Breed
1
Telangana
Nagarkurnool
Achampet
123727.3
10545.45
76909.09
211181.8
36.41
Poda Thurpu
Amrabad
120883.7
36651.16
80418.6
237953.5
33.79
Lingal
121000
0
281833.3
402833.3
69.96
Padara
87655.17
14482.76
60482.76
162620.7
37.19
Uppunoonthala
100000
36000
80000
216000
37.03
SUB-TOTAL
112077.8
23866.67
86988.89
222933.3
39.02
2
Telangana
Kamareddy
Ramareddi
46065.22
80608.7
70684.78
197358.7
35.81
Vandhera
Machareddi
70000
97000
64000
231000
27.7
Nizamabad
Sirikonda
85000
87777.78
77222.22
250000
30.88
Rajanna
sircilla
Rudrangi
64666.67
75814.81
61222.22
201703.7
30.35
Veerannapalli
45947
99263
60763
205974
29.5
Vikarabad
Dolathabaad
51600
103200
55600
210400
26
SUB-TOTAL
56958.82
84647.06
66379.41
207985.3
31.91
3
Andhra
Pradesh
Kurnool
Atmakur
111545.5
121.2121
90818.18
202484.8
44.85
Nallamala-
Pasa
Bandi-Atmakur
21666.67
0
332833.3
354500
93.88
Gaddivemula
61935.48
0
128000
189935.5
67.39
Kottapalli
57411.76
3529.412
88588.24
149529.4
59.24
Pamulapadu
40250
0
99000
139250
71.09
Velugodu
40800
8000
92900
141700
65.56
SUB-TOTAL
72039.6
1425.74
116762.4
190227.7
61.38
GRAND-TOTAL
80451.09
34373.19
91537.14
206361.4
44.35
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
30 | P a g e
It was reported that pastoralists of the study area earn on an average about INR 115000
annually from sale of dung when they are at their native villages and penning when
they are on migration. If HH income from sale of dung and penning is included then
the average annual HH income of the mobile pastoralists is estimated to be INR
321361.42 and contribution of livestock to HH income would be 64.26%. The findings
suggest a significant contribution of livestock to the HH income of the pastoralist
communities. Details of the overall annual HH income of the mobile pastoralists after
including the income from sale of dung and penning is presented in the table (17).
Table: 17. Details of Annual HH Income of the Pastoralists of the Study Area after Inclusion of
Income from Sale of Dung and Penning
S.No
Type of Dung Economy
Annual HH Income
from Sale of Dung
(in INR)
1
Truckload (@ INR 10000 per truck load) * Avg. 4 truckloads per
100 cattle (up to 5 truckloads were reported) – usually a tractor
trailer with the capacity of 3000 kgs.
40000
2
Penning (@INR 1000 per night for 100 cattle heads) * 75 days over
a period of 5 months (modest estimate).
75000
3
Annual HH income from dung sale and penning
115000
4
Avg. HH Annul income from livestock after including income
from dung sale/ penning (INR 91537.14 + 115000).
206537.14
5
Avg. HH Annul income from all sources (including income from
dung sale/ penning).
321361.42
6
% of annual HH income from Livestock after including income
from dung sale/ penning.
64.26
3.6. Cultural Affiliation and Conservation of the Pastoral Cattle Breeds
• Cultural Affiliation of Lambadas with Cattle: The Lamabada community of the
study area identifies itself as Gora Banjara (Gormaati = Nayak). They believe
Sevalal maharaj (an incarnation of Lord Shiva) as their spiritual guru and they are
his devotees. The father of Santh Sevalal Maharaj owned 7000 cattle and he used
to herd them and graze in the jungle. Being disciples of Sevalal Maharaj, the
Banjara community rears cattle and continue his legacy.
• Cultural Affiliation of Gollas with Cattle: the name Golla (also known as Yadav),
derived from Lord Krishna and they believe that they are the descendants of Lord
Krishna, who was raised by a cow-herding family. Cattle are extremely important
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
31 | P a g e
for the community as it is a huge part of their culture and traditions. The animal is
a part of every ceremony, ritual and festival of the Golla community.
Cattle occupies a very significant place in their traditions and culture of these two
major pastoral communities of the study region. Every year these communities
celebrate their traditional festival during Diwali, especially for celebration of their
relationship with the cattle and the element of conservation is deeply embedded
within their cultures.
• Traditional Festivals of Lambada community involving Cattle: The two major
festivals of pastoralist Lambada/Banjara communities are Aavula panduga (cow
festival celebrated during Deepawali festival) and Seetala panduga (celebrated
during Holi festival). Aavula panduga is celebrated in October and Seetala panduga
is celebrated during March. During Aavula panduga, cows are tied as a string using
the sacred Avula tadulu / Damara tadulu, (rope made of neem fiber). The entire
village congregates at the temple of the forest goddesses Mantralmma. They cook
together and traditional rituals are performed, followed by a communal feast at
the site. Two forest goddesses Mantralmma and Peddamma are worshipped and
rituals are performed to satiate the forest goddesses.
Rice porridge cooked of cow milk and curd are offered to satiate Mantralmma. The
goddess Mantralamma, is said to have born out of milk and curd of the sacred cow.
She is the symbol of bounty of milk and curd, therefore, cow milk and curd is
considered very sacred by the Lambada’s. As the goddess Mantralamma is
believed to live in milk and curd, Lambada’s never consume milk and curd along
with non-vegetarian foods.
Usually 9 – 16 cows are tied as a string using “Daamara taadu” (rope made of neem
fiber). Cows tied over the string are brought to the Mantralamma temple with a
belief that the goddess would bless them and double the number of the string
(means, double the number of cows) by the next season.
Peddamma (symbolically represented as the Tiger) is offered lambs and chicken to
protect the cattle and herders from wildlife attack during their stay inside the
forest. Although Lambada/Banjara communities seldom milch the cattle, cows with
only female calves are milched during Diwali festival, and the milk is used for
cooking rice porridge and make curd. Perhaps this is the only festival of Lambada’s
where the rice porridge cooked of the sacred milk is consumed along with non-
vegetarian dishes.
