Article

Cohort Changes in the Level and Dispersion of Gender Ideology after German Reunification: Results from a Natural Experiment

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Abstract

Modernization theorists’ ‘rising tide hypothesis’ predicted the continuous spread of egalitarian gender ideologies across the globe. We revisit this assumption by studying reunified Germany, a country that did not follow a strict modernization pathway. The socialist German Democratic Republic (GDR) actively fostered female employment and systematically promoted egalitarian ideologies before reunification with West Germany and the resulting incorporation into a conservative welfare state and market economy. Based on nationally representative, pooled cross-sectional data from the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) from 1991 to 2016, we apply variance function regression to examine the impact of German reunification—akin to a natural experiment—on the average levels and dispersion of gender ideology. The results show: (i) East German cohorts socialized after reunification hold less egalitarian ideologies than cohorts socialized in the GDR, disrupting the rising tide. (ii) East German cohorts hold more egalitarian ideologies than West German cohorts, but the East-West gap is less pronounced for post-reunification cohorts. (iii) Cohorts in East Germany show higher conformity with gender ideology than their counterparts in West Germany; yet conformity did not change after reunification. (iv) Younger cohorts in West Germany show higher conformity with gender ideology than older cohorts.

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... Scoring near the European average on the Gender Equality Index (European Institute for Gender Equality, 2023), Germany is at least considered a moderate male breadwinner society with prevailing traditional gender ideologies and gendered behavior in the family (Schulz, 2020). Over the last decades, Germany has experienced considerable changes in gendered time use patterns Sullivan et al., 2018) and gender role attitudes (Ebner et al., 2020;Scott & Braun, 2009) towards a more gender egalitarian societal climate. However, women still take the lion's share of unpaid work in all phases of the life course, are basically regarded as responsible for this kind of labor, and domestic task segregation is high Schulz, 2021;. ...
... The gendered dimension of these arrangements should be more pronounced, the more the composition of the household and the everyday practices resemble the pure model of separate spheres. In contemporary Germany, a rather traditional division of labor is still on display to children and young adults who are highly receptive to this kind of learning experience (Cordero-Coma & Esping-Andersen, 2018;Cunningham, 2001), even despite a clear trend towards a societal climate of gender equality over recent decades (Ebner et al., 2020;Scott & Braun, 2009). Based on the socialization mechanism in the still rather traditional gender regime of Germany, we hypothesize: ...
... These patterns add to our understanding that changing contexts influence life courses through the normative power of traditional gender structures (Cunningham, 2001;Dominguez-Folgueras, 2022;Gupta, 1999;Risman, 2018;Schulz, 2021) that still seem to dominate in contemporary societies, even though normative climates have considerably changed towards a larger consent of gender equality over recent decades (Ebner et al., 2020;Pampel, 2011;Scott & Braun, 2009). Thus, this finding is in line with the notion of some kind of stalled and uneven, but slow and ongoing gender revolution (England, 2010(England, , 2011Sullivan et al., 2018). ...
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Objective To examine young adult women's and men's time use for routine housework when moving out of the parental household. Background From a life‐course perspective, establishing an own household is one of the key markers of the transition to adulthood. Leaving home is associated with new responsibilities concerning the organization of everyday life, including routine housework, and provides a new context for gendered behavior. Methods Hours for routine housework were estimated with longitudinal fixed effects regression models, using data from the German Socio‐Economic Panel Study (1991–2020) on 911 women and 721 men, aged 18–32, who moved to an own couple or non‐couple household. Results During the transition to an own household, young adult women increased their time for routine housework by 18 min per day. Young adult men's increase was larger with 21 min per day. The gender gap in routine housework hours widened when young adults moved into couple households but showed a converging pattern when they moved into non‐couple households. Conclusion Women continue to do more routine housework than men in early adulthood, although moving into non‐couple settings tends to decrease gender inequality on average.
... An important question is how these trends can be explained, with developments in economic structures, working environments, and institutional settings as well as, on the other hand, changes in social norms concerning gender roles and parental care as important factors. To disentangle these factors, research has frequently used the German case, were the described trends, and in particular high rates of part-time work among mothers of young children, can also be observed, but with pronounced regional differences between Eastern and Western Germany due to path dependencies rooted in the former division of Germany between 1945-1990(e.g., Bauernschuster & Rainer, 2012Ebner et al., 2020;Necker & Voskort, 2014). In contrast to Western Germany, mothers in Eastern Germany return to employment sooner after giving birth and work longer hours (Boeckmann et al., 2015;Hofäcker et al., 2013). ...
