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Foods 2020, 9, 601; doi:10.3390/foods9050601 www.mdpi.com/journal/foods
Article
Shared but Threatened: The Heritage of Wild Food
Plant Gathering among Different Linguistic and
Religious Groups in the Ishkoman and Yasin Valleys,
North Pakistan
Muhammad Abdul Aziz 1, Arshad Mehmood Abbasi 2, Zahid Ullah 3 and Andrea Pieroni 1,*
1 University of Gastronomic Science, Piazza Vittorio Emanuele II 9, 12042 Loc. Pollenzo, Bra, Italy;
m.aziz@studenti.unisg.it
2 Department of Environmental Sciences, COMSATS University Islamabad, Abbottabad Campus,
Abbattabad 22060, Pakistan; arshad799@yahoo.com
3 Center for Plant Science and Biodiversity, University of Swat, Kanju 19201, Pakistan;
zahidtaxon@uswat.edu.pk
* Correspondence: a.pieroni@unisg.it
Received: 21 March 2020; Accepted: 4 May 2020; Published: 8 May 2020
Abstract: A wild food ethnobotanical field study was conducted in the Ishkoman and Yasin valleys,
located in the Hindukush Mountain Range of Gilgit-Baltistan, northern Pakistan. These valleys are
inhabited by diverse, often marginalized, linguistic and religious groups. The field survey was
conducted via one hundred and eighty semistructured interviews to record data in nine villages.
Forty gathered wild food botanical and mycological taxa were recorded and identified.
Comparative analysis among the different linguistic and religious groups revealed that the gathered
wild food plants were homogenously used. This may be attributed to the sociocultural context of
the study area, where most of the population professes the Ismaili Shia Islamic faith, and to the
historical stratifications of different populations along the centuries, which may have determined
complex adaptation processes and exchange of possibly distinct pre-existing food customs. A few
wild plants had very rarely or never been previously reported as food resources in Pakistan,
including Artemisia annua, Hedysarum falconeri, Iris hookeriana, Lepidium didymium and Saussurea
lappa. Additionally, the recorded local knowledge is under threat and we analyzed possible factors
that have caused this change. The recorded biocultural heritage could, however, represent a crucial
driver, if properly revitalized, for assuring the food security of the local communities and also for
further developing ecotourism and associated sustainable gastronomic initiatives in the area.
Keywords: ethnobotany; ethnobiology; local ecological knowledge; local food knowledge; Gilgit-
Baltistan
1. Introduction
Food systems and their elements and relationships are subject to constant modifications by
wider processes of change linked to regional and global trends. Moreover, with the natural
environment being the basis of food production, food systems should always be understood as
coupled social-ecological systems [1]. Mountain communities are considered particularly vulnerable
to food insecurity, and their vulnerability is sometimes assumed to be increasing because of difficult
conditions for agricultural production, social and political marginalization, and the negative impacts
of climate change. A number of ethnographic studies have pointed out that food systems in
Foods 2020, 9, 601 2 of 22
mountains are fragile, dynamic and multifaceted, relying on diverse farm and off-farm sources of
livelihood while being subject to manifold social, economic, political and ecological changes [2–5].
Wild food plants (WFPs) have provided a key source of food to humans since prehistoric times,
although their importance in the human diet has diminished, first with agricultural expansion and
later more dramatically with industrialization and urbanization processes [6]. While traditional/local
ecological knowledge (LEK) identifies the complex body of understanding/knowledge, practices and
beliefs (UKPB) that human societies have developed in inextricable relationships with their natural
environment, and which is dynamic and coevolving with social and ecological changes [7], we believe
that traditional/local food knowledge (LFK) refers to the UKPBs related to the environmental
foodscape (agroecosystems where ingredients are produced), as well as the culinary practices/skills,
the local recipes, and the social contexts of food consumption within a given community.
Both LEK and LFK, therefore, represent an integral part of sustainable and sovereign local food
systems that need to be dynamically preserved; however, for a few decades, global environmental
and socioeconomic changes, and especially food industrialization, commodification and
globalization have had a negative impact on LEK and LFK, which are often considered vanishing and
somehow eroded, since they are often perceived as part of a fading, orally-transmitted, local
biocultural heritage. Nevertheless, since environmental and social relationships are constantly
changing, LEK and LFK are actually not static but should be more correctly seen as a mutating
complex that are continuously renegotiated [8,9].
Over the last decade, ethnobiologists have documented LEK on gathering and consuming WFPs
in very different regions of the world ([10–14], and references therein), in order to provide concrete
tools for fostering sustainable trajectories of rural development, or even sometimes for contributing
to food security [15–23]. More recently, especially in Europe and the Middle East, an interesting
trajectory of ethnobotanical research has concerned the cross-cultural comparison of wild food plants
used among various ethnic and religious groups or among diasporas [24–30]. This emerging area
may provide reflections concerning the ways though which cultural factors influence the
transmission, evolution and change of plant ingredient use in traditional cuisines.
Pakistan boasts various kinds of natural resources, but the country still experiences food
shortages. According to a report of the global hunger index (GHI), the country is facing serious food
security issues [31]. In recent years, various biophysical and socioeconomic factors have led to a
depletion of natural resources across the Hindukush Himalayan region. This has resulted in a
significant loss of ecosystem services, particularly in terms of soil nutrients, water and biomass, and
the resultant decline in food productivity [32]. Gilgit-Baltistan (Northern Pakistan) represent a
multicultural and multilingual reservoir, which is inhabited by various marginalized linguistic
minorities [33] that have a close attachment to natural resources for their livelihood, largely based on
small-scale horticultural and pastoralist activities. It is relevant to mention that in northern areas of
Pakistan, the completion of the Karakoram Highway in 1979 has had an impact on the local
communities [34–36] and there has been considerable economical change, which has led to the
diversification of livelihoods. However, at the same time, there are several communities residing at
higher elevations that still today can be reached only by foot, and have little reliance on markets to
supply food. Therefore WFPs play a crucial role in these peripheral communities [37,38] and
surrounding regions as well [39,40]. In recent decades, the rapid processes of “modernization” and
changing lifestyle of mountain communities have led many locals to embrace the western-style way
of food procurement via large-scale markets, and this phenomenon has been and still is detrimental
to LEK and LFK on WFPs [26]. Moreover, the local perception of the effects of climate change already
seems to be considerable in Gilgit-Baltistan [41], while its specific effect on LEK is still understudied.