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
32 | P a g e
Seetala panduga, which is celebrated during Holi also involves sacrifice of lambs and
chicken and offering rice porridge cooked of cow milk. During the festival horns
of the cattle are coloured with Jaju (red colour), owner of the cattle herd carries
seven bones, known as Kamani and women of the village carry a punnet/pot of
Molakalu (nine day old wheat seedlings) to the ritual site. Kamani ritual is
considered for men/masculine and Molakalu ritual is considered for
women/feminine. A large pit is dug in the ground (at least ten feet away from the
goddess) and filled with cooked Bobbarlu (horse gram), beans, feathers and innards
of chicken and lambs sacrificed for the goddess. After the pit was filled, cattle herds
are asked to pass by the pit. One or two persons stand at the pit and throw rice
porridge at the passing by shepherd, which the shepherd should eat, moving
along. Cooked Bobbarlu (horse gram), feathers and innards of chicken are thrown
at the passing by cattle herd, it is considered sacred and protects the cattle from
wild animals during their stay inside the forest. Cattle herds are taken in a
procession around the village, as cattle entering into the village is considered a
good omen and brings wealth and good fortune.
• Traditional Festivals of Golla community involving Cattle: One of the major
festivals of Golla’s is celebrated during Dasehra, celebrated in October. The
indigenous festival is observed in the honor of the local deities, and forest god
Lingamayya (lord Shiva) and his five sisters Pedamma, Elamma, Mahishamma,
Pochamma, and Manakalamma. The temple of Lingamayya is located at a sacred spot
inside Kollam and Kommuvani penta in the forest. The entire family visits the temple
and offers lambs and chicken to satiate Lingamayya.
The festival includes a ritual called “poli challadam”, hot porridge cooked in milk is
thrown at shepherds and herds taking procession by the sacred place. The
shepherds should catch the porridge thrown at them and move ahead eating the
porridge. It was believed that it brings good luck and protects both the shepherd
and herd from dangers lurking inside the forest. This ritual is observed once in
every 3 – 5 years.
• Significance of Cattle in the Weedings of Golla and Lamabada Communities: It’s
a tradition among both the Golla and Lambada communities to gift cattle as a
wedding present to the new bride by her parents at the wedding and pedigree of
the cattle is drawn accordingly. The Lambada community even performs a ritual
involving cattle (especially bull) during weddings. The new bride is made to sit on
the bull and she sing to the bull, reminding him how she took care of him and
requests the bull to move to her in-laws house along with her as her parents and
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
33 | P a g e
siblings may not join her. The bull and few cattle accompany the new bride to her
in-laws place.
3.7. Resource Use and Management Practices of Pastoralists of the
Study Area
The grazing patch with supply of both fodder and water is called locally as “penta”.
There could be many pentas inside the forest and commons. Usually the herders spend
around a month at each penta or as long as the fodder and water lasts. There are many
herds in the same village as well as surrounding villages and they depend these pentas
for grazing their herds. Pastoralists of the study area follow certain protocols in order
to avoid any conflict over resource use and prevent over grazing of pentas. For
instance, the eight cattle herders of Uma Maheswar Tanda split themselves into three
groups. A group may have 2-3 cattle herds and herd their respective cattle herd to a
specific penta for grazing. On an average, about 3-4 people herd each cattle herd.
Usually, pentas are located 7 – 10 kms distance apart and herders maintain 5 – 7 kms
distance among the pastoral groups / cattle herds.
Local pastoralists can predict the availability or scarcity of the fodder/water at the
penta from observation of the natural resources as well as behavior of the animals.
Upon observing the signs of resource exhaustion at the penta, one of the team members
go in search of lush pentas, while communicating and coordinating with other
pastoralists in the vicinity. Pastoralists have a good knowledge and mental map of the
location of every penta, not only in the surrounding areas but also along their seasonal
migration route, as these areas are often used for generations. Once the herder finds a
promising location, he sends out the message to other members of the group and the
herd is moved to the new location. However, they make sure that the new penta was
claimed by other pastoralists in advance, in which case they simply move to some
other penta. Local pastoralists have good knowledge of the fodder species preferred
by their cattle. Details of fodder species preferred by Poda Thurpu cattle is presented
in the table (8).
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
34 | P a g e
Figure 5. Resource Management Practice of Umamaheshwar Tanda Pastoralists of Telangana
Table: 18. Local Names and Other Details of the Fodder Species Preferred by Poda Thurpu
Cattle in Nagarkurnool district, Telangana
Mandal
Village
Local Name of
the Fodder
Name of the Forest
Remarks
Achampeta
Ankiranipally
Nendra gaddi,
Garaka,
Utlagaddi,
Errapoolagaddi,
Kaarey gaddi,
Gunugu gaddi
Nallamala forest
Amrabad
Mannanoor
Tella nedla gaddi,
Badda nendra
gaddi, Mulla
gaddi, Kara
gaddi,
Nallamala forest
Mannanoor
Nendra gaddi,
Erra gaddi, Mulla
gaddi, Poota
gaddi, Garika,
Chama gaddi,
Gokara gaddi
Nallamala forest
Gokara
gaddi is
savored
but it is
hard to
digest and
cattle
passes
loose stool,
it is
available
during
summer.
Found
Pamabala
vaagu,
•7-10 Km away from
the adjacent pentas;
•Herds may move
here in the future for
grazing.
•5-7 Km away from
the adjacent pentas;
•3 herds stay here for
a month, for grazing.
•5-7 Km away
from the adjacent
pentas;
•2 herds stay here
for a month, for
grazing.
•7-10 Km away
from the adjacent
pentas;
•3 herds stay here
for a month, for
grazing. Paruti
Penta
Rola
Penta
Other
Penta
Rangeleti
Penta
AN OVERVIEW OF MOBILE PASTORALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH AND TELANGANA SATES OF THE DECCAN PLATEAU REGION OF INDIA
35 | P a g e
Loya
(valley).
Nedra
gaddi is
soft and
not only
delicious
but also
very
healthy for
cattle
Kalamlonipalli
Erra gaddi,
Nendra gaddi,
Baddera gaddi,
Kommavani penta,
Kalina marri,
Kollam
BK.