... Hence, a complete picture of the norms concerning maternal and paternal employment in Western and Eastern Germany is not yet given, and accordingly the link between these norms and the observed employment patterns not fully understood. Empirical evidence suggests that compared to Western Germany, most Eastern Germans favor an earlier re-entry to work after parental leave and longer maternal working hours in, however defined, "normal" families (Barth et al., 2020;Ebner et al., 2020;Zoch, 2021), but it remains unclear which assumptions underlie these norms and whether Eastern and Western German norms differ concerning the paternal role. ...
... These developments may have a number of implications for norms regarding parental working hours, which we test with our vignette data from 2019/2020: As the Eastern German model was promoted by ideological education in the GDR (Ebner et al., 2020;Wenzel, 2010) and after reunification, in particular after 2000, has been reinforced rather than contested by the German and European family policies in recent years, the predominant model in Eastern Germany is expected to be the dual full-time model. In contrast, preferences for the modernized breadwinner model (paternal full-time plus maternal part-time employment) in Western Germany may still be widespread; but as a consequence of the ongoing norm transformation processes due to family policies and the media promoting female employment, respondents' judgments may vary more and reflect family situational factors more than in Eastern Germany. ...
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Objective: This study analyzes norms in Germany toward mothers’ and fathers’ work hours, with a focus on differences between Eastern and Western Germany. Background: Maternal labor force participation has increased in many Western countries, and norms toward parents’ division of paid work and care have changed over the past decades. Most literature, however, focuses on maternal labor force participation without considering paternal work hours, based on the dichotomy of a traditional male-breadwinner model versus a model with two adults working full time and comprehensive institutionalized childcare, leaving out other potential arrangements. This focus limits the understanding of differences between Eastern and Western Germany. Method: This study investigates normative judgments regarding both mothers’ and fathers’ employment in a factorial survey experiment implemented in the German Family Panel pairfam in 2019/2020 (N=6,285). Results: The analysis reveals that in Western compared to Eastern Germany shorter working hours are indicated for both fathers and mothers, and judgments regarding working hours vary more and are more affected by job-related variables (relative incomes, career prospects, and family-friendliness of employer). Conclusion: These results imply that in Western Germany, normative judgments of both parents’ work hours are mainly based on the individual level, taking the family’s specific situation into account, whereas in Eastern Germany, judgements are more strongly influenced by a general norm that both parents should work (near to) full-time.
... However, this shift mainly resulted in the growth of the modernised male breadwinner model (Pfau-Effinger, 2005), which refers to arrangements where fathers work full-time and earn the family income, whereas mothers work part-time and assume the main responsibility for care work (Adler et al, 2016;Lechevalier, 2019). Existing studies suggest that today's youth might also be supportive of the male breadwinner model (Albert et al, 2019), despite general trends toward egalitarian gender ideologies in Germany (Ebner et al, 2020;Lois, 2020). This leads to the question of whether this is reflected also in our data and if, what the drivers for these settings might be. ...
... Institutional childcare arrangements are still better available and more accepted in East Germany (Zoch and Hondralis, 2017;Autorengruppe Bildungsberichterstattung, 2020). Prevailing differences also extend to gender ideologies: West Germans still report more traditional gender ideologies than East Germans (Ebner et al, 2020). ...
... Specifically, since parental characteristics seem to have a direct influence on children's gender ideologies (for example, Fan and Marini, 2000;Cunningham, 2001b;Dotti Sani and Quaranta, 2017), we controlled for the socioeconomic status of parents by using the ISEI 2 (see Ganzeboom et al, 1992). Due to the persistent differences in gender ideology and behaviour among East and West Germans (Ebner et al, 2020), we further controlled for the part of the country where the family lived at the time of the first survey. We also accounted for adolescents' age and gender, because gender ideology changes with age and young women tend to be more egalitarian than young men (Fan and Marini and 2000;Dotti Sani and Quaranta, 2017). ...