The overarching aim of this research was therefore to document these threatened local
knowledge systems related to WFPs, and to provide stakeholders a possibly useful baseline of data
for revitalizing them. We specifically investigated the impact that linguistic and religious affiliations
have on the gathering and consumption of WFPs in two remote valleys of Northern Pakistan. The
objectives of the study were therefore: (a) to record traditional wild food plant uses among different
linguistic and religious communities living in the Ishkoman Valley and the Yasin Valley; (b) to
Foods 2020, 9, 601 3 of 22
compare the same data with the pre-existing food ethnobotanical surveys conducted in Northern
Pakistan and (c) to better understand the diachronic dynamics of change of LEK and LFK linked to
WFPs in order to possibly promote this heritage in sustainable rural development programs.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Study Area and Communities
The study area is situated in the mountainous territory that is part of the Western Ghizar (or
Ghizer) District in Gilgit-Baltistan, Northern Pakistan. The Ghizar District represents the
westernmost part of the Gilgit-Baltistan region of Pakistan and is a crossroads between Gilgit and
Chitral via the Shandur Pass, and also to China and Tajikistan via the Broghil Pass through the
Ishkomen Valley. Ghizer District belongs to the Western Himalayan floristic region [42] (Figure 1)
and has a humid continental climate (subtype Dwb) according to the Köppen classification [43]. The
district is the home of four major linguistic groups: Shina, Kho, Burusho and Wakhi [44].
Figure 1. Landscape of the study area (an east-west view) with a wheat crop field. at Chatorkand,
Ishkoman Valley, July 2019.
2.1.1. Ishkoman Valley
The Ishkoman Valley is located in the transition zone between the Hindukush and Karakoram
mountain ranges. In a historical perspective, Ishkoman figured as a regional political entity between
the principalities of Hunza in the west and Yasin in the east. The northern boundary is contiguous
with the Afghan controlled part of Wakhan. During the 20th century, the average growth rate of the
population in Ishkoman steadily increased at a rate of 3% per year. Shina-speaking residents claim to
be descendants of immigrants from Darel and Yasin, while additional migrants arrived from
neighboring regions introducing other languages. In the central part of the valley, Khowar-speaking
families from Ghizer, Turkho and Laspur (Chitral) took residence. In 1883, the ruler of Wakhan, Mir
Ali Mardan Shah, fled his principality and took refuge under the protection of the Mehtar of Chitral.
Mehtar Aman-ul-Mulk allocated barren tracts of land in the Karambar side valley to a growing group
of Wakhi refugees [45]. In 1906, the total population of Ishkoman consisted of 1220 people, of which
390 claimed to be Khowar (32%), 377 Shina speakers (31%) and 453 Wakhi (37%) [46]. Wakhi
habitations were clustered in Karambar. Shina speakers dominated the oldest settled parts of the
upper Ishkoman River in addition to both banks of the lower valley where the Ishkoman borders
Punial, a Shina speaking area. The Kho occupied the central fertile lands of Pakora, Chatorkhand and
Dain. The three original settlement centers of importance continue to be the domain of Wakhi, Shina
and Khowar speakers, while younger migrant groups have altered this pattern [44].
Foods 2020, 9, 601 4 of 22
2.1.2. Yasin Valley
Yasin valley is one of two valleys located in the middle of the western-central part of the
mountainous belt of Northern Pakistan. Linguistic field research has found that the valley has
remained the home of the speakers of the isolated Burushaski language [33,47–49]. Jettmar [50,51]
asserted that there is evidence proving that the Burusho people descend from an archaic stratum of
migrants or even the original inhabitants and that in later times Shina superseded and replaced
Burusho in the Hunza and Yasin valleys. Researchers have claimed that it is highly likely that the
arrival of Indic languages to the area started with the ancestors of present-day Kho and Shina
speakers about a millennium ago and resulted in the occupation of the lower parts of the valleys;
Gilgit and Chitral became their political centers from which further settlements spread into adjacent
valleys. Previous research studies have shown that intra-montane migration was undertaken in order
to search for cultivable land and grazing pastures. Significant migration within the mountain belt has
taken place during the present century. New settlements were established in previously unoccupied
territory either on barren terraces through irrigation or by converting temporary pasture settlements
into permanent villages [44]. The literature indicates that for long periods Ghizer was under Chitrali
rule, resulting in the migration of Kho people into the area from Chitral [44].
2.2. Field Study
A field ethnobotanical study was carried out from June to July 2019 in 9 mountain villages
(Figure 2) in the Yasin and Ishkoman valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan, North Pakistan.
Figure 2. Map of the study area and visited villages: 1. Barkolti; 2. Sandi; 3. Ghojalti; 4. Sultan Abad;
5. Thawoos; 6. Yasin Khas; 7. Chatorkand; 8. Ishkoman Khas and 9. Imit.
Information was gathered from different linguistic and religious groups that were dispersed in
different villages across the valleys. Study participants, which were recruited through the snowball
technique, were selected among middle-aged and elderly inhabitants (range: 52–69 years old),
including farmers, shepherds and housewives who were considered possible knowledge holders.
From each of the studied groups, twenty participants were selected for interviews, including both
male and female community members.