Thirumalapuram
Nendra gaddi,
Erra gaddi,
Chilaka mukku
allam
Bandaman cheluka,
Kunta bodu, Banks
of river Krishna
BK. Laxmapur
Thanda
Nendra gaddi,
Kappala gaddi,
Sapparla gaddi,
Boda gaddi,
Garaka
Rollapenta, Kalina
marri, Ragileti,
Kommavani penta,
Timmanapalli,
Ootagundala,
Medimalaka,
Darsipenta,
Adamanupenta,
Bowrapur cheruvu,
Eerlapenta
Padara
Chitlamkunta
Nendra gaddi,
Kavva gaddi,
Poota gaddi,
Gokara gaddi
Kalina marri,
Vajrala madugu,
Boguleti, Tangiri
gundala, Eerla
penta,
Gunnamaanu
penta,
Ippalapally
Nendra gaddi,
Baddera gaddi,
Errapoota gaddi,
Chara gaddi
Adamanchenu,
Baddelagaruvu,
Cheddalagumma,
Gunnamaanu
penta, Medimaluka,
Tangidigundala,
Lingal
Yerrapenta
Nendra gaddi,
Kaara gaddi,
Mulla gaddi,
Modiga allam
Pulibanda,
Nallamala forest
area
Uppunoonthala
Aowvulonibai
Kappala gaddi,
Kavva gaddi,
Garaka, Chama
gaddi, Gokara
gaddi
Rayaleti,
Kommavani penta,
Vattavarlapalli,
along the banks of
streams and canals
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3.8. Issues and Challenges of Mobile Pastoralism in the Study Area
The four main challenges reported by the pastoralists of Telangana are shortage of
labour, disease outbreaks, fodder scarcity and restrictions on access to customary
grazing lands located inside forests. The most pressing issue for pastoralists of
Telangana is labour shortage. For instance, dominant mobile pastoralist communities,
Gollas, Kuruvas and Banjaras of Nagarkurnool district are traditionally dependent on
Chenchus, for taking care of the cattle herds during migration through the jungles. The
pastoralist communities shared a symbiotic relationship with the Chenchus for ages
and shared responsibilities of cattle herding. This traditional equation however seems
to be changing for the past decade, with the state government rolling out more and
more socio-economic development programmes for mainstreaming Chenchus, they
have been migrating to towns and villages, in search of better prospects.
In addition, with improvement in the socio-economic status, increase in literacy rates
and different aspirations the next generation of pastoralists are reluctant to inherit
mobile pastoralism, adding to severe labor shortage in this sector. Except for a
handful, the young generation of Kamareddy, Nizamabad and Rajanna Sircialla
districts of Telangana is neither interested in the traditional nomadic way of life nor
rearing livestock. Most of them are either settled farmers, employees at private
companies, or migrated to the middle-east for better prospects. Almost every
household has someone either lived or currently living in the middle-east and some
remittance economy is flourishing in this part of the state.
The second most important issue for pastoralists of Telangana is disease outbreak and
mass mortality among the cattle. Pastoralists of Nagarkurnool reports that mass
mortality of cattle from a fatal disease is forcing them to give-up livestock rearing. The
disease is locally called as “Gudala rogam” or “Gaddi rogam” (grass disease), as it was
assumed that grazing some type of grass causes the disease. Similarly, pastoralists of
Kamareddy, Nizamabad and Rajanna Sircialla complains about proliferation of exotic
weeds like Lantana camara, which is responsible for suppression of fodder species and
also death of unwary cattle, especially the young ones.
The other pressing issue is the restrictions imposed by the forest department on access
to the customary grazing patches located inside the forests. The situation had been
deteriorating since establishment of the Amrabad Tiger Reserve. It was reported that,
until 1975-76, cattle herders were allowed to graze their livestock up to 15 km inside
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the forest but now they are not allowed to move beyond 3 km into the reserve, causing
fodder shortage and adding to their misery. It was found that none of the pastoralists
of Telangana has awareness about the Forest Rights Act, 2006 and provisions
enshrined for pastoralists in the Act.
Pastoralists of AP also face similar challenges but the order of importance of these
issues was found to be different. The most pressing issue for pastoralists of AP is the
ever escalating conflict with the forest department over access to e customary grazing
lands located inside the forest. Pastoralists complain that they are often beaten and
manhandled by the forest department personnel. The forest department personnel
often weasel money and goods from the pastoralists by force, threats and coercion.
The second most important issue for pastoralists of AP is the difficulty in accessing
health care services due to constant mobility and herd size. Pastoralists also reported
mass mortality of cattle from eating Nuruku gaddi (a type of grass) found in this
region. A pastoralist family of Kottalacheruvu reports that 30 animals died recently
from an outbreak.
4. DISCUSSION
4.1. An Overview of Mobile Pastoralism
Nomadic or mobile pastoralism could be defined as a way of life based on the
extensive husbandry of herds of herbivores (Bonte 1973), and distinguished by
residential mobility (Ferret, 2018). Caroline Humphrey and David Sneath have
suggested replacing the word nomadism by mobile pastoralism, as the category of
nomadism ‘has ceased to be useful analytically’ (1999, 1). However, Ferret, (2018)
suggests that, some practices of pastoralism can nevertheless be described as nomadic
provided that entire family move with the livestock, not just the professional herders.
Although, there is a clear definition of pastoralist but the same may not be said about
pastoralism in the Indian-subcontinent. The lack of a clear and holistic definition of
pastoralism at the policy level, owing to its complexity in India has many implications
for this system.
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Sharma et al. (2003) defines pastoralists as “members of
caste or ethnic groups with a strong traditional association with
livestock-keeping, where a substantial proportion of the group
derive over 50% of household consumption form livestock
products or their sale, and where over 90% of animal
consumption is from natural pasture or browse, and where
households are responsible for the full cycle of livestock
breeding.”
Government of India do not recognize pastoralism as a unique and distinctive system
of its own, with its set of institutions, production and management systems,
economics, ecology, and communities with their own merit of knowledge, unique
culture and traditions. Unfortunately, the diverse pastoral systems of India have been
reduced to just livestock production systems and considered as an allied, sub-sector
of agriculture. At the policy level both pastoralists and farmers are rolled into a single
category without any clear differentiation, distinction or identity. Such lack of
distinction and recognition has been many implications – for instance, state supported
schemes for livestock production offers subsidies for fodder production only to
farmers with farmlands. However, majority of the mobile pastoralists traditionally do
not own land, even if they do so, it is either too small or unproductive. Such state
supported schemes are based on dubious assumptions that farmers and pastorals are
one and the same and livestock is just a sub-set of the agriculture system, without any
merit of its own.