Article
This article examines young people’s attitudes towards parental involvement in paid work and their association with two channels of intergenerational transmission – parents’ employment arrangements and gender ideologies – the relative importance of these channels and if young people’s gender moderates the association. The data came from a German two-wave panel study of 609 adolescents (aged 15–21) surveyed in 2018 and their mothers in 2013–15. Analyses show that young people’s preferred weekly working hours for mothers were positively related to their parents’ employment arrangements and gender ideologies four years earlier. In contrast, the more progressive their mother’s gender ideology was, the fewer working hours young people preferred for fathers. The two transmission channels were nearly equally important and their impact did not differ between female and male adolescents. Our findings suggest that the intergenerational transmission of gender roles might be one of multiple factors contributing to stalling trends in gender equality.
... As stated earlier, to support these expectations, we implement a three-step comparison, which assumes differences between countries, regions and cohorts as a proxy for different gender regimes. This approach builds on extensive existing research that leverages cross-context variation to measure (see Bauernschuster & Rainer, 2012;Beblo & Görges, 2018;Brooks & Bolzendahl, 2004;Ebner et al., 2020;Lee et al., 2007;Lippmann et al., 2020;Piotrowski et al., 2019) and to proxy variation in traditionalism and egalitarianism (see Altweck et al., 2021;Pollmann-Schult & Reynolds, 2017;Russell & Barbieri, 2000;Scheuring et al., 2021;Strandh et al., 2013). ...
... Our second comparison considers Germany, as it provides substantial variation in gender norms in the comparison between eastern Germany (more egalitarian) and western Germany (more traditional), while at the same time reducing the variation in other contextual characteristics (see Bauernschuster & Rainer, 2012;Beblo & Görges, 2018;Ebner et al., 2020;Lee et al., 2007;Lippmann et al., 2020). ...
... After 1990, the GDR territory adopted West German laws and institutions, including employment regulations, the educational system and family policies. However, although eastern and western Germany have come to share both labour market and family policies, they still differ in gender norms and roles, with the eastern German population remaining more egalitarian than the western one (Bauernschuster & Rainer, 2012;Ebner et al., 2020;Pfau-Effinger & Geissler, 2005;Zoch, 2021). Moreover, recent studies confirm that in the east, women still hold jobs more often than in the west, despite the changed structural conditions and even after controlling for the availability of alternative roles (Matysiak & Steinmetz, 2008). ...
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Health literature shows that unemployment has a gendered effect on health. However, whether men or women are more affected and why remains unclear. We assume that unemployment harms women less than men because of two mechanisms: social roles theories and health selection. First, the availability and centrality in individuals’ lives of roles other than employment may reduce the detrimental effect of unemployment for women. Second, the gendered impact of unemployment on health results from the different ways selection mechanisms operate across genders. Moreover, these two mechanisms may operate differently in different contexts – for example, across different gender regimes. We investigate this by pursuing a three‐step comparative approach. The analysis relies on EU‐SILC data covering Italy and Sweden for 2004 to 2015 and SOEP data for Germany (1995–2017) and applies correlated dynamic random‐effects probit models. While we find weak support for the role of health selection in shaping the relations between unemployment, health, and gender, our empirical results are in line with the hypothesis of a larger gendered effect in older (vs younger) cohorts, western (vs eastern) Germany and Italy (vs. Sweden). Future empirical research needs to directly address the role of gender regimes in moderating such complex relationships.
... During the 40 years of separation, the socialist German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the liberal, democratically oriented Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) supported gender equality very differently. As East Germans, born before 1990, expressed less traditional gender ideologies even after reunification, earlier crosssectional studies suggest long-lasting regime-specific socialization (Braun, Scott and Alwin, 1994;Adler and Brayfield, 1997;Banaszak, 2006;Lee, Alwin and Tufis, 2007;Bauernschuster and Rainer, 2012;Ebner, Kü hhirt and Lersch, 2020). ...