Table 1 provides a brief summary of the characteristics of the visited villages and the considered
sample.
Foods 2020, 9, 601 5 of 22
Table 1. Characteristics of the visited mountain villages and studied communities.
Language
Village
Elevation
(Metres Above
Sea Level)
Approx. Number of
Inhabitants
Number of Interviewees
(Male/Female)
Islamic
Faith
Arrival in the Area
Subsistence Activities
Yasin Valley
Burushaski
Barkolti
2462
12,000
5/5
Sunni
Autochthonous
Horticulturalism and
pastoralism
-
Ismaili
Ghojalti
2415
9000
-
Sunni
5
Ismaili
Sandi
2395
7000
-
Sunni
3/2
Ismaili
Sultan Abad
2405
3000
-
Sunni
3/6
Ismaili
Thawoos
2397
4000
3/2
Sunni
1/1
Ismaili
Yasin Khaas
2371
7000
3/2
Sunni
-
Ismaili
Khowar
Barkolti
2462
12,000
-
Sunni
Arrived in the 17th century from Chitral, North-
West Pakistan
Horticulturalism and
pastoralism
-
Ismaili
Ghojalti
2415
9000
-
Sunni
-
Ismaili
Sandi
2395
7000
2/1
Sunni
2/2
Ismaili
Sultan Abad
2405
3000
1/2
Sunni
5/3
Ismaili
Thawoos
2397
4000
2/2
Sunni
4/4
Ismaili
Yasin Khaas
2371
7000
7/3
Sunni
-
Ismaili
Ishkoman Valley
Khowar
Chatorkhand
2092
6000
13/7
Sunni
Arrived in the 17th century from Chitral, North-
West Pakistan
Horticulturalism and
pastoralism
10/10
Ismaili
Shina
Ishkoman
Khaas
2092
3000
15/5
Sunni
Arrived from other areas of Gilgit-Baltistan
(North Pakistan) in the late 18th century
Mainly
horticulturalism
12/8
Ismaili
Wakhi
Imit
2391
3500
-
Sunni
Migrated into the area from Wakhan Corridor
(North-East Afghanistan) during the 19th
century
Pastoralism and
horticulturalism
12/8
Ismaili
Foods 2020, 9, 601 6 of 22
Prior to each interview, verbal consent was obtained from the participants and the Code of Ethics
adopted by the International Society of Ethnobiology [52] was followed. Semistructured interviews
were conducted both in the Urdu language, as well as in the local language (with the help of a local
translator). The interviews were focused on gathered and consumed wild food plants used as cooked
vegetables, raw in salads, as snacks, as seasoning or for recreational teas. Specific questions were also
asked concerning wild plants possibly used in dairy products or in lactic fermented foods, as well as
the consumption of edible mushrooms. Moreover, we recorded information on some cultivated
species, which locals considered “wild” or whose culinary use was unusual. For each of the free listed
plants recorded during the study, the local name, gathering period and local food uses were
documented. Additionally, qualitative ethnographic information was gathered via open-ended
questions and participant observation. The quoted wild food taxa were then collected from the study
area (Figure 3).
Figure 3. (A): A few flowering specimens collected for the herbarium; (B): Morchella esculenta hanging
by a string at a local shop in Imit village and (C): Rheum sp.
Collected plant taxa were identified by the third author using the Flora of Pakistan [53–56], and
voucher specimens were deposited at the Herbarium of the Department of Botany, University of
Swat, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Identification of the few wild plants for which it was not
possible to collect vouchers was made on the basis of the folk name and detailed plant description
only. Nomenclature followed The Plant List database [57] for each plant taxon and the Index
Fungorum [58] for the mushroom taxon, while plant family assignments were consistent with the
Angiosperm Phylogeny Website [59].
2.3. Data Analysis
Ethnobotanical taxa and their uses were compared among different community groups through
proportional Venn diagrams, which were drafted using free software
(http://bioinformatics.psb.ugent.be/webtools/Venn/). Data analysis was also carried out by
calculating the Jaccard index (for each pair of considered communities), used for gauging the
similarity and diversity of sample sets, following the application that González-Tejero et al. [60]
designed for the use of this ecological index in the ethnobotanical domain. Moreover, for national
data comparison, a detailed literature survey on the ethnobotany of wild food plants of Pakistan and
Pamir was also conducted [26,37–40,61–75].
Foods 2020, 9, 601 7 of 22
3. Results
3.1. Food System of the Studied Communities
The traditional food system of the studied communities was based on ingredients obtained from
seasonal crops, as well as dairy products and the meat of sheep, cow and goat, as these communities
have historically been attached to small-scale horticulture and livestock rearing. Almost every
household in the study area had a small piece of land where the family cultivated different crops and
vegetables. Cultivated crops contributed to the management of the traditional food system, which
primarily consisted of consuming corn, wheat, buckwheat, pearl millet, barley and potatoes. Some
important vegetables grown by locals in their home gardens or fields included cabbage, cucumbers,
tomatoes, turnips, carrots, radishes, amaranth and lettuce. In the past, primary orchard foodstuffs,
such as apricots and mulberry, were also supplemented with grains like barley, foxtail millet,
buckwheat, fava bean and amaranth. Apart from these products, the most culturally salient customs
of the people living in the area, and for which they are famous, are the frequent culinary uses of
potato and rye. Different homemade food products were preserved and used at different times
throughout the year. Some important dishes recorded in the study area include: Dawdoo, which is a
famous noodle soup used especially in winter (Figure 4), Makoti (wheat flour combined with ground
nuts and almonds and then cooked together), Terbat (wheat flour mixed with walnuts, almonds, and
vegetable oil), Gyal (prepared by mixing wheat flour with butter and eggs), Chahn (wheat grain
cooked with meat), Bappa (cooked wheat flour), Paqo (cooked wheat flour), Brat tiki (made by mixing
wheat flour with butter and eggs), Chalpak (made by mixing local herbs with dough and oil), Mul
(wheat flour combined with butter and then cooked), Molida (wheat flour mixed with milk and
butter), Bayo-Cha or Trup Cha (salty tea mixed with milk) and Sharbat (wheat flour mixed with
butter and then cooked).
