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Snakes or Ladders? Job Quality Assessment among Temp Workers from Ukraine in Hungarian Electronics
... Labour market intermediaries (Meszmann, 2019;Meszmann & Fedyuk, 2018), kin-state politics, national citizenship policies, the possibility for non-Hungarians to acquire Hungarian citizenship and enter the European Union's labour market (Ciupijus et al., 2020;Tátrai et al., 2017), and the tens of thousands of work permits the government has issued for Ukrainians in recent years (well before the full-scale war in Ukraine) have been significant factors in this process. ...
The region of West Hungary surrounding Sopron has experienced large migrant worker inflows from rural Hungary and neighbouring countries into low‐skilled jobs in pre‐COVID‐19 years. This research interviewed workers, labour market intermediaries, employers, and hosts to explore how the fundamental humanity of migrant workers is denied in the labour process. The paper draws on geographical research examining the embodied agency of workers and analyses the literature on dehumanization to highlight the construction of dehumanization narratives in the social relations of migrant recruitment, training, employment, and accommodation. Theoretically, the paper argues that production and reproduction sites require consideration when examining the dehumanization of migrant labour. The empirical part of the paper contributes to the literature by unpacking various dehumanization strategies involving social boundary‐making based on nationality, ethnicity, and gender.
... Qualitative research also suggests that migrants have become a significant group among temporary agency workers in CEE countries. The pressures stemming from the increase in the level of temporary agency work and its composition include tensions among workers, more difficulties in organising labour, incentives to further increase working time flexibility, and the diminishing scope of collective bargaining (Meszmann and Fedyuk, 2019;Novitz and Andrijasevic, 2020). ...
... Meanwhile, border regimes, inequalities within Europe and institutional arrangements enable exploitation and extraction of gendered and racialized labour from the East (Bieler and Salyga, 2020;Fedyuk and Kindler, 2016;Fiałkowska and Matuszczyk, 2021;Manolova, 2021;Näre, 2014). Eastern European workers become subject to double exploitation: first, as a result of radical deregulation and liberalization of economies in their 'home countries', and second, as migrant workers abroad (Bieler and Salyga, 2020;Lyubchenko, 2022;Manolova, 2021;Meszmann and Fedyuk, 2019). The structural dependence on foreign labour in the West of Europe goes hand in hand with structural vulnerability of these workers, as the COVID-19 pandemic revealed once again the reliance on East European migrant labour (Fiałkowska and Matuszczyk, 2021;Manolova, 2021). ...
The opening up of sociology to postcolonial and critical race thinking has been predominantly animated by the relations between western metropoles and their (post)colonies. ‘Eastern Europe’ seems to be an uneasy fit in this discussion, being excluded from the idea of ‘Europe’; at the same time, it is not grouped together with non-European Others in terms of colonial histories. Drawing on fieldwork among young Russian and Ukrainian migrant workers in Helsinki (2014–2016) and Warsaw (2020), the article examines global connections that tie the North/West, South and East in these migrants’ imaginaries and material lives after migration. I demonstrate that Eastern European subjects are not outsiders to global racial capitalist orders but participate in sustaining a colonial project of Europe, whiteness and labour. The article argues for the importance of articulating postcoloniality of Eastern Europe vis-a-vis the West together with race to show the complicity of semi-peripheries with the global structures of racial capitalism.
... Other scholars discussed how social capital positively acted on the inclusion of migrant workers from the aspects of culture and identity-i.e., that social networking and social participation can help migrant workers form positive social connections with local residents, promote mutual understanding, and gain a sense of belonging and identity in host cities (28). However, some scholars have pointed out that over-reliance on ascribed social relationships in social networks may result in difficulties in social inclusion (29). ...