... Empirical evidence leads us to question the assumption of cohort replacement-based convergence and diminishing East-West disparities over time, as some studies indicate a slightly increasing attitude gap after reunification (Banaszak, 2006;Lee, Alwin and Tufis, 2007;Bauernschuster and Rainer, 2012). However, evidence stems exclusively from repeated cross-sectional studies based on the General Social Survey, which cannot account for unobserved heterogeneity, or disentangle attitude changes based on cohort-change from individual-level within-changes. 1 Moreover, previous cross-sectional studies concentrated mainly on older cohorts, as the data did not include individuals born after 1970, or did so only to a limited extent (Ebner, Kü hhirt and Lersch, 2020). Therefore, it is unclear whether and to what extent East-West differences in gender ideologies are still relevant for younger cohorts that grew up after reunification. ...
... Only in 1996 was a legal entitlement to a childcare place from age four introduced, and public childcare increased (Leitner, Ostner and Schmitt, 2008). In line with theoretical assumptions on cohortreplacement induced modernization over time, previous studies suggested a continuous decline in traditional gender ideologies (Lee, Alwin and Tufis, 2007;Bauernschuster and Rainer, 2012;Ebner, Kü hhirt and Lersch, 2020). The debate on abortion law in the course of reunification and the strong GDR women's movement partly supported this development (Leitner, Ostner and Schmitt, 2008). ...
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Previous cross-sectional studies highlight persistent East–West differences in gender ideologies after German reunification. This study examines the extent to which gender ideologies in the East and West have converged and whether differences are still relevant for younger cohorts who experienced childhood around the time of reunification, or after 1989. Using data from the German Family Panel pairfam (2008–2019) and differences in regime-specific socialization for three cohorts born before and after reunification, results reveal that different dimensions of gender ideologies have only partly converged 30 years after reunification. Attitudes towards housework and female employment converged particularly, yet, in all cohorts, views on maternal employment remain substantially different between East and West. Observed convergence occurred only partly due to contrasting trends of modernization in West Germany and re-traditionalization in East Germany. Moreover, the results highlight smaller attitude changes with increasing age, particularly for the younger cohorts, contributing to further variations in East–West differences. Overall, the findings confirm the existence of long-lasting ideology differences due to regime-specific socialization, and a persistently altered composition of society in East and West Germany. At the same time, they point towards slow convergence among younger cohorts due to a more similar institutional and socialization context following reunification.
... The German context offers a unique opportunity in this respect. While East and West Germany share both labor market and family policies, they still differ in terms of gender norms and roles, which even affect the cohorts born after reunification (Ebner et al. 2020;Bauernschuster and Rainer 2012). We consider how gender differences in the spillover effects depend on partners' place of socialization in either East or West Germany to improve our current understanding of the conditions under which gender differences in spillover effects emerge. ...
... The legacy of the GDR can still be seen today (Ebner et al. 2020). The meaning of doing gender and the importance of gender should therefore depend on the socialization in East or West Germany. ...
... This difference is more pronounced for those who have been socialized in West as compared to East Germany. The findings support the idea that processes of doing gender are shaped by the place of socialization (Bauernschuster and Rainer 2012), and that the legacy of the GDR with respect to gender norms can still be seen (Ebner et al. 2020). Our findings are consistent with the vitamin model, which suggests that fixed-term employment offers more positive functions than unemployment. ...
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This paper answers three research questions: What is the impact of fixed-term employment on the well-being of partners? How do these spillover effects differ by gender, and do gender differences depend on socialization in East or West Germany? Do individual well-being, perceived job insecurity, and financial worries mediate the spillover effects? We use longitudinal data from the SocioEconomic Panel (SOEP), 1995-2017, and a sample of heterosexual couples living together, to estimate fixed-effects panel regression models. In contrast to previous studies, we consider asymmetric effects of entering and leaving fixed-term contracts by focusing on transitions from unemployment into fixed-term and fixed-term into permanent jobs. Confirming previous research on spillover effects of unemployment , we find that fixed-term re-employment increases partners' well-being and that these effects are larger in case of re-employment by men and partners' socialization in West Ger-many. We also show that transitions from fixed-term to permanent jobs do not substantially increase the well-being of partners with little differences by gender and place of socialization. While the spillover effect of re-employment is mediated by changes in the well-being of the individual re-entering the labor market, changes in job insecurity and financial worries due to transitions from fixed-term to permanent jobs are too small to produce meaningful effects on well-being. Although fixed-term contracts have been referred to as a new source of inequality, our results show that they cause little difference in the well-being of individuals and their partners and that finding a job matters more than the type of contract.
