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International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education
ISSN: 0951-8398 (Print) 1366-5898 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tqse20
Using photovoice as an arts-based method for
grieving: LGBTQ + students and the pulse nightclub
shooting
Mario I. Suárez, Lobat Asadi, Peter Scaramuzzo, Patrick Slattery & Chad R.
Mandala
To cite this article: Mario I. Suárez, Lobat Asadi, Peter Scaramuzzo, Patrick Slattery & Chad
R. Mandala (2020): Using photovoice as an arts-based method for grieving: LGBTQ + students
and the pulse nightclub shooting, International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, DOI:
10.1080/09518398.2020.1762255
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2020.1762255
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Published online: 15 May 2020.
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ARTICLE
Using photovoice as an arts-based method for grieving:
LGBTQ 1students and the pulse nightclub shooting
Mario I. Su
arez
a
, Lobat Asadi
b
, Peter Scaramuzzo
b
, Patrick Slattery
b
and
Chad R. Mandala
c
a
School of Teacher Education and Leadership, Utah State University, Logan, UT, USA;
b
Department of
Teaching, Learning and Culture, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX, USA;
c
Institute of Higher
Education, University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA
ABSTRACT
Given the increase of gun violence in the United States, teachers are
left with the added obligation of helping students process traumatic
events. The present study seeks to address the following questions:
What are some ways in which students process grief through arts-based
methods? What can we observe through photovoice, a community-
based method that uses photography, about the perceptions of six
LGBTQ þstudents at a predominantly white institution after the Pulse
Massacre? The study consisted of semi-structured focus group inter-
views with these students, all of whom spent a week creating photos in
response to the tragedy. In order to understand the depth of how sto-
ries may have oppositional counter-stories, we look to narrative inquiry
and find intersectionality and colorblind intersectionality at play.
Implications for practice, policy, and research are included.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 8 January 2018
Accepted 26 April 2020
KEYWORDS
Pulse; queer; LGBTQ;
photovoice; narra-
tive inquiry
The United States has one of the highest incidences of deaths from gun violence, including acci-
dents and suicides (Aizenman, 2018; Stark & Shah, 2017), and disproportionately affects youth
more than any other demographic (Kalesan et al., 2017; Stark & Shah, 2017). Researchers, includ-
ing those from the American Educational Research Association and the American Psychological
Association, have made calls to the federal government to increase funding for research in this
particular topic, as it affects PK-12 and higher education contexts (American Educational
Research Association, 2019; Astor & Benbenishty, 2019). The lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender,
queer/questioning (LGBTQþ) community has historically been a target of hatred, misunderstand-
ing and neglect (Garvey, Rankin, Beemyn, & Windmeyer, 2017; James et al., 2016; Kosciw,
Greytak, Giga, Villenas, & Danischewski, 2016). In an era where gun violence research funding is
currently absent and legislation varies from state to state (Kalesan, Mobily, Keiser, Fagan, &
Galea, 2016), many school districts hold active shooter drills using traumatic scenarios (Blad,
2018) despite research showing that school shootings do not occur as often as portrayed in the
media (Gerard, Whitfield, Porter, & Browne, 2016). Some studies have associated the lack of men-
tal health resources to deadly shootings (Hall & Friedman, 2013), yet other factors might play a
CONTACT Mario I. Su
arez mario.suarez@usu.edu School of Teacher Education and Learning, Utah State University,
2805, Old Main Hill, Logan, UT 84322, USA
Supplemental data for this article can be accessed here.
ß2020 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION
https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2020.1762255
role. In fact, most people who suffer from a mental illness do not demonstrate a pattern of vio-
lent behavior (Pinals & Anacker, 2016; Swanson, McGinty, Fazel, & Mays, 2015).
Thus, the impetus for this study was the shooting at the Orlando, Florida nightclub, Pulse. On
June 12, 2016, Omar Mateen killed 49 people at this LGBTQ þnightclub. At the time, it was the
deadliest shooting in US history, and the event devastated many people in the
LGBTQ þcommunity. Vigils were held throughout the nation, and calls for gun reform were
renewed (Fitzimmons, 2018; Rothaus, 2016). Despite political advances, such as same-sex mar-
riage, the LGBTQ þcommunity remains a target of violent attacks and discriminatory practices
(Greytak, Kosciw, & Boesen, 2013; Kosciw et al., 2016; Ramirez, Gonzalez, & Galupo, 2018).
Dealing with violence and grief can be very difficult for educators in PK-16þ. In order to provide
diverse ways to overcome tragedies, educators must first understand LGBTQ þstudents’lived
experiences.
Literature review
Photovoice, a method that uses photography to document a specific community (Wang & Burris,
1997), is meant to document participants’living conditions in their raw nature in order to
encourage discussion about a community’s reality. Photovoice requires that the participants ana-
lyze their photographs in a three-part process; select, contextualize, and codify. After they take
the photos, participants study the photographs and determine which ones they most identify
with, and then they unpack the context and determine themes that arise from those photo-
graphs. Thus, in order to better understand how grief is processed by LGBTQ þadults, we
searched for ways in which photovoice has been used in the education, queer, and grief litera-
tures. Photovoice was the technique of choice for this study because it allowed for participant
engagement and greater control of their own narrative.