The rise of migrant workers has been a unique social phenomenon as China goes through industrialization, urbanization, and modernization. They are a special social group formed during the economic and social transition of the country. Migration of rural labor has pushed China on its new path toward industrialization and urbanization. Because of the urban-rural dual system of the country, however, it is difficult for migrant workers to be fully integrated into host cities, making them susceptible to negative emotions and mental health issues. Therefore, their mental health is an issue of great volume in the domains of social undertakings, people's livelihood, and public health. However, existing studies have paid limited attention to the psychological profile of migrant workers and even less to the interplays among their social capital, social integration, and mental health. Targeting China's internal migrant workers, this article tapped the interactions among their social integration, social capital, and mental health with a sample of the cross-sectional data from the China Labor Dynamics Survey (CLDS) in 2018. Multi-group structural equation modeling (SEM) was employed to test the moderating action of age by analyzing whether the mediation model differed significantly in the paths among young, middle-aged, and older migrant workers. The SEM based on bootstrapping suggested that, after controlling for the influence of gender, education, marital status, personal annual income, employer type, and self-rated health, migrant workers' social capital positively affect their mental health in a significant way, with social integration playing a mediating role. In terms of age difference, middle-aged migrant workers were more subject to the aforementioned mechanism than young ones, and young migrant workers were more affected by the mechanism than older ones. This study revealed different psycho-social interplays among social capital, social integration, and mental health across young, middle-aged, and elderly migrant workers. The findings could serve as an important theoretical reference and as practical guidance for improving policies concerning migrant workers' mental health and social benefits in the context of economic transition.
Refugees fleeing the Russian-Ukrainian war after receiving temporary protection visas in Czechia, which allowed free access to the labour market, found themselves in an ambiguous position between ‘refugees’ and ‘workers’. The new arrivals were mostly women with above-average education, but for a year or more after their arrival they were still working predominantly in jobs that were described as low-skilled. The aim of the article is to understand under what conditions temporary protection visa holders sought work, what jobs were available to them, and how the broader institutional framework shaped their employment trajectories, particularly in relation to their qualifications. Based on biographical narrative interviews with the temporary protection holders, the article shows that only people who received significant and specific support in the area of social reproduction outside of the general support of the Czech state were able to gain more time, which was a key source of their ability to try to get a job that was more in line with their personal aspirations. The paper contributes to the debate on the conditions under which migrants are able (or unable) to acquire skilled work by highlighting the dynamics of social reproduction of skill.
The unprecedented growth of immigration into Poland after 2013, especially from Ukraine, raises optimism among employers, and concerns among some social and political actors. The goal of this article is to contribute to that discussion, with a view to identifying a detailed geographical localisation of labour migrants employed under the simplified procedure (on the basis of employers’ declarations of a consent to employ a foreigner) – as an important legal channel by which the influx of foreign workers into Poland is taking place. Analyses of the register of declarations for 2012-2017 reveal a certain weakening of the geographical concentration of the foreign labour force in Poland. The highest intensity of foreign employment has been observed in rural areas, while the greatest numbers of declarations for work have been registered in large cities. The geographical distribution of the foreign labour force in Poland has been shaped by activities of employment agencies especially in recent years.
Within the Precarir project , the Research Report (case study) on Hungary analyses and compares strategies and actions that the social partners have undertaken to:
- address the rise of the dual labour market, and especially the growth of precarious work after the 2008 crisis;
- protect, represent and improve through collective bargaining and social dialogue the social rights of vulnerable employee groups in precarious employment;
- adjust industrial relations structures and bargaining procedures to better reflect the character of the post-crisis dual labour market.
This paper – elaborated in the framework of the international SEEMIG project2 – aims to
analyse specific development paths as regards migratory, labour market, human capital
and demographic processes and patterns in Hungary. The objective is to off er a review
of migration processes, labour market characteristics, demographic and human capital
development, and at the same time highlighting inter-linkages between these diff erent
factors. The analysis spans two sections of the period examined: it off ers a concise historical review of the changes in these processes from the 1950s to the present day, and it then examines in detail the current situation and the changes in the recent past, including causes and consequences, with a particular focus on the past decade.
There is currently a large knowledge gap about intra-European labour migration. Commentators are caught up in a debate over whether such movement is best understood in terms of social dumping and hence a race to the bottom, or in terms of business opportunities and benefits for firms, states and mobile workers. The argument put forward in this article is that both approaches are inadequate in that they focus attention on a linear east-to-west Europe movement and discuss it from the vantage point of the state, businesses and trade unions in the country of destination. In order to gain a clearer understanding of emerging migration patterns in the enlarged Europe this article adopts mobility of workers as the analytical lens through which to examine the integration of labour markets as well as the tensions between capital, trade unions and labour to which mobility gives rise. Building on fieldwork conducted at Foxconn electronics assembly plants in the Czech Republic, the article suggests that the term ‘multinational’ worker is best suited to convey the experiences and practices of this emergent workforce.