... The change further includes the cultural domain, with shifts in values and attitudes regarding topics such as migration and integration, environmental protection, or family and gender roles. In these domains, "liberal" or "progressive" values and attitudes, such as egalitarian gender role attitudes, have diffused into society as a whole and gained a dominant position (Baldassarri and Park 2020;Ebner et al. 2020;Henninger and Von Wahl 2019). ...
... In economic and cultural domains, men might more often belong to those who see their status threatened. For instance, men are now less likely to achieve a high level of education (Hudde and Engelhardt 2023) and somewhat more likely to hold values and attitudes that have lost normative ground, such as a preference for genderseparate spheres (Davis and Greenstein 2009;Ebner et al. 2020;Grunow et al. 2018;Hudde 2018). Of course, the leveling of inequities, such as an increasingly genderbalanced political representation, might also be perceived as a loss of relative status. ...
Article
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This article describes long-term changes in gender differences in voting behavior in Germany, using a globally unique data source: information from real ballots. Compared with self-reports in available surveys, actual votes counted by gender and age groups have three advantages: neither representativeness issues nor social desirability bias, a huge sample, and coverage of seven decades, beginning in 1953. Besides party-specific voting patterns, I analyze summary measures for gender dissimilarities, both overall and separated by age groups. The modern gender gap—women voting more left-wing than men—first appeared in Germany in the 2017 election, surprisingly late compared with previous international research. The speed and structure with which the modern gender gap grew suggest that it is due to period effects rather than cohort effects. The modern gender gap differs by age group and, in post-World War II Germany, women and men have never been as divided about politics as the youngest voters in 2021. These findings partly contrast with previous survey-based results. To explore whether this contrast stems from the smaller sample sizes of previous studies or gendered survey bias (e.g., more social desirability bias among women), I compare results from real ballots with estimates from two survey data sources. Findings suggest that large surveys might provide reasonable estimates at the aggregate level but might overestimate the gender gap for more radical parties such as the AfD (Alternative for Germany).
... Since 2004, there has been a stalled trend in liberalization (Lois, 2020). Although East Germans still hold more gender-egalitarian values than West Germans nowadays, East and West Germany have converged (e.g., Ebner et al., 2020;Lois, 2020;Zoch, 2021). Concerning the attitude toward an equal division of household tasks between women and men, East and West Germans born between 1990-1993 do not differ anymore (Zoch, 2021). ...
... If new gender-equal arrangements have been established in Germany, men's domestic work would be linked to a decreased risk of divorce. As attitudes have become more gender-equal in both East and West Germany (e.g., Ebner et al., 2020;Lois, 2020;Zoch, 2021), we expect that with husbands' contribution to the household labor the risk of divorce decreases (H3a). ...
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Objective: In comparing East and West Germany, we investigate task specialization and its association with marital stability twofold: (1) Has the association between women's employment and divorce risk changed across marriage cohorts? (2) Are men's levels of engagement in domestic tasks associated with divorce risk? Background: While older theories assumed that women's employment destabilized marriages, newer theories suggest that men can re-stabilize marriages by changing their behavior and engaging in housework. Method: We analyze data from the SOEP using discrete-time event history models in a historical and a dyadic perspective. Results: Our results show that the associations between women's employment and the risk of divorce have been changing across marriage cohorts, and that this trend began earlier in East Germany. Husbands' relative contribution to division of housework is not found to stabilize marriages in East and West Germany, but we find differences between marriage cohorts in West Germany. Conclusion: Our findings confirm that the traditional male breadwinner model is no longer associated with a stable equilibrium in marriage in Germany. It appears that either the German society is still in the transitional stage, as men's contributions to housework are shown to be irrelevant for marital stability; or that gender equality is not associated with the new stable equilibrium in marriages.
... Mannheim saw the constant introduction of new culture bearers as central explanatory power for social change. A large number of studies in different fields has since confirmed the importance of socialization during adolescence for the explanation of contemporary attitudes (Ebner et al., 2020;Firebaugh, 1992;Vaisey & Kiley, 2021). As Figure 1 depicts, past socialization conditions at the context level (same historical-social space) bring forth cohort affiliations that predict certain attitudes that cumulate again in public opinion. ...