Photovoice and education
Photovoice has been used to document and study marginalized youth in different fields within
education (Strack, Magill, & McDonagh, 2004). A systematic review of the literature in educational
contexts by Smith (2018) found that photovoice can be used as a pedagogical tool to teach
youth how to think and view their communities through a critical lens to enact change. Several
studies have taken place in classrooms (Chonody, Martin, & Welsh, 2012; Harkness & Stallworth,
2013; Khanare, 2012; Shah, 2015; Warne, Snyder, & Gadin, 2013). Other studies have examined
community-based programs like afterschool opportunities within the United States (Graham
et al., 2013; Gubrium & Torres, 2013; Haglund, Belknap, Garcia, Woda, & O’Hara, 2016; Markus,
2012; Wilson et al., 2007). In all cases, it tends to be used as a way to give voice to marginalized
youth and empower them through political engagement.
Several concerns have been raised about using photovoice within a classroom context, such
as group size, gender (identity), attendance, or teacher preparation with difficult topics. For
example, Warne et al. (2013) used photovoice with a group of students, ranging in age from
16–20 years in northern Sweden, and found that some teachers felt uneasy giving students lib-
erty of expression. However, other teachers at the same school felt that students’political
engagement increased their self-esteem. With a similar age group in Philadelphia, Chonody et al.
(2012) found that working with urban youth can be unpredictable, particularly since their attend-
ance was not consistent, which made it difficult to imagine photovoice in an educational setting
needing consistency.
Organizing the study by gender differences provides a different perspective when implement-
ing photovoice studies with youth in school contexts. With respect to gender, in working with
females in a mathematics setting, Harkness and Stallworth (2013) used photovoice to identify
2 M. I. SUÁREZ ET AL.
challenges that kept them from learning. Since females are underrepresented in mathematics,
Harkness and Stallworth sought to find ways in which photovoice empowered these girls to talk
about learning environments in which they thrived, such as hands-on, interdisciplinary space
that made real-world connections visible. However, this study did not have a policy or political
engagement component. Gubrium and Torres (2013) also used gender as a way to examine dif-
ferences in how Latinx students (males and females) made sense of sexuality through photo-
voice. Like Harkness and Stallworth, Gubrium and Torres did not add a policy component to
their photovoice study. In India, Shah (2015) used photovoice with 14 girls aged 14–16 to high-
light some of the hardships that Indian girls encounter within a caste system. Interestingly, Shah
highlights how societal expectations of women prevent girls from speaking out or being fully
honest about their experiences, which could be a factor as to why a policy component was also
not included in Shah’s study. In reviewing this subsection, we wondered why photovoice has
not been used in a university setting. It seems that more conservative contexts and multiple
marginalized identities may play a role in being able to incorporate a policy component to pho-
tovoice research in educational settings.
Photovoice and LGBTQ 1youth
Photovoice has also been used to understand the experiences of LGBTQ þyouth. Research shows
that queer students are at a higher risk of depression, dropout, truancy, being bullied, etc. than
non-queer counterparts (Kosciw, Greytak, Palmer, & Boesen, 2014; Kosciw et al., 2016).
Additionally, some studies suggest culture support for LGBTQ þstudents may counteract those
negative outcomes (C
ardenas, 2012; Hernandez and Fraynd, 2014; Hermann-Wilmarth & Ryan,
2015; Mayo, 2015).
The use of photovoice as a way to give voice to minoritized populations is no different for
LGBTQ þyoung people, though we do see some aspects where self- representation through pho-
tos increases visibility as well as provides a marginalized group with greater control over their
own narrative. For example, Kubicek, Beyer, Weiss, and Kipke (2012) used photovoice to study
how 36 young African-American men (18 to 24-years-old) who have sex with other men discuss
HIV prevention topics. They found that the curriculum they used to address HIV prevention with
photovoice was well accepted and appropriate for young African American queer men. For
Holtby, Klein, Cook, and Travers (2015), the queer- and trans-identified adolescents they worked
with felt they had a space within photovoice to feel seen and represented. However, the youth
that Holtby and colleagues worked with also felt that they had little control over how viewers
interpreted their photographs. Conversely, Zway and Boonzaier (2015) worked with queer Black
women in South Africa in a setting that consisted often of religious, school, and familial rejection
and alienation. Many of these women presented as masculine of center, and through photo-
voice, they were able to have control of how they expressed their experience as lesbian women.
As with the others, Bain, Payne, and Isen (2015) used photovoice as a medium through which to
reimagine a neighborhood in Toronto, Canada as a queer utopia.
Two of the studies found work with either homeless or former foster queer youth, a popula-
tion that has been erased from most bodies of research within queer studies. A study that also
used photovoice with homeless queer youth (Forge et al., 2018) empowered some of the youth
to voice their experiences to the local homeless youth organization through poster sessions.