The global economy has changed in significant ways during the past several decades, and these changes are rooted in how the global economy is organized and governed. These transformations affect not only the flows of goods and services across national borders, but also the implications of these processes for how countries move up (or down) in the international system. The development strategies of countries today are affected to an unprecedented degree by how industries are organized, and this is reflected in a shift in theoretical frameworks from those centered around the legacies and actors of nation-states to a greater concern with supranational institutions and transnational organizations. Policy makers, managers, workers, social activists, and many other stakeholders in developed as well as developing nations need a firm understanding of how the contemporary global economy works if they hope to improve their position in it, or forestall an impending decline.
The topic of the global economy is inherently interdisciplinary. No single academic field can encompass it or afford to ignore it. Because of its vast scope, pundits who focus on the global economy are likely to be classified as academic interlopers; they run the risk of being too simplistic if they advance forceful hypotheses and too eclectic if they try to capture the full complexity of their topic. Scholars in this field thus have to master what economist Albert Hirschman has popularized as ‘the art of trespassing’ (Hirschman, 1981; Foxley et al., 1986).
The global economy can be studied at different levels of analysis. At the macro level are international organizations and regimes that establish rules and norms for the global community. These include institutions like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, and the International Labor Organization, as well as regional integration schemes like the European Union and the North American Free Trade Agreement. These regimes combine both rules and resources, and hence they establish the broadest parameters within which the global economy operates.
At the meso level, the key building blocks for the global economy are countries and firms. Those scholars who take countries as their main analytical unit (as in the varieties of capitalism literature) provide an institutional perspective on the main, enduring features of national economies. The global economy is seen as the arena in which countries compete in different product markets.
Apple's commercial triumph rests in part on the outsourcing of its consumer electronics production to Asia. Drawing on extensive fieldwork at China's leading exporter—the Taiwanese-owned Foxconn—the power dynamics of the buyer-driven supply chain are analysed in the context of the national terrains that mediate or even accentuate global pressures. Power asymmetries assure the dominance of Apple in price setting and the timing of product delivery, resulting in intense pressures and illegal overtime for workers. Responding to the high-pressure production regime, the young generation of Chinese rural migrant workers engages in a crescendo of individual and collective struggles to define their rights and defend their dignity in the face of combined corporate and state power.
Job quality is a timely issue because of its potential impact on individual, firm and national well-being. This renewed interest underscores the need for robust conceptualization of job quality. This article provides background to the renewed interest in job quality and, drawing on the contributions to the Special Issue, starts to map the dimensions of job quality, the factors that influence job quality, and the outcomes or impacts of job quality. We identify a number of emergent themes. First, job quality is a multidimensional phenomenon. Second, multiple factors and forces operating at multiple levels influence job quality. Third, the study of job quality is an inherently multi-disciplinary endeavour. Fourth, job quality is a contextual phenomenon, differing among persons, occupations and labour market segments, societies and historical periods. Our mapping of job quality, and the articles in the Special Issue, provide a foundation and springboard for understanding better the theoretically challenging and policy-relevant issue of job quality.
The article examines the attitudes and strategies of a UK based employer as they developed their use of migrant labour in the latest manifestation of a strategy that targeted groups of vulnerable workers with lower labour market power. Management's celebration of the `good worker', based on the stereotyping of the perceived attributes of immigrant employees, resonated with the `business case' and `resource based view' debates within the human resource management literature.Yet terms and conditions of employment remained wedded to the bottom of the labour market. The article integrates analysis of the attitudes of employers with the views, experiences and aspirations of migrant workers. Micro level processes are also located in a wider analytical framework, incorporating the broader socio-economic context and key moments of regulatory intervention.
The growth of precarious work since the 1970s has emerged as a core contemporary concern within politics, in the media, and among researchers. Uncertain and unpredictable work contrasts with the relative security that characterized the three decades following World War II. Precarious work constitutes a global challenge that has a wide range of consequences cutting across many areas of concern to sociologists. Hence, it is increasingly important to understand the new workplace arrangements that generate precarious work and worker insecurity. A focus on employment relations forms the foundation of theories of the institutions and structures that generate precarious work and the cultural and individual factors that influence people's responses to uncertainty. Sociologists are well-positioned to explain, offer insight, and provide input into public policy about such changes and the state of contemporary employment relations.