Figure 4. Traditional noodle soup known as Dawdoo, prepared in winter (photo courtesy of Asad
Rahman).
All the above mentioned traditional dishes contained ingredients or products obtained from
local small scale family-run horticultural and pastoralist activities, while the consumption of wild
plants was considerable for those families living in the most isolated locations of the valleys.
3.2. Wild Food Plant Uses
The survey recorded forty plant and fungal taxa, which were used in the traditional food system
across the two valleys (Table 2).
Foods 2020, 9, 601 8 of 22
Table 2. Gathered wild food plants recorded in the study area.
Botanical Taxon; Family;
Botanical Voucher Specimen
Code
Recorded Local
Names
Parts Used
Recorded
Local Food
Uses
Religious and linguistic Communities in Which the Food Use Was
Recorded
Previously
Reported in
Pakistan
IBY
IKI
IKY
ISI
IWI
SBY
SKI
SKY
SSI
Allium fedtschenkoanum Regel;
Amaryllidaceae; SWAT005487
Gasho B
Kasch K
Karghapyaz W
Khasho S
Teshto K
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Allium carolinianum DC.;
Amaryllidaceae
Latruk K
Lanturk W
Khasch B,S
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Amaranthus cruentus L.;
Amaranthaceae; SWAT005512
Bardoomhoi B
Kruishakh K, S
Lolosha S
Sakarghaz W
Leaves
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Artemisia annua L.; Asteraceae;
SWAT005779
Kakasho B, S
Khalkhalich K
Khulkhulo K
Stwirg W
Aerial parts
Cooked in
Dawdoo
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
No
Berberis parkeriana C.K. Schneid.;
Berberidaceae; SWAT005491
Chong K
Chikoring S
Ishkor W
Ishkoring B
Ishkorash B
Ishkoring K
Karaqoot W
ZolagW
Fruits
Raw snack
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
No
Bergenia stracheyi (Hook. F. and
Thomson) Engl.; Saxifragaceae
Beesapur K
Bushk W
Geesapur K
Geesapur B
Geesapur S
Sapur W
Roots
Tea
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Brassica rapa L.; Brassicaceae;
SWAT005807, SWAT005520
Charrsham S
Chiroogh W
Malharo B
Malharo K
Leaves
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Capparis spinosa L.; Capparaceae;
SWAT005794
Chopur B
Kapur W
Flowers
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Foods 2020, 9, 601 9 of 22
Kaveer K
Kaveer S
Carum carvi L.; Apiaceae;
SWAT005486
Hojooj B
Hojooj K
Hojooj S
Zeera W
Seeds
Seasoning
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Tea
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Chenopodium album L.;
Amaranthaceae; SWAT005509,
SWAT005499
Konah S
Konakh K
Konakh B
Shileet W
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Cotoneaster nummularius Fish. and
Mey.; Rosaceae; SWAT005485
Dodool S
Dundal B
Mikeen K
Fruits
Snack
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Echinops echinatus Roxb.;
Asteraceae; SWAT005490
Chacheer S
Chancheer B
Chancheerak K
Kankeer W
Kareer W
Roots
Snack
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
No
Elaeagnus angustifolia L.;
Elaeagnaceae;
SWAT005806, SWAT005808
Ginahoor B
Gunair S
Sisk W
Sonjoor K
Bark
Tea
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Flowers
Seasoning
+
+
+
+
+
+
Fruits
Snack
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Eremurus himalaicus Baker;
Xanthorrhoeaceae
Laqa K, S
Laqa B
Laqanz K
Laqo S
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Hedysarum falconeri Baker;
Leguminosae
Shavoo K
Shingalo B
Bark
Tea
+
+
+
+
Yes
Shoots
Snack
+
+
+
+
Helianthus tuberosus L.; Asteraceae;
SWAT005476
Jangli Kachalo K, S
Jangli Kachalo B
Tubers
Snack
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
No
Iris hookeriana Foster; Iridaceae;
SWAT005478
Shato K
Sosan B, K
Sosan W, S
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
No
Lepidium didymium L.; Brassicaceae
Holominazk iB
Khodong K
Shadoi W
Shadong K
Shadong K
Shadoging S
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
No
Lepyrodiclis holosteoides (C.A. Mey.)
Fenzl ex Fisch. and C.A. Mey.;
Caryophyllaceae
Balghar B
Birghal K, S
Yarkwoosh W
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Foods 2020, 9, 601 10 of 22
Medicago sativa L.; Fabaceae;
SWAT005797, SWAT005795
Ishpit B
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
Yes
Mentha longifolia (L.) L.;
Lamiaceae; SWAT005792,
SWAT005790
Ben K
Phalaling B
Phaleel S
Wadan W
Aerial parts
Salad
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Morchella esculenta (L.) Pers.;
Morchellaceae
Shalkhot W
Shoto B, K
Shoot S
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Portulaca quadrifida L.;
Portulacaceae
Pichili W, S
Pichiling K, B
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Rheum maximowiczii Royle;
Polygonaceae
Chotal S
Naik W
Shpaar K
Zeekap B, K
Zeekap K, S
Zeepak S
Stalks
Snack
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Rheum sp.; Polygonaceae
Chotool S
Kakool K, B
Naik W,
Young
shoots
Snack
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Ribes alpestre Wall.ex. Decne.;
Grossulariaceae; SWAT005775
Chilazum W
Ishkorash B
Shatoo K
Shatoo B
Shatoo K, S
Fruits
Snack
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Ribes sp.; Grossulariaceae;
SWAT005774
Ginat W
Inaat W
Fruits
Snack
+
Yes
Rosa webbiana Wall. ex Royle;
Rosaceae;
SWAT005502
Chareer W
Goshalgoo S
Shawo B
Shinai S,
Shingai S
Throni K
Bark
Tea
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Flowers
Tea
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Seasoning
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Rubus fruticosus G.N. Jones;
Rosaceae
Tikbaranj B
Chootimirach K
Marach K
Marooch K
Fruits
Snack
+
+
+
+
Yes
Rumex dentatus L.; Polygonaceae;
SWAT005468
Sirkonzoor K
Leaves
Cooked
+
+
+
+
Yes
Saussurea lappa (Decne.) C.B.