Forge and colleagues explicitly point out that practitioners who work with homeless youth who
are also queer need to be aware of intersectional identities (e.g. race, class, gender identity, sexu-
ality). Capous-Desyllas and Mountz (2019) also looked at a similar group of LGBTIQ þyouth. They
used photovoice with those who aged out of the foster system (aged 18–26 years) in Los
Angeles, California, and highlighted how these former foster youth were empowered to repre-
sent themselves and their narratives. Hall, Witkemper, Rodgers, Waters, and Smith (2018) was the
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 3
only other work we found to consider the ways adults gained empathy for LGBTQ youth after
viewing a photovoice exhibit in rural US. Therefore, while none of the studies that work with
LGBTIQ þyouth incorporate a political engagement component to their work with photovoice
other than the Hall et al. study, there were inherent activist connotations to the studies, which
empowered the youth.
Photovoice and grieving
Making meaning out of fear, loss and tragedy has been associated with favorable bereavement
outcomes (Currier, Holland, & Neimeyer, 2006). Scarry (1985) suggests that language is some-
times inadequate when describing trauma. It can fail the victim due to the intensity and depth
of emotions they may be experiencing. Furthermore, grieving can come in the form of assigning
meaning and reconstructing the narratives that impact one’s life (Neimeyer & Sands, 2011). Art
can be used as a therapeutic tool to address trauma or symptoms of disorders (Appleton, 2001;
Chapman, Morabito, Ladakakos, Schreier, & Knudson, 2001; Nan & Ho, 2017; Reynolds, Nabors, &
Quinlan, 2000). Photovoice as a methodology has been used to help people process disability
and grief of the dead (Creighton, Oliffe, Butterwick, & Saewyc, 2013; Tajuria, Read, & Priest, 2017;
Thompson, 2009) and dying (Mayton & Wester, 2019).
Loss can be difficult to process and several studies have examined the ways young people
process this painful experience through their use of photovoice. Thompson (2009) studied seven
women (aged 16–36 years) in Sierra Leone. These women, due to the restriction and access to
material things, had never touched a camera. Photovoice, combined with poetry, allowed them
to express their needs, experiences, and in one case, grief. One of the women talked about the
harvest and her relationship with the earth, while another woman expressed her internal con-
flicts in having to choose between her farming experience and that of her community’s infra-
structural needs. Pickin, Brunsden, and Hill (2011) were able to understand the frustrations that
foster caregivers experience once their foster children leave their homes. Through the experien-
ces of five caregivers, Pickin and colleagues found that in part, some of the anger and frustration
resulted from the inability to have much control over the bureaucratic processes involved in the
foster care system. Tajuria et al. (2017) sought to understand how photovoice, when used as a
pedagogical tool, could help adults with intellectual disabilities deal with grief. In spite of chal-
lenges involving the time-consuming nature of photovoice, they found the method to be a use-
ful and unique tool to work with adults with intellectual disabilities, especially in discussing grief.
In addition to getting their participants to use cameras to take pictures, the photographs pro-
duced served as prompts to talk about their grief. Creighton, Oliffe, Bottorff, and Johnson (2018)
used photovoice as a way to have females who have lost a male to suicide express their grief. In
the study, the researchers wanted to understand how women constructed their relationship to
the male who committed suicide. Women often blamed themselves for their relative or friend’s
death. Similarly, Angelo and Egan (2015) studied the experience of caregivers who are taking
care of dying relatives in New Zealand. Through photovoice, the ten caregivers were able to cap-
ture the stress they experienced while caring for a loved one with a terminal illness. They also
explored the challenges they faced while navigating medication management and seeking assist-
ance from agencies for long-term? planning.
Additionally, other researchers have studied people who had experienced the suicide of a
loved one (Creighton et al., 2013; Mayton & Wester, 2019). Creighton et al. (2013) used photo-
voice to understand young males’grief after the death of a male friend. The majority of the men
in their study constructed masculinity by associating their grief with stoicism and calmness rather
than sadness, which they associated with femininity. Mayton and Wester (2019) also used photo-
voice to understand the grief of four adults who had lost someone to suicide. Their work,
4 M. I. SUÁREZ ET AL.
similarly to others, highlighted how everyone displays signs of grief differently. However, in this
study, the participants did not blame themselves for the death of their loved ones.
In all the studies, it appears that photovoice tends to be a vessel through which participants
are able to express their grief.
Theoretical frameworks
Intersectionality theory, queer theory, and the Multicultural Model of the Stress Process (MMSP;
Slavin, Rainer, McCreary, & Gowda, 1991) are used for this study. When engaged, these frame-
works provide a lens through which to better analyze and understand how LGBTQ þstudents
are able to process a traumatic event aimed at their community.