... Previous studies emphasize the impact of two mechanisms of large-scale attitude change: First, cohort replacement and, second, period effects. While cohort replacement can bring about longterm attitude changes (Calahorrano, 2013;Ebner et al., 2020;Eger et al., 2021;Firebaugh, 1992;Schotte and Winkler, 2018;Schuman and Corning, 2012), certain period effects are responsible for more immediate changes in societies' current opinion 9climates (Czymara, 2021;Heizmann and Huth, 2021;. To date, empirical research on anti-immigrant sentiments rarely combines these two concepts simultaneously in order to disentangle the interplay of period and cohort effects and determine the factors for long-and short-term attitude changes in societies ...
Thesis
Diese Dissertation untersucht die Determinanten für Veränderungen in der öffentlichen Meinung zu Zugewanderten und Geflüchteten. Im Mittelpunkt steht die ungeplante Zuwanderung Geflüchteter in den Jahren 2015/16. Die Untersuchung konzentriert sich auf Deutschland, erforscht aber auch den breiteren europäischen Kontext. Erkenntnisse aus Mehrebenenanalysen, Längsschnittdaten und exklusiv erhobenen Geodaten tragen zur bisherigen Forschung bei und helfen, Schlussfolgerungen zu ziehen, wie Zuwanderung in Aufnahmegesellschaften besser gesteuert werden kann. Das erste empirische Kapitel zeigt, dass der Prozess der Generationenablösung in Deutschland nicht zu einem stetig toleranteren und offeneren Meinungsklima gegenüber Zugewanderten führt. Vielmehr ist ein Generationenverlauf zu beobachten, der nicht linear verläuft, sondern schwankend. Außerdem führen die gegenwärtigen Veränderungen der makroökonomischen Bedingungen zu keinen wesentlichen Veränderungen in den Einstellungen einer Generation. Ein Anstieg an Schutzsuchenden in Deutschland führt jedoch zu einer etwas restriktiveren Haltung zu Zugewanderten. Das zweite empirische Kapitel zeigt, dass die Zunahme der Zuwanderung aus verschiedenen Herkunftsländern unterschiedliche Reaktionen in den westlichen EU-Gesellschaften hervorruft. Während der Anstieg der Einwanderungsraten von EU-Bürgern keine signifikante Rolle bei der Veränderung der Einstellung der Einheimischen spielt, erweist sich die zunehmende Einwanderung aus Ländern des globalen Südens und von Geflüchteten als stabiler Prädiktor für eine ablehnendere Haltung der Kohorten. Das dritte empirische Kapitel liefert kaum Belege dafür, dass eine Geflüchtetenunterkunft in unmittelbarer Nähe mit den Einstellungen oder Verhaltensweisen der Einheimischen verbunden ist. Weder aktuelle Bedrohungswahrnehmungen noch erhöhte Kontaktmöglichkeiten durch die Anwesenheit einer Unterkunft in der Nähe haben einen nachhaltigen Effekt auf die Einstellungen der lokalen Bevölkerung.
... Previous studies emphasize the impact of two mechanisms of large-scale attitude change: first, cohort replacement and, second, period effects. While cohort replacement can bring about longterm attitude changes (Calahorrano, 2013;Ebner et al., 2020;Eger et al., 2021;Firebaugh, 1992;Inglehart, 1977;Kiley and Vaisey, 2020;Mannheim, 1928;Schotte and Winkler, 2018;Schuman and Corning, 2012), certain period effects are responsible for more immediate changes in societies' current opinion climates (Czymara, 2021;Heizmann and Huth, 2021;Meuleman et al., 2009;Newman and Velez, 2014;Quillian, 1995;Schneider, 2008). To date, empirical research on antiimmigrant sentiments rarely combines these two concepts simultaneously to disentangle the interplay of period and cohort effects and determine the factors for long-and short-term attitude changes in societies (Ross and Rouse, 2015;Wilkes and Corrigall-Brown, 2011). ...
... Socialization theory states that early life experiences leave an imprint on individuals, shaping their "natural worldviews" throughout life (Firebaugh, 1992;Inglehart, 1977;Mannheim, 1928). With few exceptions (Schröder, 2018;Wilkes and Corrigall-Brown, 2011), empirical research in several fields supports this line of argumentation (Ebner et al., 2020;Kiley and Vaisey, 2020;Krosnick and Alwin, 1989;Piotrowski et al., 2019;Ross and Rouse, 2015;Vaisey and Kiley, 2021). With regard to attitudes toward immigrants, cohort effects play a dominant role. ...