Clarke; Asteraceae
Minal B, K, S
Aerial parts
Additive in
the home-
made
+
+
+
+
+
+
No
Foods 2020, 9, 601 11 of 22
processes of
yogurt and
butter
production
Salvia nubicola Wall. ex Sweet;
Lamiaceae; SWAT005761
Paltasho B
Shoots
Snack
+
Yes
Silene conoidea L.; Caryophyllaceae;
SWAT005481, SWAT005514
Hapupar B, K, S
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Silene vulgaris (Moench) Garcke;
Caryophyllaceae; SWAT005475
Tumtak K, S
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Sorbus sp.; Rosaceae
Tar bhalt B
Lalmi Palough K
Fruits
Snack
+
+
Yes
Taraxacum campylodes G.E.
Haglund; Asteraceae
Ishkanacho B, K, S
Papas W
Leaves
Cooked and
salad
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Thymus linearis Benth.; Lamiaceae
Jambilak W
Krotum S
Sew K
Tumoor B, K
Tumooru S
Aerial parts
Tea and
seasoning
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Tulipa sp.; Liliaceae
Cheeram K
Chirongo B
Bulbs
Snack
+
+
+
+
Yes
Urtica dioica L.; Urticaceae;
SWAT005479, SWAT005501
Drozono K
Ghashoshing B, K
Joomi S
Zoomi S
Leaves
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Vicia sativa L.; Fabaceae;
SWAT005798, SWAT005799
Barawo B, K, S
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
+
Yes
Unidentified taxon
Navoohar B, K, S
Aerial parts
Cooked
+
+
+
+
+
B: Folk name recorded among Burusho people; K: folk name recorded among Kho people; S: folk name recorded among Shina people; W: folk name recorded among
Wakhi people; IBY: food use recorded among Ismaili Burusho in the Yasin Valley; IKI: food use recorded among Ismaili Kho in the Ishkoman Valley; IKY: food use
recorded among Ismaili Kho in the Yasin Valley; ISI: food use recorded among Ismaili Shina in the Ishkoman Valley; IWI: food use recorded among Ismaili Wakhis
in the Ishkoman Valley; SBY: food use recorded among Sunni Burusho in the Yasin Valley; SKI: food use recorded among Sunni Kho in the Ishkoman Valley; SKY:
food use recorded among Sunni Kho in the Yasin Valley; SSI: food use recorded among Sunni Shina in the Ishkoman Valley; +: food use quoted by less than 50% of
the study participants; +: food use quoted by 50% or more of the study participants; Dawdoo: noodle soup traditionally consumed in the winter season.
Foods 2020, 9, 601 12 of 22
Among the thirty-nine reported botanical taxa, thirty-eight were taxonomically identified. The
recorded taxa also included one fungal taxon. In addition, the plant taxa included a few cultivated
food plants that were considered by locals to be “wild”, and/or they were used in unusual ways (these
taxa are also included in Table 2). In the same table we also indicated the most quoted taxa for each
considered religious and ethnic group. Among the recorded wild food plants, twenty-one taxa were
cooked and consumed as vegetables. Some of the most frequently used plant species cooked as
vegetables were Allium carolinianum, Allium fedtschenkoanum, Amaranthus cruentus, Artemisia annua,
Capparis spinosa, Eremurus himalaicus, Iris hookeriana, Lepidium didymium, Lepyrodiclis holosteoides,
Taraxacum campylodes and Urtica dioica.
Furthermore, thirteen taxa were consumed raw as snacks and a few plants were used in
recreational herbal teas and as seasonings. Wild plant taxa used in herbal drinks or seasonings that
were frequently mentioned included the seeds of Carum carvi, the bark of Elaeagnus angustifolia and
the aerial parts of Thymus linearis. Wild food plants from the study area, which were rarely quoted
included: Medicago sativa, Ribes spp., Rubus fruticosus, Rumex dentatus, Saussurea lappa, Silene conoidea,
Silene vulgaris, Sorbus sp. and Tulipa sp. It is worth mentioning that only two plants, namely Allium
carolinianum and Allium fedtschenkoanum, were frequently quoted by all the investigated groups.
During the course of the ethnobotanical survey, local communities did not mention any wild
plants used in fermentation. Study participants stated that there are certain plants that were mainly
collected during the late spring, including Allium carolinianum, Allium fedtschenkoanum, Bergenia
stracheyi, Capparis spinosa, Carum carvi, Eremurus himalaicus, Rheum spp. and Thymus linearis. Some of
the study participants also mentioned that Capparis spinosa, which could usually be found near houses
in villages where it was mostly gathered by women and children, was also sold in the market as it
was an important medicinal plant. Study participants described certain plant species, which were
collected in the mountains when needed for mainly medicinal purposes. An important spot for the
collection of wild plants is represented by pastures located at higher elevations to which animals are
taken to graze (called “Nalla”). Some wild food plants are collected there and later brought home
(Figure 5).
Figure 5. Locals and the first author after having gathered wild food plants in Nalla.