Multicultural model of the stress process
Stress is an inevitable response after trauma. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) conceptualized five
stages of stress after a major or minor event. Slavin et al. (1991) later expanded on Lazarus and
Folkman (1984) model by incorporating a series of questions that a researcher must consider
when working with marginalized groups (Cunningham, Francois, Rodriguez, & Lee, 2018; Ward
et al., 2019). The first stage consists of a major or minor stressful event occurring. In this stage,
Slavin et al. (1991) ask, ‘How does belonging to this cultural group affect the nature and fre-
quency of potentially stressful life events that one experiences?’(p. 158). The second stage is
called the primary appraisal, in which an individual understands the event in relationship to how
it affects them and thus sees the event as irrelevant, positive, or stressful/threatening. Slavin
et al. (1991) add, ‘How does belonging to this cultural group affect the way the stressfulness of
the event is evaluated?’(p. 159). The third stage, known as the secondary appraisal, evaluates
what a person has the power to do in their situation. Slavin et al. (1991) ask, ‘How does belong-
ing to this ethnic group affect perceptions about the availability of resources, expectations for
stressful coping, and the coping options available?’(p. 160). The fourth stage refers to an individ-
ual’s coping strategies, which may be problem- or emotion-focused. Slavin et al. (1991) add,
‘How does belonging to this ethnic group affect choices about ways of coping with a stressful
event?’(p. 160). The final stage refers to adaptational outcomes, such as social functioning, mor-
ale, or somatic health. Slavin et al. (1991) ask, ‘How does belonging to this ethnic group affect
the psychological and physical health problems that develop in response to stress when coping
efforts are inadequate?’(p. 160). While there is an assumption that stages of stress are linear, we
understand that stress may not always be manifested through stages. Nevertheless, this frame-
work is useful because it provides a structure with which to analyze the data from an intersec-
tional lens, and it is helpful for educators to understand patterns in grief, as it may help all
stakeholders who work with queer students.
Intersectionality and colorblind intersectionality theories
Cho, Crenshaw, and McCall (2013) explain that intersectionality is a theoretical paradigm that
examines the interplay of difference and sameness when considering ‘gender, race, and other
axes of power in a wide range of political discussions and academic disciplines’(p. 787). This
implies that multiplicities of the person, such as queer people of color, must be considered in
order to understand sociocultural and political implications of race, gender, sexuality, or other
identities. Since the Pulse shooting directly targeted queer and transgender-identified people of
color, the impact of these multiple marginalized identities would be lost without intersectionality
(Crenshaw, 1994; Ramirez et al., 2018). While there may be overarching themes experienced by
LGBTQ þidentified individuals, intersectionality allows for nuanced examination of how these
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 5
experiences across racial and gendered contexts alongside how reality is experienced for individ-
uals with multiple marginalized identities (Anzald
ua, 2015; Crenshaw, 1991,1994; Moraga &
Anzald
ua, 1981; Parent, DeBlaere, & Moradi, 2013). That is, as others have critiqued (Carbado,
2013), intersectionality is a theory that was originally meant to describe the experiences of Black
women in the criminal justice system and has since been co-opted to describe multiple margin-
alities. For us to deconstruct the experiences of white and non-white LGBTQ þstudents in higher
education, we use intersectionality in tandem with colorblind intersectionality (Carbado, 2013). In
other words, Carbado (2013) bridges literature on colorblindness and intersectionality by expli-
citly addressing cases in which whiteness may supersede gender or sexual orientation, thus mak-
ing it invisible as an identity for an individual. It is in this vein that we have prioritized exploring
the unique ways in which the multiple dimensions of identity that each individual possesses
interplay to inform their reflective perspective on the Pulse Massacre.
Purpose of the research
Arts in education enhance the curriculum by providing visual and emotional connectivity with
aesthetic ways of knowing (Greene, 1986). Thus, photovoice was accessed as a mechanism to aid
in the grieving process as well as to identify and explore arts-based curricula to address the
needs of LGBTQ þpeople in educational contexts. Craig (2003) documents how reform can take
place in schools, specifically through stories, which have a universal quality to them, and meta-
phors that can be represented in art and the imagination can support the educational landscape.
Inspired by narrative inquiry in reform, photovoice is put into conversation with narrative inquiry
(Clandinin & Connelly, 2000) to explore how some LGBTQ þstudents may have coped or identi-
fied with mass violence against their larger community. The present study seeks to address the
following questions: What are some ways in which students process grief of violence through
arts-based methods? What can we observe through photovoice (Wang & Burris, 1997), about the
perceptions of six LGBTQ þstudents at a predominantly white institution (PWI) after the Pulse
Massacre? This research seeks to fill this gap of scholarship by looking at stress that may be
related to culture and intersectionality through the MMSP (Slavin et al., 1991). That is, we use
photovoice not as a method through which to analyze the participants’experiences, but as a
way to see how participants explain their lived experiences triggered by the images produced
by them.
Methodology
The mega-narratives of standards of knowing rarely account for the individual ways of knowing
by diverse human beings (Olsen & Craig, 2009). In order to understand the depth of how stories
may have oppositional counter-stories and can also become re-storied within research, we look
to narrative inquiry (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). Like paradigmatic and narrative knowledge
(Bruner, 1986), narrative inquiry falls within the narrative research approach, involves a collection
of stories (Creswell & Poth, 2018), and allows for social phenomenon to emerge with respect for
the isolation of the smaller narrative truths. Narrative inquiry (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000) was
founded in phenomenological qualitative research, looking to the lived experiences of partici-
pants as sources of data or material. Specifically, narrative inquiry was used as the methodology
to account for the bordering structures, such as race, gender, sexual identification (Clandinin &
Rosiak, 2006). In other words, various aspects of culture, identity and power directly target margi-
nalized people in the United States and cause multiple minoritized identities to be overlooked
(Crenshaw, 1994). Alternatively, photovoice provides a way to explore a situation through the
mind’s eye of the participants and researcher, and allows for contextual, multiple perspectives.