This article focuses on the multiple registers of policies and nodal points where the migrants' strategies and migration policies encounter, miss or ignore the policy measures. Although Hungary is not a major immigration country and the majority of migrants to Hungary are not from the Ukraine, it concentrates on Ukrainian migration to Hungary in order to explore the different trajectories of migrants in the tension-ridden field of Diaspora politics and migration policies that are shaped by EU concerns of security and regulation on the border of EU and non-EU. It raises questions about the periodization of border closures and the historical legacies involved in borders of Central and Eastern Europe, where politics of ethnicity and of migration do not overlap as easily as they do in other parts of Europe.
A key challenge in promoting decent work worldwide is how to improve the position of both firms and workers in value chains and global production networks driven by lead firms. This article develops a framework for analysing the linkages between the economic upgrading of firms and the social upgrading of workers. Drawing on studies which indicate that firm upgrading does not necessarily lead to improvements for workers, with a particular focus on the Moroccan garment industry, it outlines different trajectories and scenarios to provide a better understanding of the relationship between economic and social upgrading.
Abstract Temporary staffing has joined the ranks of the globalizing service industries. The largest agencies have now established a presence in more than sixty nations, where they are placing employees in temporary positions across a range of occupations, from clerical, cleaning and light industrial work through to accountancy, law and IT. The opening up of new occupational and geographical markets around the world has been driven by the imperative to sustain growth in sales volumes, in this business of tight margins and fierce competition. The most lucrative of the staffing industry's ‘emerging markets’ are found in the actively deregulating economies of the global North - including Spain, Germany, Italy and Japan. While exploring how the staffing industry has been active in the construction of these markets, we argue that this fast-growing business has become an important agent of labour market liberalization.
In Canada, paid domestic work is often associated with (im)migrant women from a variety of countries of origin. We critically analyse Canada's foreign domestic worker programmes, noting the shifting definitions of which nationalities should participate. We note how gendered, racialised, and classed constructions of national identities infuse these programmes. We then turn to an empirical analysis of how foreign domestic workers are constructed in Toronto, where demand is the highest in Canada. In particular, we investigate how the practices of domestic worker placement agencies reinforce images about which national identities supposedly have qualities that make them best suited to certain types of domestic work. Finally, we explore how domestic workers' constructions of their occupation are interwoven with their own national identities, the (partial) intemalisation of others' images of them, and how they define themselves in relation to other domestic workers.
This Special Issue explores the directions through which we can take research on the migration industries. In this introduction, we review existing research on migration industries to look at how this explores questions on how migration industries foster, assist and constrain migration. In doing so, we argue that these questions have primarily been approached from three different perspectives: structuralist, labour market and mobilities, but these perspectives often speak past rather than to one another. In highlighting how these approaches can work together, the question that the Special Issue explores becomes how do the migration industries function and when/where/how do they intersect with other domains of migration. In highlighting the contributions that each paper in the special issue makes to answering this question, we show how an understanding of the migration industries is not just a research field in itself, but can strengthen our understanding of migration.
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Hungarian migration was not particularly extensive in the past, neither during nor after the last decades of the communist regime. Emigration has remained modest over the two decades of the transition period, albeit with an accelerating increase since 2007. Besides the somewhat meaningless “natural character” of a low propensity to migrate (to challenge the frequently echoing argument, let us refer to the mass emigration of Hungarians at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in the 1945–1948 period or following the 1956 revolution) and the lack of language skills (according to (Eurobarometer. (2010). Geographical and labour market mobility (Special Eurobarometer Report 337). http:// ec. europa. eu/ public_ opinion/ archives/ ebs/ ebs_ 337_ en. pdf) evidence, at the end of 2009 Hungarians (and Czechs) reported the highest share in Europe in considering that the difficulty of learning a foreign language might discourage them from working abroad (28 % and 31 %, respectively) p. 114) (as well as a likely lack of willingness to develop), the causes of low mobility were economic and institutional in nature. The level and convergence of GDP to EU15 was among the highest in the region during the 1990s, when it is expected that strong emigration was driven by wage or GDP per person differences (Layard, R., Blanchard, O., Dornbush, R., & Krugman, P. (1992). East–west migration: The alternatives. Cambridge, London: MIT Press.). Accordingly, the convergence of wage differences and low unemployment reflected disincentives of labor emigration (correspondingly to the principle model of Harris & Todero (American Economic Review, 60(1), 126–142, 1970)), which lasted long before gradually vanishing.