After a detailed literature survey, we found some food uses of certain plant taxa, which were
quite new and have not been mentioned, to the best of our knowledge, in any previous wild food
Foods 2020, 9, 601 13 of 22
ethnobotanical reports in Pakistan and surrounding Pamir areas. These plants included: Artemisia
annua, Berberis parkeriana, Hedysarum falconeri, Iris hookeriana, Lepidium didymium and Saussurea lappa.
3.3. Cross Cultural Analyses
In the Yasin Valley, comparative assessment of wild plant uses among Ismaili Kho, Sunni Kho,
Ismaili Burusho and Sunni Burusho indicated that the largest number of plant taxa was reported by
Sunni Kho, and a large majority of wild food plant taxa were shared, apart from a few, minor
divergences (Figure 6A). The greatest similarity was observed between Ismaili Kho and Sunni
Burusho for recorded wild food plant uses.
Figure 6. Venn diagrams showing the Jaccard indexes and overlap of (A) overall recorded wild food
plants and (B) the most frequently reported wild food plants (quoted by more than 50% of the
informants) among the four studied groups (IB: Ismaili Burusho, IK: Ismaili Kho, SB: Sunni Burusho,
SK: Sunni Kho) in the Yasin Valley.
In order to specify more precisely the effect of language and religion on traditional knowledge
of wild plant uses, we also compared the most frequently quoted plants among the groups. It was
noted that half of the frequently reported taxa were common to all the studied groups and the
majority of these plants were reported by Ismaili Burusho (Figure 6B).
In the Ishkoman Valley, cross-cultural comparison of wild food plant uses among Ismaili Kho,
Sunni Kho, Ismaili Shina, Sunni Shina and Ismaili Wakhi demonstrated that of the total reported taxa
half were common among the groups (Figure 7A).
Foods 2020, 9, 601 14 of 22
Figure 7. Venn diagrams showing Jaccard indexes and the overlap of (A) overall recorded wild food
plants and (B) the most frequently reported wild food plants (quoted by more than 50% of the
informants) among the five studied groups (IK: Ismaili Kho, IS: Ismaili Shina, IW: Ismaili Wakhi, SK:
Sunni Kho, SS: Sunni Shina) in the Ishkoman Valley.
The largest number of wild plant taxa was reported by Sunni Kho, while Sunni Shina reported
the lowest number of wild food taxa. The greatest similarity was observed between Ismaili Kho and
Sunni Kho, whereas the least similarity was recorded between a) Sunni Kho and Sunni Shina, and b)
Ismaili Kho and Ismaili Wakhi. Furthermore, in the valley, approximately one third of the frequently
quoted plant taxa were used by all the studied groups (Figure 7B). Similarly, we also found great
overlap of wild food taxa reported from both valleys, and approximately 90% of the plant uses were
the same (Figure 8).
Figure 8. Venn diagram showing the overlap among the studied groups in both valleys for the
recorded wild food plants.
4. Discussion
4.1. Ismailism and Its Cultural Pluralism: A Homogenizing Factor for LEK and LFK?
The cross-cultural ethnobotanical analysis has shown that remarkable commonalities among the
selected studied groups and the overlapping pattern of wild plant uses confirms some form of cross-
interaction among communities, which shared the same environmental and sociocultural space for a
few centuries. Our main finding suggests that the heritages of LEK and LFK concerning WFPs of the
considered groups have not remained distinct and this could be due to intense social exchanges,
Foods 2020, 9, 601 15 of 22
which possibly the dominant Ismailism in the area could have allowed across history [76]. Moreover,
in other works we have suggested that intermarriages between different cultural groups may lead to
the homogenization of traditional knowledge, since most LEK and LFK are shaped by transmission
passing from one female generation to the next [23–25,30]. In order to better evaluate the impact of
this variable on the transmission of this knowledge system, we also qualitatively addressed kinship
relationships among individuals of the studied groups. While study participants confirmed that—as
nearly everywhere in the world—the transmission of LEK and LFK systems regarding food plants
(and especially wild vegetables) passes mainly from mothers to daughters, they did not openly
recognize the presence of endogamic rules. We often noticed the presence of intermarriages among
the different cultural groups; for example, during the field research in the Ismaili community we
found that a Burusho man married a Kho woman and a Shina woman married a Kho man. However,
it was not uncommon to observe Sunnis that intermarried with locals having perhaps a different
language but sharing the same faith. We also found families in which some members belonged to the
Ismaili faith of Islam while others converted to the Sunni faith. These observations suggest a possible
trend among Sunnis, which contradicts the historical cultural pluralism forged over centuries by
Ismailism.
However, study participants confirmed us in their narratives that knowledge on WFPs goes
beyond linguistic and religious boundaries and they have the perception that they all follow the same
food patterns. During the survey, participants did not report any WFPs, which were exclusively
consumed during specific food events or religious festivities of individual communities.
It is worth mentioning that among all the studied groups, Burusho was the only autochthonous
linguistic group in the area, which is considered an isolated language group; Burushaski speakers
used some WPFs that were very frequently reported within their group and hardly used by the other
groups. This confirms the peculiar position of this group within the study area, where historically
diverse invaders pushed the Burusho into the most remote and highest areas of the valley. Burushaski
speakers were originally isolated, and yet the fact that they share qualitatively (but not quantitatively
and in their frequency) the same wild food plants gathered by the other groups shows that after the
arrival of other groups into the area they possibly generated complex cultural adaptation and
negotiation processes. The crucial role of these negotiations among diverse ethnic pastoralist groups
in the mountains of NW Pakistan was superbly described by Fredrick Barth (1928–2016) half a
century ago [77].