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Public opinion climates on immigrants are subject to certain dynamics. This study examines two mechanisms for such dynamics in Western EU member states for the 2002–2018 period. First, the impact of cohort replacement and, second, the impact of periodic threat perceptions, namely, changing macroeconomic conditions and shifts in immigration rates. To date, empirical research on anti-immigrant sentiments rarely combines these two concepts simultaneously to disentangle the interplay of period and cohort effects and determine the factors for long- and short-term attitude changes in societies. Motivated by this gap in the literature, I conduct multiple linear regression analyses of pooled data from all waves of the European Social Survey to show that the process of cohort replacement has led to a substantially more positive opinion climate toward immigrants since the 2000s. However, results indicate that in the future, this positive development is likely to come to a halt since younger cohorts no longer hold significantly more immigrant-friendly attitudes than their immediate predecessors. Furthermore, we observe different period effects to impact cohorts’ attitudes. Fixed-effects panel analyses show that the effect of changing macroeconomic conditions on cohorts’ attitudes is low. Changes in immigration rates, however, lead to significantly more dismissive attitudes when immigrants originate from the Global South as opposed to when they enter from EU countries. These insights suggest that it is less economic or cultural threat perceptions, but ethnic prejudice that plays a key role for natives to oppose immigration. Overall, findings suggest that it is not either cohort or period effects driving large-scale attitude changes, but rather we observe an interplay of both.
... Besonders aufschlussreich sind neuere Untersuchungen zur Veränderung der Einstellungen zum Geschlechterverhältnis (Ebner et al., 2020), zur Erwerbstätigkeit der Frau (Riederer & Berghammer, 2020;Zoch, 2021) oder zum Ansehen von Hausfrauen (Stache et al., 2022). Gezeigt werden kann in all diesen Vergleichsuntersuchungen, dass sich deutliche Unterschiede in den Einstellungen der Geburtskohorten beobachten lassen, sich also in Bezug auf das Geschlechterverhältnis ein erheblicher Orientierungswandel der Generationen vollzogen hat. ...
Chapter
Dieser Handbuchartikel analysiert das Verhältnis zwischen generationalen und kohortenanalytischen Ansätzen in der Sozialstrukturanalyse unter Einbeziehung qualitativer und quantitativer Methoden. Ausgehend von Karl Mannheims Konzept des „Generationenzusammenhangs“ wird eine Synthese von biografieorientierten und kohortenanalytischen Perspektiven vorgenommen. Es erfolgt eine theoretische Einordnung der beiden Konzepte Generation und Kohorte, gefolgt von einer methodischen Erörterung zur Herausforderung der Auflösung der Verschränkung von Lebenszeit, Gesellschaftszeit und historischer Zeit. In Form von Beispielanalysen werden sowohl die generationale Identität in biografischen Erzählungen als auch der Wandel der politischen Beteiligung im Zeitverlauf aufgezeigt. Ergänzend werden mit quantitativen Kohortenanalysen von Zeitreihendaten das Wahlverhalten, politisches Interesse und Parteipräferenzen über Geburtskohorten hinweg analysiert, um kohorten- bzw. generationengetragene Muster zu identifizieren. Der Artikel schließt mit der Empfehlung eines Mixed-Methods-Ansatzes, um ein umfassendes Verständnis für das Zusammenspiel von qualitativen und quantitativen Erkenntnissen zum jeweiligen Forschungsgegenstand zu gewinnen.
... Instead, one would simply note that some inferential task is beyond standard OLS regression, and then apply one of the readily available extensions of the basic model in the empirical analysis. Tellingly, the surging interest in examining various types of heterogeneities in the relationships between purported causes and effects has been accompanied by a very visible increase in the use of quantile regression and related models to ascertain not just the association between a covariate and the mean outcome, but also group differences in the shape (or variance) of the entire outcome distribution (e.g., Cheng 2014;Ebner, Kühhirt, and Lersch 2020;Lersch, Schulz, and Leckie 2020;VanHeuvelen 2018aVanHeuvelen , 2018b. ...