Even a progressive act like Forest Rights Act (FRA) 2006, does not recognize pastoral
system and rights of the pastoral communities as unique. Except for a cursive mention
of pastoralism in Chapter 2, section 1 (1), the act does not provide any definition of
pastoralism and the pastoralist in its definitions of beneficiaries of the Act. The act
does not promulgate any operational guidelines for initiation of claiming filing
process and recognition of rights of the pastoral communities over customarily used
lands for grazing and other traditional practices and uses. For instance, the state action
plan ignores the issue of rights of nomadic pastoralists. Further, the provisions
enshrined in the Act for community/habitat rights of primitive tribal groups (PTGs),
pre-agriculture communities and shifting cultivators, and mobile/nomadic and
pastoralist communities, have not been implemented so far, (Desor, (ed), 2013).
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“Rights of nomadic and pastoralist communities such as
Mankadias in Simlipal, Raikas in Rajasthan, Van Gujjars
in Uttarakhand, Maldharis in Gujarat and Gujjars in
Rajasthan, among others, also remain unaddressed. There is
lack of clarity on the mechanism for claiming rights
involving multiple Gram Sabhas especially in the case of
nomadic tribes and seasonal pastoralists.” (Desor, (ed),
2013, pp. 39).
Such a lack of recognition even in the progressive acts like FRA could have serious
implications for mobile pastoral system, especially in the current scenario where forest
polices and acts are becoming more hostile towards indigenous and other forest
dependent communities in the independent India.
In a recent development the Ministry of Tribal Affairs
(MoTA), India has constituted an Expert Committee to
develop a guideline for better implementation of community
forest rights (CFR) claim process for nomadic and settled
pastoralists under section 3 (1) (d) of FRA-2006, (to ensure
the grazing rights over various forest areas in the country).
Furthermore, over 85 percent of the total livestock population of the country is reared
by pastorals and small-marginal farmers under different pastoral systems. Over 80
percent of the fodder requirement of the livestock in India is met from forests,
common property resources and agriculture fallows, under almost zero-input open-
grazing systems. However, rampant encroachment and conversion of commons into
other uses compounded with imposition of more stringent restrictions by the forest
department on access to grazing areas could have far reaching consequences for the
survival of the vast livestock populations India. Such consequences may have
undesirable outcomes to ecology, mainstream economy, livestock population and
diversity, indigenous knowledge, culture and practices, which are not obvious and
currently remain invisible.
Therefore, attempts at defining pastoralism are made by the Local Livestock for
Empowerment of Rural People (LIFE) Network, Centre for Pastoralism (CfP) and
learned individuals led to coining the following working definition that emerged from
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the “Kullu Call”, (Rangnekar, et al. 2016). As per the working definition, pastoralism
can be defined in different manners based on the ‘aim’ e.g. socio-cultural definition;
but the working definition here pivots on the ‘livestock’ angle “with the ultimate aim
of effecting more supportive policies” (Kohler-Rollefson, 2019).
The working definition of the Local Livestock for Empowerment of Rural People
(LIFE) Network, Centre for Pastoralism (CfP) and learned individuals defines
pastoralism as…
“Mobility for at least some
weeks/months, dependence on common pool
grazed resources, and primary income from
livestock”
However, Sharma, et al. (2003) points out that mobility seems to be an unreliable
defining criterion for pastoralism in the Indian context, as village based herding is
quite common in semi-arid regions of India and even large herds of camels, associated
with extremely mobile animal husbandry systems are occasionally maintained under
sedentary systems.
4.2. Social Composition of the Pastoralists
Sharma, et al. (2003) suggests that although there are communities with strong pastoral
identity but the situation is a bit fluid and transits between herding and cultivation.
While, traditional pastoral communities like the Ahir became full-fledged farming
communities in Junagadh of Saurashtra region of Gujarat. The non-traditional
pastoral communities like Rajputs and Megwals of Rajasthan have recently assumed
nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralism (Ibid, 2003).
Rangnekar, et al. (2016) points out the emerging regional diversity with regards to
social composition of pastoralism. The study suggests that pastoralism in the
Himalayan region appears to be stable, due to a system of fixed grazing permits, but
it was found to be under pressure in the western states of Rajasthan and Gujarat.
However, in the Deccan Plateau region, many nontraditional pastoralists have been
taking up pastoralism, leading to an increase of livestock population of this region.
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Similarly, about 16 communities including both traditional and non-traditional
pastoral communities are found to be practicing mobile pastoralism in the study
region. In addition to the traditional pastoral communities, many non-traditional
pastoral communities belonging to the OBC and SC communities are found to be
actively engaged in mobile pastoralism in the study area. The traditional pastoral
communities on the other had were found to be actively engaged in settled agriculture
and owns land in the study area. A more detailed study is needed to investigate the
drivers behind the transition of traditional pastoral communities taking up settle
agriculture and non-traditional pastoral communities adopting pastoralism in the
study area. Further, more than 60 percent of the HHs in the study area which once
reared cattle gave up cattle rearing and turned into full-time agriculturists, accepted
jobs in the public or predominantly in the private sector, or few even moved abroad
(mostly to the middle east) in search of better prospects.
4.3. Indigenous Cattle Breeds maintained by the Pastoralists
The sub-continent has an estimated 190.09 million cattle heads, out of which 139.82
million (73.5 percent) are indigenous (GOI, 2013; FE Bureau and PTI, 2019). The Indian
cattle population constitute 20.89% crossbreds or exotic, 9.38% well defined breeds
(37), 10.55% grades of defined breeds and 79.52% needs to be described (Ibid, 2013).
There are only 43 cattle distinct breeds registered in the country (NBAGR, 2018). The
vast majority (about 80%) of the priceless indigenous livestock in general and cattle
populations in particular of the country still remains yet undefined. It is widely
accepted that about 75 - 80 percent of the country’s livestock is maintained under
extensive livestock management systems (FAO, 2009).
Indigenous cattle and other livestock breeds/populations are often bred by the local
communities to suite the local needs, climatic conditions, diseases resistance, survival
on scarcity of fodder and water, socio-cultural interests, and economics, among others.
(Srivastsava, et al., 2019). The findings of the 19th Livestock Census suggests that the
total livestock population of the country has decreased by about 3.33% over the
previous census. The census suggests that Cattle population has decreased by 3.14%
over previous census. Alarmingly the percentage of indigenous cattle has been
reduced from 93% in 1992 to 79% in 2012. While the population of exotic cattle breeds
has increased from mere 7% in 1992 to 21% in 2012 (DAH and D, 2019).