Kassam has analyzed how adaptation is fundamentally linked to indigenous cultural values and
local wisdom, and despite the fact that local communities in the neighboring Pamir Mountains have
been subjected to dramatic changes within the last century (colonization, the Cold War, penetration
of the market system, civil war and, lastly, dramatic climate change), their survival and continued
existence speaks to their amazing capacity to adapt, demonstrating cultural and ecological pluralism,
and highlighting the importance of “keeping all the parts” [78,79].
On the other hand, in another study we pointed out that selective convergence in wild food
ethnobotanical knowledge could occur between ethnic groups during periods of food insecurity, and
may leave a lasting mark on the body of orally transmitted LEK and LFK [28]. This could have also
happened in the study area considered here.
Moreover, LEK and LFK may have been influenced by a specific linguistic adaptation as well.
For instance, it was observed that the local names of certain WPFs are common to all the different
communities: Capparis spinosa is known as Kaveer by the Kho and Shina, Carum carvi is referred to as
Hojooj by the Burusho, Kho and Shina, Chenopodium album is called Konakh by both the Burusho and
Kho and Eremurus himalaicus was described as Laqa by the Burusho, Kho and Shina. This linguistic
adaptation was possibly linked to a broader cultural adaptation that minority groups underwent
toward the majority groups or the groups speaking the lingua franca (Kho in our study area, [49]).
4.2. Dynamics of Change of Local Knowledge: Nalla and Its Vanishing Role
LEK and LFK regarding WFPs has gone through remarkable changes in the past few decades,
not only in terms of the frequency of gathering, but also generational dynamics in WFP gathering.
Foods 2020, 9, 601 16 of 22
For instance, participants frequently mentioned that in the past wild garlic (Allium fedtschenkoanum
and A. carolinianum) was used in traditional cooking instead of onions bought from the market, but
now no one uses this ingredient on a daily basis anymore. Similarly, Urtica dioica was formerly used
as a common vegetable, but study participants claimed that the plant is no longer used very often in
this manner. Participants also frequently claimed that the consumption of wild food plants has
reduced with the passage of time due to certain factors including the availability of cultivated
vegetables both from the market and fields. Some participants mentioned that most of the wild plants
are not available near houses or within the village. In the study area, especially in the Yasin Valley,
the Burusho community retains extensive knowledge of wild food plants. People living in Nalla,
which still represent the core environment of the original pastoralist socioecological system, have
broad skills in recognizing and gathering WFPs, but there is also a threat to this knowledge as they
have begun to move down to the plain areas of the valleys in search of jobs and business
opportunities. The majority of the visited local communities no longer pay attention to their wild
food resources, apart from those community members still living in Nalla during the summer.
One of the study participants (71-year-old man) from the Yasin Valley mentioned his views
using these words:
“My father and grandfather used wild food plants in the old days when we were children
and we also used the mountain, taking our animals to graze over there. When I was young
I could walk and I was able to go to the mountains but now I can’t climb them. As you ask
about the degradation of wild food plants, I am not sure whether wild food plants are
increasing or decreasing. I am old and my legs don’t allow me to go there and see over
there. Our younger generation is not interested in such cultural things because they have
facilities and can get a modern education in cities. But I think that wild plants are still
available in Nalla, but who among us is going to Nalla? Of course no one goes there because
we don’t need wild food plants anymore and the consumption of wild food plants is a story
of former times when my father and forefather were poor and wild plants were easily
available”.
During the survey we also observed that some locals gathered WPFs at different locations across
the region (Figure 5) because they also recognize their medicinal value and thus their practical and
economic importance. Some locals mentioned that previously these plants were collected for food
purposes but now they were collected for mainly medicinal use only; this was the case, for example,
for Allium carolinianum, Capparis spinosa and Bergenia stracheyi.
Allium carolinianum is generally preferred by elderly people for treating joint pain. Capparis
spinosa, which is found near the houses within villages, is frequently gathered in order to obtain an
extract from its flowers; this extract, which was found in many homes, is famous for treating liver
problems, as well as diabetes, hepatitis, cough, cold, fever and malaria. Similarly, in some households
we also found the dried rhizomes of Bergenia stracheyi. Participants used to prepare an herbal tea of
these rhizomes, but now they mainly utilized them for gastric problems. Local inhabitants also go to
Nalla to gather these wild food plants for medicinal purposes and if they find them easily then the
plants are cooked and eaten as a meal as well. During the course of the study, we recorded an
interesting local perception about a wild plant, which is well known in mountain areas of Central
Asia as an important, but threatened medicinal plant: Saussurea lappa, which is locally known as
“Minal”. Participants reported that in the past this plant was added to milk or yogurt in order to
increase the amount of fat in yogurt or butter, respectively; this species was only been used within
some specific families locally known as “Khandani Khalaq”. It was believed that if a household used
Minal this would have automatically reduced the amount of butter in the nearby houses, which was
morally unacceptable and not allowed from a religious point of view. This suggests how certain food
taboos in the study area may have been associated to the use of rare natural resources such as
Saussurea. Similar patterns were recently observed in the gathering of ritual plants in Benin [80] and
were especially well described by Alpina Begossi in her pioneering work on the coevolutive
significance of fishing rare species in Brazil [81].
Foods 2020, 9, 601 17 of 22
Moreover, in the study area locals mentioned that now Minal is used only for medicinal
purposes in the Ghizar region and in other areas of Gilgit-Baltistan, as also well described in recent
ethnobotanical literature [67].
This shift from of WFPs into the medicinal domain may have different reasons: the gathering of
wild medicinal represents a good source of cash, while the resilience of folk medicinal practices seems
to find wider social acceptance than that of WFPs, which often represent symbols of economic
marginalization.