The incorporation of one’s life experiences in the making of perceptions are constructivist
6 M. I. SUÁREZ ET AL.
methods of self-reflection that impact researcher and participants in narrative inquiry. As such,
the researchers did not seek to determine finalized truths about the experiences of
LGBTQ þstudents. Nuanced, culturally relevant modes of interpretation are coupled with narra-
tive inquiry, so that we may achieve a more humanizing way of supporting LGBTIQ þlearners
with multiplicities. To consider the interplay of culture and gender through photovoice, vignettes
of these intersections are presented using narrative inquiry methodology. Given that many socio-
cultural issues may arise, this inquiry does not seek to capture the participants’life history, only
some lived experiences around stress, culture and LGBTIQ þidentification.
Researchers’positionalities
The team consisted of an array of researchers with identities at the intersection of various com-
munities. Within the team of five researchers, four identified as cisgender (one female, three
male), one identified as a transgender man, three as white, and two as people of color. Every
researcher had experience in education (PK-12 or higher education) and taught a wide array of
subjects (Mathematics, English/Language Arts, Philosophy, English as a Second Language) in dif-
ferent capacities (principal, educator, teaching assistant). We believe our diverse backgrounds
and intersections of race, gender identity, and sexuality contributed to the openness in dialogue
from the LGBTQ þstudent participants. Though the team of researcher consisted of five people,
only two interviewed the participants. The rest were involved in the analysis of the data.
Setting and procedures
The study takes place in a large public, PWI in the US Southwest in the Spring of 2017. All
research was approved by the university’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) prior to carrying out
the study. Undergraduate and graduate students ages 18 and up at the university who self-iden-
tified as LGBTQ þwere recruited to participate with the help of the university’s queer stu-
dent center.
Six participants consented to being in the study and all identified as part of the
LGBTQ þcommunity. Table 1 summarizes available demographic information for each of the six
participants (anonymized): Gloria, Christopher, Riley, Virgil, Lane, and Beau. We use the term cis-
gender to mean a person who identifies with their gender assigned at birth and transgender as
an individual whose gender identification does not align with the gender assigned at birth. We
did not assume the participants’sexual orientations and only half of the participants revealed
that information organically. However, they all confirmed that they were a part of the queer
community, as it was a prerequisite for participating in the study.
The study consisted of two main face-to-face focus groups, each about 45–60 minutes long,
which included follow-up questions, as seen on the Focus Group Questions/Protocol in supple-
mentary Appendix A. Students were permitted to withdraw from the research study at any point
without penalty. In the first session, one of the researchers explained the study and collected
consent forms. The Pulse Massacre was then brought up and the participants were asked if they
Table 1. Description of participant information.
Name Gender identification Sexual orientation Pronouns Race/ethnicity
Beau Cisgender male Bisexual He/him/his White
Christopher Cisgender male Gay He/him/his White
Gloria Cisgender female Bisexual She/her/hers Latinx
Lane Non-binary (assigned female at birth) Queer She/her/hers
They/them/theirs
Black
Riley Non-binary (assigned female at birth) Queer They/them/theirs White
Virgil Transgender male Asexual He/him/his White
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 7
were familiar with the shooting. They were then asked to document their day-to-day lives for a
full week by taking pictures with just a question as their prompt: What does Pulse (the event)
mean to you? We asked them to use their electronic device of their choice to take pictures and
email them to the research team contact. The photographs were compiled and placed in elec-
tronic slides for the focus group to analyze after a week. Participants were reminded that mental
health services were available on campus, due to the traumatic nature of the topic.
The second session, also consisting of semi-structured interviews within a focus group setting,
included the debriefing and analysis. The participants came together after that week of photographs
to analyze the resulting products for themes and discussed stories or rationale behind the decisions
made. That is, the pictures were used as a catalyst for triggering memories about the event, their
emotions, and how they processed the grief they felt. Themes developed based on individual photo-
graphs and participant responses, as well as the subsequent discussions, which were coded in tan-
dem with the MMSP.
Due to the large number of photographs collected, examples of the products for Lane and
Beau are shown on Figures 1 and 2as exemplars. There was no maximum number of
Figure 1. Examples of Lane’s photographs. Top left: picture of clocks telling time reminded Lane about how the clocks all move
together, but at one point, they stop. Lane associated that to how the LGBTQ þcommunity thinks together, then at one point, it
splits off. Top middle: picture of James Baldwin from the African American History Museum in Washington, DC. Lane was drawn to it
because of its bold colors and reminded them of being queer, about the revolution, and not ashamed. Top right: picture of the
Trump International Hotel in Washington, DC reminded Lane of how a seemingly safe area surrounded by Pride flags can be safe for
some, but not others. Bottom left: picture of Lane’s partner with a cap reminded them that there are spaces and people where they
are allowed to just exist. Bottom right: picture of a nail salon reminded Lane of how that place which they called the ‘mecca of queer
femmedom’was the place where they learned to be queer, feminine, and Black.