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The populations of the three indigenous cattle breeds identified for the purpose of the
present study shows a similar pattern in terms of reduction in the number. Reduction
in the cattle population in the study area could be attributed to agricultural expansion
(expansion especially due to availability of irrigation facilities), industrial
development, decrease in commons, degradation of grasslands, restrictions on access
to forest and grazing lands, and promotion of sedentary livestock farming (Down To
Earth, 2019; TERI 2017; Dong, 2016, FES, 2012), and most importantly changes in the
lifestyle and aspirations of the future generations.
A pastoralist of Seitha Thanda, Ibraheembad Mandal,
Medak district, of Telangana remarked during the FGD:
“Bore aaya, gaai gaya.” (Bore wells arrived and Cattle
disappeared).
It was observed that the breeding stock of the three indigenous cattle breeds identified
for the purpose of the study were found to be below 10,000 animals. The breeding
stock of Poda Thupu cattle breed was estimated at only 8593, animals (1055 males and
7538 females), Vandhera cattle at only 7292, animals (182 males and 7110 females), and
Nallamala-Pasa cattle at only 4570, animals (99 males and 4471 females). As a rough
guide of the FAO, a population of less than 10,000 animals shall be considered in need
of some form of intervention with respect to species conservation (Henson, 1992). It
may be right to say that some form of intervention is immediately required for
conservation of these three precious indigenous cattle breeds. In addition more efforts
and resources should be put in place for identification, characterization and
registration of the yet undefined cattle and other livestock breeds existing in the
country.
4.4. Seasonal Migration of the Pastoralists
It was observed that mobile pastoral communities of the study area practice both short
and long seasonal migration in sync with the monsoon and local cropping season. It
was reported that pastoralists of Nagarkurnool district, Telangana started migrating
longer distances and spreading wider to maintain distance among the herds to
prevent disease outbreaks. However, further studies are necessary to ascertain these
claims. The seasonal migration route of the local pastoralists include traversing and
grazing over forest ecosystems (Nallamala forest range), commons, village pastures
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and cultivable fallows. The study finds that pastoralists of the study area have been
facing many challenges with regards to their mobility. Much of these restrictions come
in the form of restrictions imposed by the forest department from accessing their
traditional customary grazing lands located inside the forests and shrinking of
commons and village pasture lands.
The need to promote and facilitate unrestricted livestock mobility in semi-arid regions
of the world has been recognized by social and biophysical scientists (Kitchell et al.
2014; Sharma et al. 2003; Ellis and Swift 1988; Niamir-Fuller 1999; Scoones 1994) as well
as the national governments of many countries in the world, especially Africa (Bonnet
and Hérault 2011; Dongmo, et al. 2012; Touré 2004; Wabnitz 2006). This recognition, in
support of mobility and the rights of pastoral communities, however, did not translate
into action, in terms of creation of suitable policies and institutions to ensure livestock
mobility (Kitchell, et al. 2014; Sharma et al. 2003; Fernandez-Gimenez and Le Febre
2006; Galvin 2009; Niamir-Fuller 1999).
The International Center for Agricultural Research in the Dry Areas (ICARDA),
Oregon State University, USA and the Central Arid Zone Research Institute (CAZRI),
India has conducted a multi-disciplinary study on seasonal migration patterns of the
Raikas, a mobile pastoral community of Rajasthan state, India. The study focuses on
the socio-economics and mapping the seasonal migration movements of the Raikas,
using the Global Positioning System (GPS) collars mounted on the livestock of the
Raikas. The study helped the team of scientists consisting of rangeland experts, socio-
economists, veterinarians, and Geographic Information System (GIS) spatial analysts
in mapping the exact seasonal migration routes of the pastoralists, total distance of the
migration routes, time spent for grazing at different locations, preferred fodder by the
livestock, extant and location of watering points, etc.
Results and recommendations of the study is now guiding the policy-makers and
government officials to take necessary measures in improving the condition of the
commons and grazing lands along the migration routes, creation of watering points,
setting up of forage resources, arranging mobile veterinary services along the route
and access to near real-time information over cell-phones on the condition of forage
resources, etc. The study was envisioned to improve the livelihoods of the Raikas by
creating access to local markets to sell livestock and their products along the seasonal
migration routes (Louhaichi, 2014).
Similar to the study conducted by ICARDA on seasonal migration routes of Raikas of
Rajasthan, India, many projects were conducted across the globe, especially in Africa.
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The project on mapping of the pastoralist-livestock corridors the eastern Senegal of
Africa includes local perceptions of 1) the benefits and costs of corridors, 2) the effect
of the recognition of corridors on competing land uses (particularly farming), 3) the
need for and means to recognize and protect corridors, and 4) the appropriate level of
authority to recognize and protect corridors. Observations of the study shows that
corridors are perceived as a means of protecting local farms from livestock passing
through and critical for facilitating access to pastures (Kitchell, et al. 2014).
4.5. Pastoral Economy
Livestock economy could be interpreted as the value added by livestock to the
agricultural sector, which is derived from an estimation of the amount of products
generated on average by a livestock population of a given size, for commercial sale,
for immediate consumption by producers, or for export (Behnke, 2012). The
contribution of livestock in agriculture production in India is around 35 per cent and
its contribution to the GDP of the country is 4 per cent. The sector also provides
livelihood to about 70 per cent of the rural population of the country. According to the
report of the working group on animal husbandry and dairying, of the erstwhile
Planning Commission’s the livestock sector had been growing faster than the crop
sector and it is expected to emerge as an engine of agricultural growth in the 12th Five
Year Plan (2012-17), (Jitendra, 2017). Further, even the Economic Survey 2018-19
acknowledged the growth potential of this sector. The report observes that, “in the
last five years, the annual average growth of livestock, fisheries and aquaculture sector
has been above eight per cent, which is higher than the growth in manufacturing
sector. However, budget allocation for the Ministry is only INRs. 3737 crore, which
does not seem adequate when livestock rearing is the principal source of income for
over 3.6 per cent of households of the country.” (CBGA, 2019).