This special issue takes the migrant broker as a starting point for investigating contemporary regimes of transnational migration across Asia. The articles, which span large parts of Asia—including China, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, Vietnam, as
well as New Zealand—show that marriage migration, student migration and various forms of unskilled labour migration, including predominantly male plantation and construction work and female domestic, entertainment and sex work, are all mediated by brokers. Although much is known about
why migrants leave home and what happens to them upon arrival, considerably less is known about the forms of infrastructure that condition their mobility. A focus on brokers is one productive way of opening this “black box” of migration research. The articles in this issue are
thus not primarily concerned with the experiences of migrants or in mapping migrant networks per se, but rather in considering how mobility is made possible and organized by brokers, most notably in the process of recruitment and documentation. Drawing from this evidence, we argue that in
contrast to the social network approach, a focus on the migrant broker offers a critical methodological vantage point from which to consider the shifting logic of contemporary migration across Asia. In particular, paying ethnographic attention to brokers illuminates the broader infrastructure
that makes mobility possible while revealing that distinctions between state and market, between formal and informal, and between altruistic and profit-oriented networks are impossible to sustain in practice.
Market liberalisation has fundamentally changed state interventions in the supply of services and supportive infrastructure across a range of public services. While this trend has been relatively well documented, there has been a dearth of research into the changing nature of state interventions in migration and mobility. Indeed the increasing presence of migration intermediaries to service the many and varied needs of migrant workers, particularly skilled migrants, remains significantly under-researched both theoretically and empirically. In providing an analysis of the location, role and changing nature of migration intermediaries, we highlight the implications of commercially-driven governance structures. In particular we suggest that the shift from government to network governance has important implications for skilled migration including: inequities in access to information regarding the process of migration and labour market integration; and, greater dependence on (largely unregulated) private intermediaries. Accordingly, we present empirical examples of migration intermediaries to illustrate their role and the relationship with and implications of their exchange with migrants.
Despite the increased attention paid to the role and effects of migrant labour in the contemporary economy, there has been insufficient attention to the role of employers and the employment relationship. Recent studies have highlighted distinctive labour power characteristics of new labour migrants from Central and Eastern Europe that make them ‘good workers’ in the eyes of employers. Drawing on multiple case studies across the supermarket supply chain, this article explores what kind of human resource migrant labour is perceived to be, particularly by employers, and what happens in practice as the dynamic tensions of the employment relationship unfolds in particular sector contexts. It argues that utilisation is conditioned more by the requirements of temporal flexibility – framed by the dynamics of employment within the supply chain – than any essential features of migrant labour power.
While the employment of migrant women as care workers in European welfare states is increasing, the rate, extent and nature of this increase vary. The article draws on empirical research on migrant care work to develop links between three levels of analysis – micro, meso and macro. The main aim is to progress analysis of the meso level by developing indicators attached to three sets of regimes – care regimes, migration regimes and employment regimes. It is argued that variations emerge in the ways these three regimes intersect within any one country. These intersections allow us to look across different sites, markets and sectors of care work and, in so doing, reveal a degree of growing convergence across Europe in the employment of migrant care labour. This convergence contributes, at the macro level, to a transnational political economy of care.
This article investigates the experience of low paid workers without union representation. It reports on the findings of a recent survey of 501 low paid, non-unionized workers who experienced problems at work. The results demonstrate that problems at work are widespread and, despite a strong propensity to take action to try to resolve them, most workers failed to achieve satisfactory resolutions. In the light of these results, we argue that the current UK Government definition of vulnerability is too narrow because our results suggest that a large proportion of low paid, unrepresented workers are at risk of being denied their employment rights. Therefore we question the ability of the UK's current system of predominantly non-unionized employment relations to deliver employment rights effectively and fairly.
Employers play central roles in the social incorporation of immigrant labor but have usually received only scant attention in research literature. From the importation of contract Mexican workers from 1942 to 1964 to the present employment of foreign-born workers in primary and secondary labor markets, employers have played critical functions in recruiting foreign-born labor into the U.S. economy. Directly and indirectly, the U.S. government has supported these functions. The future likely holds a continuation of temporary governmental policies for the recruitment of skilled and unskilled foreign-born labor as well as a continuation of employer attraction to this labor.