4.3. Strategies for the Future: Revitalizing the Wild Food Cultural Heritage and Nalla
In the study area, transformation of subsistence economies has led to market dependency, which
has greatly affected local food systems. Due to this change, local knowledge systems are facing critical
problems, which in turn are posing biocultural conservation problems and need critical attention
from stakeholders. People living in Nalla still retain an important portion of LEK, but this heritage is
threatened, since the Nalla-centered socioecological system is vanishing as a result of the increasing
migration to the plain areas of the valleys for employment. In order to dynamically preserve the
biocultural heritage and foodscape and to empower local subsistence economies, it is urgent that
measures be put in place in order to revitalize Nalla. Policy makers and various stakeholders should
also pay attention to the issue of how local knowledge systems, especially those circulating around
Nalla, could be promoted and further transmitted. For fostering the resilience of LEK, it may be
necessary to incorporate it into the existing school curricula with the help of traditional knowledge
holders. This would not only possibly further transform LEK, but would also increase awareness of
the need to preserve the local natural resources and especially the complex socioecological systems
attached to it.
Revitalizing and increasing the appreciation for local wild plant resources could have a positive
impact on the promotion of sustainable rural development. The entire area could become a hotspot
of ecotourism, improving the economic condition of the local people by honoring their local culture.
Ecotourism in the region could also alleviate the social isolation of some local groups and provide
additional awareness of their traditional food cultural heritage, which could help to prevent the
further erosion of LEK. However, promoting wild species could also have a negative impact on
available genetic resources (over-exploitation) and therefore it would be crucial to frame this strategy
within the larger picture of environmental education. Designing community-centered biocultural
diversity conservation projects based on LEK could possibly generate better outcomes than
traditional biodiversity conservation strategies. Nalla could become the center of these bio-cultural
initiatives, in which local communities could engage with urban civil societies and visitors to also
foster virtuous social exchange and internal social cohesion. It would be equally interesting to
examine how younger generations of the area re-articulate this knowledge related to wild plant taxa
as younger individuals are more exposed to “modernization” and are less interested in maintaining
this biocultural heritage.
4.4. Food Security in Rural Areas of Pakistan: Quo Vadis?
In mountainous areas of Pakistan, as in other developing areas, livelihoods were based mainly
on subsistence horticulture, livestock rearing and the use of common pastures, rangeland and forests.
However, in recent times, governmental wheat subsidies and facilitated access to city markets have
led to a profound transformation of livelihoods and farming systems, as in other communities of the
region [34]. Until the 1980s, farming was mainly subsistence-oriented and modern technologies were
largely absent, with dominant crops being wheat, barley, millets, buckwheat, maize, alfalfa and
apricots. Over the last four decades, new technologies have been adopted, traditional crops have been
replaced by potatoes and other cash crops, and small-scale family agriculture has lost its prominent
importance in the diversified livelihoods of the village population [82]. Obviously these changes have
also improved access to food supplies beyond local production. However, the aforementioned
socioeconomic changes have led to a loss of food sovereignty as well, i.e., the self-sufficiency of local
communities has decreased, posing new risks related to market dependency and also environmental
Foods 2020, 9, 601 18 of 22
hazards [83,84]. For instance, in Gilgit-Baltistan, a recent historic event has been critical for
subsequent changes in local food systems: the catastrophic Attabad landslide in 2010 cut off a large
populated area from access to down country Pakistan and posed serious economic threats for local
communities across the area. This raises the question of whether the developments since the 1970s
have actually reduced the ability of local food systems to cope with emerging economic, political and
environmental risks and challenges [85]. Ultimately, food security issues in mountainous and rural
areas of Pakistan still largely need to be addressed from a broader perspective, since food
vulnerability is not only a matter concerning agroecosystems, supply chains, and even the resilience
of LEK and LFK regarding WFPs. In particular, food insecurity in Pakistan also involves a complex
interplay in which diverse factors are determinant: environmental change and degradation, cultural
changes, gender issues (i.e., the still largely invisible social and economic role of women [86]), as well
as the overall governance of food policies and economies at both the regional and national level
[87,88].
5. Conclusions
The field study conducted among the different linguistic and religious groups living in the
Ishkoman and Yasin valleys revealed a considerable, but possibly eroded, LEK and LFK concerning
the folk use of wild botanical and mycological taxa. The finding showed that the studied groups of
both valleys are currently mainly attached to horticultural food ingredients and dairy coming from
livestock rearing, yet only partially still rely on wild food plant taxa. More than half of the wild food
plant reports referred to vegetables that are cooked, while snacks roughly represented one third of
the recorded botanicals. Comparative analysis of wild plant uses among the different groups in the
two valleys showed no significant variation among the diverse visited groups. The conducted
literature review demonstrated that some wild food plant taxa recorded in the current field study
were not reported in any previous ethnobotanical food studies from the region. It is important to note
that in this study there were some plant taxa recorded with past uses, while others switched from
being food species to medicinal species. This study addressed also the complex transformations LEK
and LFK systems underwent during the past decades and the possible strategies that are needed for
revitalizing the complex wild food biocultural heritage, as well as for better implementing the future
food security in mountain areas of Pakistan.
Further cross-cultural and possibly cross-temporal food ethnographic studies among different
groups living in other areas of the Hindukush range could be vital for contributing to a better
understanding of the dynamics of change in ethnobotanical knowledge and foodways in
disadvantaged mountain areas.
Author Contributions: A.P. designed the theoretical framework of the research, and, together with M.A.A.,
planned the methodology and the field study. M.A.A. carried out the field study. Z.U. identified the
ethnobotanical taxa. A.P. and M.A.A. analyzed the data and provided the cultural interpretation of the findings.
M.A.A. drafted the first version of the manuscript, which was later commented on by A.M.A. and thoroughly
revised and finalized by A.P. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding: This research was funded by the University of Gastronomic Sciences, Pollenzo, Italy.
Acknowledgments: Special thanks are due to all study participants of the different groups who generously
shared their knowledge. We also thank Asad Rahman and Saleem Khan for their logistic support during the
field study.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest
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