Sale of male calves was found to be the mainstay of the pastoral communities of the
study area. Pastoralists earn about 64 percent of their annual HH income from
livestock, especially from sale of male calves and the remaining from agriculture and
other allied income generation activities. The average local market price of a pair of
Poda Thurpu cattle at (4 months age) is INR 25,159.25 (range INR 23,000 to 31,000).
The local market price of an adult bull/bullock (usually 4 years old) is between INR
45,000 to 60,000. The local market price of the Poda Thurpu breeding bull (usually 4
years old) could be anywhere between INR 90,000 – 1,50,000. On an average, 2500 -
3000 male calves/ bullocks of Poda Thurpu cattle, which is worth of INR 3-5 crores,
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are sold every year at Amrabad Mandal of Nagarkurnool district, Telangana. The
Annual local economy of Poda Thurpu cattle in the region is estimated to be more
than INR 15-20 Crore. The local pastoralists also earn some extra cash through sale of
ghee (clarified butter) and the local market price of Poda Thurpu ghee is around INR
1500 -1650 per kg.
Similarly, a healthy male calf (usually 15 – 18 months old) of Nallamala-Pasa cattle
could fetch around INR 10,000 locally. A pair of bullocks of the Nallamala-Pasa cattle
breed is sold anywhere between INR 60,000 – 70,000, at the local market of Kurnool
district, Andhra Pradesh (table 19).
Table 19: Number of Male Calves of Nallamala-Psaa Cattle Sold for the Past Two Years
Total
No. of
Male
Calves
sold
(2017)
Avg.
Price/
animal
(1 yr
old)
Avg.
income
from
sale in
2017
Total
No. of
Male
Calves
sold
(2018)
Avg.
Price/
animal
(1 yr
old)
Avg.
income
from
sale in
2018
% of
Increase
in No of
animals
Sold
% of
Increase
Avg. in
Price
% of
Increase
in Avg.
Income
1095
8252.47
89475.25
1135
8737.62
96876.24
3.65
5.87
8.27
Harsdorff (2014), points out that dung had been a driving the rural economy of
national importance, which is grossly overlooked due to blind focus on milk-based
economy. The value of the highly unorganized dung and penning economy supplying
manure/fertilizer to the agriculture sector was estimated at several crores of Indian
rupees. The estimated value of organic fertilizer contributed by the livestock kept
under extensive pastoral systems is of INR 3,35,000 crore annually (Rangnekar, et al.
2016). Another informal estimate suggests that animal dung alone earns the country
between INR 750 to 950 million a day. For instance, dung value produced from Delhi
alone was accounted at INR 220 million in the FY 2017, and it was suggested that the
value was higher the previous year (Statista.com, 2020). The average HH income of
Pastoralists of the study area from sale of dung when they are at their native villages
and penning when they are on migration was reported at INR 115000 annually.
Studies suggest that local pastoral economies in India are in the process of transition
from a mixed agro-pastoral system towards agricultural and horticultural based
economy (Sharma et al, 2003). One of the major reasons for this is the misplaced
priorities of the development policies and schemes of the government of India. For
instance, on 15, May, 2020, the Central Government of India has announced the plans
to set up An Animal Husbandry Infrastructure Development Fund of INRs. 15,000
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crore, with an aim to support private investment in Dairy Processing, value addition
and cattle feed infrastructure and incentives will be given for establishing plants for
export of niche products (GOI, 2020).
Even a cursive look at this package glaringly suggests the misplaced priorities and
negligence of pastoral system and economy. For instance, sale of cattle for draft power
and dung for manure are the mainstay of pastoral communities of the dryland and
rainfed regions of the country and sale of milk constitutes a minute fraction of this
economy. Investment in sustainable development of commons and grazing pastures
could have been a better option than investment in cattle feed infrastructure and
enterprises to improve the extensive livestock management sector.
4.6. Cultural Affiliations of the Pastoral Livestock
Majority of the pastoralist communities are connected with a particular livestock
breed/species by their myth of origin, tracing their descent to an ancestor who was
created by God for the purpose of taking care of these animals (Kohler-Rollefson, 2015;
Sharma, et al., 2003).
The Gora/Goramaati Banjaras of the study area keep cattle because their spiritual
guru, Santh Sevalal Maharaj (believed to be incarnation of lord Shiva) used to rear
cattle (Naik, 2009). He led the life of a cattle herder taking care of his father’s 7000
cows. Being his disciples, the Goramaati Banjara rears cattle and continue his legacy
(Siripurapu, 2020).
Malaya Ramavath, a Goramaati Banjara pastoralist says
that “those who serve the cow will attain nirvana and reach
heaven and those who serve the cattle will die a natural and
peaceful death.”
The name Golla, is derived from the Sanskrit word, ‘Gopal’, which means
caretaker/protector of cows (Joshua, 2019; Yaadav, 2010). Gollas, similar to the
Yadava/Yaduvanshi, believes to belong to the same lineage into which Lord Krishna
was born. The Yerra-Golla community of study area and Nanda Gawli community of
Maharashtra are considered as sub-sects of the indigenous Yadava/Golla community.
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Both sheep and wool are intricately woven into customs, traditions, culture and social
fabric of the indigenous Dangar/Kuruma/Kuruba pastoralist communities of the
Deccan plateau region (Patil, 2009). There are many myths and stories on the
relationship between sheep and Dangar/Kuruma/Kuruba pastoralist communities.
Santh Balumama, the spiritual guru of Dangars, also a shepherd, handed over his
Deccani sheep flock to the Admapur Panchayat at the time of taking “jeevasamadhi”
(soulful meditation). The descendants of his flock are considered sacred and taken
care by the Balumama Trust of Admapur in Maharashtra, (Shri Balumama Trust,
2019). Similarly, shepherds in Telangana state belonging to the Kuruma community
keep idols of sheep and dog at temples of their deity Beerappa (believed to be the
incarnation of lord Shiva), (Patil, 2009).
Camels play an important role in the culture and identity of Rabari’s of Gujarat and
Raika’s of Rajasthan. Camels are not only an integral part of their culture, rituals,
customs, traditions and ceremonies but also influences their lifestyle to a great extent
and their relationship with camel is often spiritual than economics (Tripathi and
Rajputh, 2006; The Raika Samaj Panchayat, 2009; Patel, 2018).