8 M. I. SUÁREZ ET AL.
photographs required from the participants, though the team suggested that each participant
take a minimum of one per day. The total number of photographs ranged from four to 17. All
the individual pictures for the rest of the respondents can be found in supplementary Appendix
C. The photographs were displayed as a slideshow that looped for about 10 minutes and
repeated each picture several times. During this time, the participants individually noted words
or phrases that prompted some type of emotional response. The group then asked a predeter-
mined set of follow-up questions in case ties from their photographs to Pulse did not come up
organically (see supplementary Appendix A). Overall, the research team made use of all the fol-
lowing data sources in the analysis: interview transcripts, photographs, and themes the partici-
pants came up with. At the time of this paper, the university’s queer student center was
negotiating using the photographs as a gallery showing by the study’s participants as a way to
create awareness on LGBTQ þstudents’experiences on campus, particularly those of color.
Analysis
Part of the analysis consisted of participation from the group, as they were encouraged to dis-
cuss and analyze the themes found in the pictures. The full analysis took place in two phases.
The first phase consisted of a within-case analysis, where we found similarities within each stu-
dent’s response during the focus group session after mapping each response during the focus
Figure 2. Examples of Beau’s photographs. Top left: picture of a disco ball at a nightclub reminded Beau that after the Pulse
Massacre, he always looks for the exit doors so he can get out as soon as possible in the case of a shooting. Top middle: pic-
ture of two wine glasses, one full and one empty with a rainbow wristband reminded Beau to pour a glass for himself before
going out to a nightclub, and one for those who were lost in the shooting. Top right: picture of a hand playing with a cat
reminded Beau that there were pets that would not be able to see their owners the night of the shooting. Bottom left: picture
of two hands, one of a Latinx person and one white person reminded Beau of the intersectional nature of Pulse. Bottom right:
picture of Beau journaling his thoughts about Pulse had a comforting effect on him.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 9
group to the MMSP. Themes emerged based on what the participants verbalized about the pho-
tographs in concurrence with the MMSP. The second phase consisted of cross-case analysis,
where we found similarities across all the responses. Additionally, we chose to highlight two of
the cases (Beau and Lane) as examples of the themes found throughout through narrative
inquiry (Creswell & Poth, 2018; Clandinin & Connelly, 2000).
Findings
After the first phase of coding of the within-case analysis, the researchers found one salient
theme. That is, intersectionality and colorblind intersectionality contributed to motifs of opti-
mism, grief/mourning, and darkness. In this phase, the research team took the individual stories
resulting from the interviews and mapped them onto the MMSP (see supplementary Appendix
B). In the second phase (the cross-case analysis), the team summarized each of the stages across
the participants’experiences of the MMS below, and highlighted the experiences of Beau and
Lane through a narrative inquiry lens.
Occurrence of a potentially stressful event
All six participants had clear recollections about the day they found out about the Pulse
Massacre and had an intimate experience with it despite no immediate connection to the event.
Though we did not explicitly ask them to recount the grief they felt at the time the shooting
took place, all participants included it in part of their narrative when addressing the focus group.
Primary appraisal
The majority of the participants expressed some form of initial concern right after finding out
about Pulse. Being a part of the LGBTQ þcommunity for them made them feel like what hap-
pened at Pulse could have happened anywhere. It could have been them, even if they resided in
a remote, rural town in Texas that most folks have never heard of.
Secondary appraisal
In trying to understand what to do about Pulse, some of the participants expressed different
ways of trying to cope with the trauma. For example, Lane tried to seek comfort by petting a
cat when realizing that there would be pets whose owners would not make it home that night.
Others expressed sentiments of helplessness.
Coping efforts
For some of the participants, being a part of the LGBTQ þcommunity really influenced how they
coped with the trauma of the Pulse Massacre. Specifically, for some, being a part of this group
resulted in a greater awareness of pride by making sure they were more visible within the
greater community as a member of the LGBTQ þcommunity.
Adaptational outcomes
One of the participants, Virgil, organically used art to process grief. In particular, Virgil created fictional
stories that he then posted on his fan fiction website. ‘I’m made of love and it’s stronger than you.
Love is stronger than anything that attacks it,’said Virgil. He was cognizant of the connection that the
10 M. I. SUÁREZ ET AL.
Pulse Massacre had with the transgender communities and reflected on fan fiction that he created
about a transgender man who lives in fear of pregnancy and childbirth. Other participants expressed
being more aware of safe spaces as a result of the trauma experienced. Physical safety was also a
common theme.
Lane expressed a heightened awareness of where they felt safe: ‘…in the nail salon …my
mecca of queer femmedom …there are spaces and communities where I can be safe.’However,
Beau was more pragmatic because he mentioned that every time he goes to a nightclub, he
finds the exit signs (Figure 2): ‘…even within a safe space …I like knowing where your safety
is …just being aware from now on.’