Migration studies analysing firms' recruitment behaviour are quite limited.This article, built around and examining a demand-driven labour migration hypothesis, explores how recruitment decisions by companies can affect international migratory flows. The study focuses on the construction industry, where a foreign (nondomestic, or expatriate) labour force forms a major component. Through a cross-country comparison, we highlight the impact of the characteristics of the sector and of labour market conditions on recruitment decisions impinging on foreign (non-domestic, or expatriate) labour.The article finally suggests a typology of strategies that construction companies may adopt in order to recruit foreign workers, and it analyses those factors that influence the different decisions in each national context. By considering in depth the relationship between recruitment strategies and patterns of international labour mobility, it is then explained why a company's behaviour can either produce immobility or mobility of foreign workers.
Very little is currently known about the globalization of the temporary staffing industry, a strategically significant sector given its role in promulgating wider labor market flexibility. This article starts to rectify this research lacuna in four ways: by conceptualizing the international expansion of temporary staffing and comparing it to other business service sectors, by identifying and mapping the top twenty transnational staffing agencies, by offering a typology of the leading transnational agencies based on their functional and geographic characteristics, and by charting a research agenda for future work on this sector.*This article draws on a wider project exploring the globalization of the temporary staffing industry. We thank the editor and four referees for their helpful and constructive comments. We also gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the U.K.'s Economic and Social Research Council (Grant no: R000-23-0616). Kevin Ward acknowledges the support of the Leverhulme Trust. The project is an equal, three-way collaborative effort and all papers derived from it are authored alphabetically.
This paper explores the emergence of a new ‘migrant division of labour’ in London. In contrast to a vision of ‘professionalization’, it shows that London's labour market has been characterized by processes of occupational polarization and that a disproportionate number of London's low-paid jobs are now filled by foreign-born workers. Drawing on original survey data, the paper explores the pay and conditions of London's low-paid migrant workers and develops a framework for understanding the emergence of a new migrant division of labour in London. In particular, the paper stresses the role of the British state in shaping this divide. The paper concludes that the emergence of such a divide in London necessitates a re-conceptualization of the place of migrant workers in the ‘global city’ and of the processes shaping global city labour markets, and outlines what this new division of labour might mean for politics and policy in London.
Third party labour contractors are increasingly prevalent in Global Production Networks (GPNs), and are a potential channel for ‘new forms of slavery’. Our review of case study evidence from South African and UK horticulture suggests unfree labour often emerges off - site through labour intermediaries. We examine analytical approaches to labour in GPNs and value chains. We argue that labour contracting is a logical extension of global outsourcing, helping to offset risk and enhance flexibility. A ‘cascade system’ allows unscrupulous intermediaries to exploit and coerce vulnerable workers. We examine strategies of civil society alliances, and regulatory reform, and argue for extending liability across global boundaries.
Immigration controls are often presented by government as a means of ensuring 'British jobs for British workers' and protecting migrants from exploitation. However; in practice they can undermine labour protections. As well as a tap regulating the flow of labour; immigration controls function as a mould, helping to form types of labour with particular relations to employers and the labour market. In particular; the construction of institutionalised uncertainty together with less formalised migratory processes, help produce 'precarious workers' over whom employers and labour users have particular mechanisms of control.
This article attempts to deal with various forms of poverty. What do the long-term unemployed, young people looking for work and on training schemes, single adults eligible for the RMI (guaranteed minimum income benefit), lone mothers, young couples crippled by the impossibility of paying bills and rent, all have in common? The author puts forward the hypothesis that they express a particular mode of dissociation from the social bond: disaffiliation. This is a different condition of misery from that of poverty in the strict sense. The latter can perhaps be read as a state, whose forms can be listed in terms of lack (lack of earnings, of housing, of medical care, of education, lack of power or of respect). By contrast, situations of destitution constitute an effect at the place where two vectors meet: one, the axis of integration/non-integration through work; the other, an axis of integration/non-integration into a social and family network. A model of four 'zones' of social life - integration, vulnerability, assistance and disaffiliation - constructed from pre-industrial societies, may serve as a reference grid against which we can interpret contemporary social circumstances and the rise of social vulnerability. Present-day insecurity largely results from the growing fragility of protective regulations which were implemented from the nineteenth century onwards in order to create a stable situation for workers: the right to work, extended social protection, coverage of social risks set up by the welfare state. We can describe the specific nature of present-day insecurity as relating to the structure of wage society, its crisis or its disintegration since the mid-1970s.
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