The indigenous Lingayat community of Tamil Nadu state claims to have been
custodians of the indigenous Burugur cattle and Malai Erumai (hill buffalo). Their
livestock breeds were said to have co-evolved with the Bargur forest ecosystem, their
culture and traditions. Cattle are an important part of their culture and every Lingayat
temple bears a picture of a cow on the roof (Swamigal, 2009).
Similarly, the Muslim, vegetarian and nomadic Van Gujjars of Himachal and
Uttarakhand shares a very special bond with their buffalos (Benanav, 2015; Gooch,
2004). Likewise, Buffaloes are an integral part of life and culture of the indigenous
Toda communities, the oldest inhabitants of the upper Nilgiri Plateau of Tamil Nadu
state. Traditionally, they maintain six hierarchical grades of sacred buffalo herds and
also build special dairy temples for each grade (Chhabra, 2018). Similarly, Nagpur
buffalos occupy a special place in the life of Nanda-Gawli, a semi-nomadic pastoralist
community of Maharashtra.
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It is evident that indigenous livestock is crucial for keeping the socio-cultural fabric of
indigenous traditional pastoralist communities intact and sustaining their livelihoods
and economies, vis-à-vis socio-cultural fabric of the traditional pastoralist
communities is crucial for survival of the indigenous livestock populations. There are
endless such examples depicting the relationship between livestock and the
indigenous traditional pastoralist communities. However, there is very little or no
information available on the role of indigenous livestock in the socio-cultural fabric of
the non-traditional pastoralist communities such as the Jangala, Maala, Maadiga,
Telugu-Besta, Chaakali, Doodekula-Muslim, Vaddera, Chenchu, Kamma-Kaapu,
Reddy, Uppari, and Gowda-Idiga communities of the study area.
4.7. Resource Use and Management Practices of the Pastoralists
Pastoralists of the study area follow certain protocols in order to avoid any conflict
over resource use and prevent over use of pasture lands (pentas). The pentas are
selected in such a way that they are located at least 7 – 10 kms distance apart and a
distance of about 5 – 7 kms is maintained among the pastoralist groups / cattle herds.
As an unwritten protocol, local pastoralists usually avoid taking their herds for
grazing over grazing lands already claimed by another pastoralist / group. Therefore,
it is unlikely to find overcrowded grazing lands, used simultaneously by many
pastoralists / groups in the study area.
Pastoralism in increasingly being acknowledged as a conservation strategy around the
world and conservation ethic is deeply rooted in their cultures, and their ways of
managing critical resources (IUCN, 2006). The existing evidence suggests that
extensive livestock management and wildlife are compatible (Niamir-Fuller et al. 2012;
Reid et al. 2010). Tyrrell et al. (2017), found that pastoralists who enforce a grazing plan
that creates spatial and temporal separation ensures that wildlife has access to a
diverse resource base across all seasons and potentially reduces competition, allowing
for a diverse and abundant wildlife community to coexist with livestock.
The study on seed dispersal of the domestic Jalauni sheep during nomadic grazing
suggests that they aide in spreading of desirable legumes and grasses in the pastures
of semi-arid tropics and seldom contribute to the spread of woody vegetation due to
their selective grazing behaviour and avoiding browsing on bushes (Pakeman, et al
2002; Harold, 1954). The study concludes that pastures grazed by sheep are enriched
with grasses and legumes from their grazing and droppings (Das and Maity, 2020).
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The study on five Neolithic herder archaeological sites in south western Kenya
suggests that dung heaps that were left behind at the ancient pastoral herding sites
some 1,500 and 3,700 years ago have created nutrient-rich grassy glades, called
hotspots that still attract wildlife and have increased habitat diversity in the region
(Marshall, et al. 2018).
Semwal, (2005) points out that reduction in the swamp deer population at Sathiana in
the Dudhwa National Park could be attributed to siltation and prolonged inundation
which induced changes of vegetation composition and exacerbated by a total ban on
grazing. On the contrary, swamp deer population was found to be increasing in the
neighbouring Kishanpur Wildlife Sanctuary, where grazing was not banned. It was
also found that Tiliacora acuminata is proliferating under the sal (Shorea robusta) canopy
at Dudhwa National Park in the absence of regulated grazing and use. However,
detailed location-specific research is needed to arrive at a conclusion.
Evidence of widespread rangeland degradation under pastoral grazing is shaky and
there is very little evidence that dryland pastures as a whole are over-stocked and
overgrazed. On the contrary, abandoned pasture lands in East Africa and the Horn
because of insecurity due to conflict, and in some cases a reduction in livestock
numbers, formerly productive pastures have been invaded by unpalatable shrubs and
trees (IUCN 2008; UNDP 2003).
Emerging body of literature overwhelmingly suggests that exclusion is not necessarily
beneficial for the resources of Protected Areas, as studies have shown certain habitats
improve under regulated human use and disturbances are an integral part of the
ecosystem evolution (Semwal, 2005; Arhem, 1985; Balee, 1989; Homewood and
Rodgers, 1991; Ramakrishnan, 1992 and 2001; and Berkes and Folke, 1998). But for
local communities to be actively and meaningfully involved in conservation efforts,
acknowledgment of their immediate needs, traditional knowledge systems and
practices, and allocation of funds and better communication are essential
(Vishwanadha, 2017).
4.8. Issues and Challenges of Mobile Pastoralism
Studies suggest that local pastoral economies in India are in the process of transition
from a mixed agro-pastoral system towards agricultural and horticultural based
economy. The primary reason is the lack of enough grazing land due to restrictions
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imposed by the forest department on access to customarily used grazing lands and
non-issue of grazing permits to allow grazing inside forests, compounded with the
decreasing commons and traditional pasture lands from encroachment, carrying out
plantations, expansion of agriculture and diversion for development (Sharma et al.
2003; ATREE, 2020).
The formation of Nanda Devi Biosphere Reserve and closing of Indo Tibet border for
trade, the Bhotia pastoral communities of U.P. abandoned transhumant migration and
moved to lower regions permanently (Sabharwal, 2000). Extensive defense
establishments in Jammu and Kashmir and Sikkim have seriously affected the
prospects of pastoralism in the Himalayan region, forcing the traditional pastoral
communities to quit pastoralism and accept daily wage labor for livelihood (Sharma
et al. 2003). Similarly, the establishment of Amrabad Tiger Reserve and the
Nagarjunasagar-Srisailam Tiger Reserve established in the Nallamala Forest Range
during the 1980s have put biodiversity conservation in direct conflict with the
traditional livelihoods of the pastoralists of the study area. Every pastoralist HH of
the study area, especially of Kurnool district is extremely stressed over the uncertain
future looming large infornt of them from restrictions imposed by the forest
department over access to customary grazing lands located inside the forests
(Siripurapu, 2020).