Lane and Beau’s intersections of humanity
All participants demonstrated an emotional and socio-spatial connection that transcended any-
one’s actual connection to the Pulse shooting or even to any of its victims, however, the
research team highlights the stories of Lane, who identifies as Black, nonbinary, and cisgender
female, and Beau, a white, bisexual, cisgender male. These two narratives are highlighted
because they represent the intersectional and colorblind intersectional aspects of race, gender,
sexuality, within their grief. Lane’s story is one of resilience, reflection, and empowerment. They
reflected on landscapes in their images (Figure 1): ‘I was thinking about, you know, all the peo-
ple of Pulse, you know, constantly reminding us in small ways with nature and you know, life in
general, about the ways that sometimes nature is just a reminder of who we are and where we
are going and who should be.’
Lane stated that the idea of Pulse reminded her of safe spaces as well as the temporal qual-
ities of life, as shown on the picture with their partner’s cap (Figure 1):
That’s my partner, and he was just laying his head on my lap, but it was one of the few moments where I
felt safe and genuinely comforted, and that’s something that when I think about Pulse, and when I think
about community and what it means to be in, I just often find myself remembering that there are people
and spaces and communities where I can be comfortable, where I can be safe, but it’s okay for me to, you
know, just exist. I don’t have to pretend or reshape myself my any definition or standard.
Lane and Beau both associated their feelings to that of other racially diverse people who may
have been impacted by Pulse. Beau’s story is one of compassion, allyship, and advocacy.
Understanding his privilege as a white, cisgender male, Beau wanted to include others’identities
in his photographs, shown by the heart made from two different hands, one brown and one
white (Figure 2):
So, my friend, she’s Mexican American. She immigrated over here [to the US] when she was like, I think in
4
th
grade, but she’s been living in Texas her whole life and I’m a white American …I think it kind of adds to
what Pulse means to me in terms of like intersectionality and different identities and different perspectives.
Furthermore, Beau extended his concern about the aftermath of Pulse to non-human beings,
as shown on the picture with the cat (Figure 2):
I was playing with this cat, I was thinking about um, you know, pets and what they mean to us and kinds
of family and how that plays into chosen family in the LGBT community and that also I thought about all
the moms and dads and brothers and sisters that lost their loved one …in the Pulse massacre. I also
thought about their pets and like and how many pets that night didn’t get to see their owner come
back home.
In addition, Lane made emotional, Pulse-related connections to structures and representations
as objects that are alive, in her mind’s eye:
I had ever really seen a painted picture of him (James Baldwin), and it really stood out to me because it’s
very, very vibrant and it doesn’t hide who he is, and that’s one of the things that I’ve always loved about
him and his identity, or hid any of who he was to anyone, so now being Black, being queer, being about
the revolution, and not being ashamed, and when I was thinking about Pulse and the things that I really
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 11
felt like after it happened …for a lot of Black people that I knew, they wanted to go back into the closet
because they were very, very afraid of being targeted (Figure 1).
Lane noted the irony of the pride flags in one neighborhood of Washington DC, while many
people of color struggle with being open about their sexuality, especially after Pulse:
There are so many hotels and surrounding buildings that have Pride flags, and then you know, the Trump
International Hotel, which I didn’t realize when I was in DC, is surrounded by police all of the time. So, it’s
just interesting, like, juxtaposition of like, some of this area is safe, but not all of this area is safe for all
people (Figure 1).
Paradoxically, the fact that the Pulse shooting happened, influenced Beau’s choice to be open
about his sexuality was motivated by Pulse to some extent:
Pulse happened, and this ties into what I’m going to talk about with the last photo (Figure 2). I started to
come to terms with my sexual orientation- because that’s something I’ve kind of been avoiding or
addressing- and in graduate school I kind of developed, or allowed myself to develop my first crush on
someone of the same gender, and that led to me seeking counseling at [name of center] …I guess the
culmination of that work led me to want to be more authentic and visible and be out, and proud,
and loud.
Beau indicated being aware of his privilege as a white man and considered the feelings of
animals and other people impacted in direct or indirect ways to Pulse. Yet, his (acknowledged)
privilege as a white man, this colorblind intersectionality (Carbado, 2013), may have been dem-
onstrated as he came out right after the Pulse shooting - whereas Lane said Black people likely
felt less safe. Overall, both participants articulated how their identities, or thought processes at
the microcosm of their lived experiences, were held within the macrocosm of the
Pulse shooting.
Discussion
The findings for this study reflect a challenge that is prevalent with LGBTQ þstudents in higher
education contexts. That is, based on our work, we found that these students felt connected to
current events and tragedies that have occurred on a grander scale to the queer community,
and that they responded to this particular stressor (Pulse) in different ways that had a deep
effect on each individual. In this section, we discuss how the findings from our study are import-
ant and relevant to other studies of LGBTQ þstudents in higher education contexts, and implica-
tions for practice, policy, and research.
One of the most interesting findings of this study was the intense connection that every sin-
gle participant felt to the Pulse Massacre, in spite of the fact that none of them were directly
connected to the event or anyone impacted.
Another interesting finding from this study is the way in which LGBTQ þstudents in this cam-
pus spoke to an event that killed a majority of LGBTQ þpeople of color. The two students of
color (Lane and Gloria) were upfront about their racial/ethnic identities, and at times, used those
identities as a form of empowerment and pride, whether in their narrative or in their images pro-
duced. This also came across in their choice of images taken that were provided to the research
team. We found the opposite was true for the white students who participated in the focus
groups. There was a certain invisibility to their responses in terms of race, while sexuality and
gender identity were very much prevalent. These findings correspond to Carbado’s colorblind
intersectionality in the sense that even though this particular event targeted LGBTQ þpeople of
color, all but one of the participants (Beau) did not bring up race in their recollection of Pulse,
which is why we chose to highlight Beau’s story. The fact that this study took place at a PWI
may have also played a factor, and as such, further research is suggested in better understanding
how whiteness works for queer students at PWIs. Some research has suggested that privilege,
colorblindness, and oppression are experienced differently for students of color at PWIs than for
12 M. I. SUÁREZ ET AL.
white students, or what Gusa (2010) calls the ‘white institutional presence’. A systematic litera-
ture review of 68 studies with queer collegians by Duran (2019) found that the effect of privil-
ege, colorblindness, and oppression can be exacerbated for queer students of color.
These findings are relevant to those working within higher education contexts for several rea-
sons. From our findings, the deep connection that is made between complete strangers could
result in anxiety or stress. We should not take for granted the fact that any current traumatic
event will or will not produce trauma or stress on students, as close or as far as they may geo-
graphically be from the scene of the event.
Implications for practice, policy and research
The findings from this study have several implications for practice, policy, and research.
Particularly for practice, as noted before, traumatic events, regardless of their geolocation, have a
deep impact on our students. Therefore, we must be mindful when these events occur and be
ready with appropriate interventions for them through curricula and therapy, among others.
Additionally, photovoice, used as an arts-based method for processing the Pulse Massacre, pro-
vided a way for us to get the students in our focus groups to not only open up with complete
strangers, but to trigger stories about their experiences. We must note that this could not have
been possible without the support of mental and counseling services at this university, which
were readily available in case our students needed someone to talk to after each focus group
session. Moreover, the findings inform policy at higher education institutions. Mental and coun-
seling services are needed for all our students, but depending on the type of traumatic event
possible, professional training is necessary, especially when working with LGBTQ þstudents.
Finally, as mentioned, further research in the area of intersectionality and colorblind intersection-
ality with LGBTQ þpopulations in other PWIs could further contribute to these theoret-
ical nuances.
Limitations
This study, though small and not generalizable, provided us with an insight into the implementa-
tion of small arts-based activities that have the potential to help process traumatic events for an
already vulnerable population. Seemingly, traumatic events will continue for marginalized learn-
ers and others. Being comfortable as an educator with addressing these events help our students
heal and provide an outlet to cope with grief. Additionally, this study does not take place within
a traditional classroom setting, which is a limitation. Future work might consider using a class-
room setting to center LGBTQ þexperiences such as the ones in this study.
Recruitment was an issue that the team encountered, perhaps due in part to the conservative
culture of this specific university. Moreover, the study took place at the end of the spring semes-
ter, which reduced the amount of participation the team hoped for. As mentioned earlier, at the
time of this study analysis, the results had only been presented to a small group of stakeholders.
However, there are plans to provide this data, particularly the photographs, to the greater uni-
versity community through a gallery showing. Future studies should focus on exploring possible
relationships between participation, timing, sensitivity of the topic, and fear of repercussion from
the greater student body.
Conclusions
The Pulse Massacre brought much surprise and grief to the LGBTQ þcommunity. Many of us on
the research team who did not have links to any of the victims still felt the pain of the event
and dealt with grief in different ways, as the participants of the study indicated. This study
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 13
sought to understand how photovoice has the potential to be used as arts-based curriculum for
grieving traumatic events when the educator has an awareness of QLF and intersectional experi-
ences. Through the parcitipation of six LGBTQ þuniversity students, we were able to present
ways of processing grief through the photographic images that were produced.
Acknowledgments
Special thanks go to everyone who heard parts of this research through brown bag talks and at conferences, and
provided us with generous feedback that helped shape this manuscript. Dr. Su
arez would like to thank Dr. Luis
Leyva for his exposure to various theories of intersectionality, as well as Dr. Cheryl Craig for feedback on narra-
tive inquiry.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Funding
This work was supported by the Department of Teaching, Learning and Culture at Texas A&M University under the
Renew, Rebuild, and Reinvest Grant.
Notes on contributorss
Mario I. Su
arez is an Assistant Professor of Cultural Studies in the School of Teacher Education and Leadership at
Utah State University.
Lobat Asadi is a doctoral student at Texas A&M University in the Department of Teaching, Learning and Culture.
Peter Scaramuzzois a doctoral student at Texas A&M University in the Department of Teaching, Learning
and Culture.
Patrick Slattery is Professor and Associate Department Head for Graduate Studies in the Department of Teaching,
Learning and Culture at Texas A&M University.
Chad R. Mandala is a doctoral student in The Institute of Higher Education at the University of Georgia.
ORCID
Mario I. Su
arez http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6008-1664
Lobat Asadi http://orcid.org/0000-0003-4234-6889
Chad R. Mandala http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7509-8151
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