Pastoralists of Kurnool district, AP have reported of an escalating conflict between the
forest department (FD) and local pastoralists as a result of perpetual harassment by
the FD personnel. They allege that forest department often deny any compensation
for loss of livestock from wildlife attacks. Few of them were offered compensation of
a maximum of INR 7000, after enduring a painful procedures. They lament that they
often forego compensation in lieu to avoiding the painful procedures involved for
getting it from the FD. There is no compensation for loss incurred from wildlife
raiding their crops. Local communities say that FD says that the forest belongs to them
and local communities have no right to enter the forest.
The scenario looks relatively better in Telangana, pastoralists says that they are paid
a compensation of INR 10,000 in case of loss of livestock from wildlife attack.
However, there is no compensation offered for losses incurred from wildlife raiding
crops. However, pastoralists of Nagarkurnool district reported increase in restrictions
imposed by the FD on access to customary grazing lands, during the past decade,
which is adding to their miseries. In July, 2015 things have escalated and broke into a
huge protest, hundreds of local pastoralists took to the Amrabad intersection and
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blocked the area for an entire day demanding compensation and withdrawal of
restrictions imposed by the forest department over the access to customary grazing
lands located inside the Amrabad Tiger Reserve. But, despite the protest things have
not improved much and local pastoralists allege continuous harassment of the FD
(Siripurapu, 2020).
It was found that the pastoralists of the study area are totally unfamiliar about the
FRA, 2006 and there is absolutely no awareness about the Act. The scenario is
relatively better at few villages in Nagarkurnool district are aware of the individual
rights under the FRA, but none of the communities of the study area are aware about
the community/pastoral rights enshrined under the Act. Pastoralists of the study area
exclaim that they are totally unaware about the existence of such an Act and
provisions enshrined for pastoralists in the Act. The lack of awareness of such
magnitude among the pastoralist communities of this region calls for immediate
attention to take action to create awareness among the pastoralist communities about
the FRA, 2006.
Semi-arid savannah grasslands (SSGs), cover nearly a fifth of the geographical surface
area of India. They are not only a vital life giving source of the mobile pastoralism and
transhumance but also home to precious and unique biological diversity of the
country. They are in peril due to their categorization as “wastelands” in official
government policy. The roots of this rather dangerous interpretation of the precious
SSGs as wastelands lay in the colonial era policies. Consequently, about 20 million
hectares of SSGs, have been diverted to other land uses, such as agriculture and
plantations. In addition, grasslands are neither managed by the forest department, nor
the agricultural department.
The veterinary department which is concerned with livestock, does not focus on the
very habitats/resources on which the livestock depends, as their focus is mainly on
sedentary, stall fed systems. Unfortunately, only 0.1% to 8.7% of the area under SSGs
had been declared as protected areas (ATREE 2019; Down To Earth, 2019; TERI 2017;
Vanak, et al. 2017). Such low levels of protection, and the wasteland categorization has
proved fatal not only for the grasslands of the country, but also for the mobile
pastoralism and priceless biodiversity depending on them for survival. The rapid
spread of invasive species such as Prosopis juliflora, a result of the governments’
myopic interventions has proved fatal to sensitive grassland ecosystems like the
Banni, pastoralists of Banni and their livestock (Down To Earth, 2019; Jitendra, 2017).
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There is more than 50 percent decline in the area of commons and grazing pasture
lands in the country which are quintessential for pastoralists, their livestock and other
resource dependent poor populations. There is no proper policy in place to conserve
and develop commons and grazing pasture lands in India. Similar to grasslands,
commons are categorized as wastelands, which is the main cause for decline (Sharma
et al. 2003).
During the FGD, pastoralists of Somakkapeta village, Chilapchet mandal, Medak,
Telangana, refers to the Proclainer manufactured by the JCP (JCPenney Company) to
a monster. They say, with the advent of proclainer (locally called as JCP) it became
very easy to dig out boulders, bulldoze and level the land. Locals hire proclainers to
dig out boulders, level and convert the otherwise fallow land into agriculture. The
leveling and conversion of fallows and commons using powerful machines like
proclainers have led to encroachment of the fallows and commons which spell doom
for pastoralism.
5. CONCLUSION
There is a need for defining mobile pastoralism in the context of India and officially
recognize pastoralism as a unique and distinctive system of its own, with its set of
institutions, production and management systems, economics, ecology, and
communities with their own merit of knowledge, unique culture and traditions. It is
interesting to find that many non-traditional pastoral communities have taken up
mobile pastoralism in the study area. However, further studies are necessary to
examine the historical shift and drivers behind this phenomenon.
The study identifies only three indigenous cattle breeds and the nature of extensive
management system associated with them in the study area. However, more studies
are necessary to examine and study the nature of mobile pastoral systems associated
with other livestock species in the study area. It was also learned that there is a need
for concrete efforts for identification, characterization and registration of the
indigenous livestock breeds in the study area. One of the most important thing which
was found in the study is the dwindling populations of the three indigenous cattle
breeds identified in the study area. As their breeding populations are assumed to be
below the recommended 10,000 population mark, the government, private and civil
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society organizations should come forward and take action to conserve these precious
breeds.
The pastoral economy of the study area is driven by the sale of draft power cattle and
sale of dung for manure and not dairy products. The current interests of the
government and economic development schemes of government seems to be in
disharmony and conflict with the interests of the pastoral economy of the study area.
There is a need for revisiting and reorientation of the focus of the government interests
and schemes to unleash the full potential of this sector.
There is an escalating conflict between the forest department and pastoralists in the
study area over access to customarily used grazing lands located inside the forests.
Further, there is absolutely no awareness about the provisions of the forest rights act
(FRA), 2006, among the pastoralists of the study area. There is an immediate need for
recognizing the mobile pastoral system as a unique production system and deploy
machinery to recognize their traditional rights. This is imperative especially in the
current scenario where forest polices and acts are becoming more hostile towards
indigenous and other forest dependent communities in the independent India.
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