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Rating scales are ubiquitous in the social sciences, yet may present practical difficulties when response formats change over time or vary across surveys. To allow researchers to pool rating data across alternative question formats, the article provides a generalization of the ordered logit model that accommodates multiple scale formats in the measurement of a single rating construct. The resulting multiscale ordered logit model shares the interpretation as well as the proportional odds (or parallel lines) assumption with the standard ordered logit model. A further extension to relax the proportional odds assumption in the multiscale context is proposed, and the substitution of the logit with other convenient link functions is equally straightforward. The utility of the model is illustrated from an empirical analysis of the determinants of respondents’ confidence in democratic institutions that combines data from the European Social Survey, the General Social Survey, and the European and World Values Survey series.
... Dadurch wurde ihre Verhandlungsposition gegenüber ihren Partnern gestärkt (Goldscheider et al., 2015;Sullivan et al., 2018). Im gleichen Zeitraum haben sich die Einstellungen gegenüber der Rolle der Frau sehr deutlich dahingehend verändert, dass die Gleichheit und Gleichberechtigung zwischen den Geschlechtern betont und das bürgerliche Familienideal nicht mehr fraglos akzeptiert wird (Ebner et al., 2020;Pampel, 2011). Dennoch zeigt die empirische Forschung bis heute eine ausgeprägte geschlechtsspezifische Differenzierung bei der Hausarbeit und bei der Kinderbetreuung sowohl in Paarbeziehungen als auch auf gesamtgesellschaftlicher Ebene (Sullivan et al., 2018). ...
... While antifeminist actors often justify antifeminist stances by religious reasons, eastern Germans may thus be unlikely to use religious arguments. Further, socialist-influenced norms about gender equality in the labor market, childcare, and abortion rights persist in eastern Germany 3 (Ebner, Kühhirt, and Lersch 2020;Hanschmidt et al. 2020), which partly contradict the AfD's antifeminist stances. Context-specific factors may thus affect how AfD voters argue about feminist policy. ...
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While radical right parties commonly advance conservative gender positions, research on radical right voters’ gender attitudes remains inconclusive. To understand radical right voters’ gender attitudes, I first analyze previous research for frames that antifeminist actors commonly use to advance their arguments. I then draw on interviews with eastern German radical right voters to analyze whether and how these voters apply antifeminist frames to argue about feminist policy. I demonstrate that they use antifeminist frames to oppose mostly third-wave and recently salient feminist issues, but also support certain feminist policies, sometimes for instrumental reasons. Further, voters include particularities of their context in their arguments. Eastern Germany constitutes an atypical context, allowing for insights into voters’ (anti)feminism in a post-socialist context marked by atheism and relatively advanced gender norms. The study contributes to understanding complexities and nuances in radical right voters’ gender attitudes, and thereby to understanding cultural grievances beyond anti-immigration attitudes.
... While this approach to measuring gender norms is quite novel in the analysis of later-life health, it has been used to explain retirement timing ), well-being in the general population (Hagqvist 2016) and among informal caregivers (Verbakel 2014) and has been shown to contribute to explain gender gaps in cognitive functioning globally (Bonsang et al. 2017). Since gender role attitudes vary within countries-across time and birth cohorts (Inglehart 2002;Ebner et al. 2020)-we calculated the agreement rates separately for men and women from different birth cohorts in each country. Agreement ranges between 1 and 82 per cent (men have right to a job), respectively, 9 and 88 per cent (women should cut down) and vary considerably across birth cohorts countries (see Table A Gender norms, however, may also be associated with the economic well-being of a country (such as GDP per capita) or structural gender inequalities (such as women's access to education and employment, life expectancy and political representation of women). ...
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With increasing life expectancy, dementia poses an epidemiological challenge. As a cure has not been developed, the investigation into preventive factors becomes pivotal. Previous research emphasizes the cognitively stimulating and socio-emotional benefits of lifetime employment, but research on heterogeneous patterns across social groups and societal contexts remains sparse. Sociological approaches have a promising potential to provide insights into health inequalities and can contribute to the study of this major societal challenge. We investigate the influence of previous employment biographies on cognitive functioning for men and women aged 50 to 75 in 19 European countries, using longitudinal and retrospective information from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe. We link individual information on employment biographies and cognitive functioning to contextual measures of gender norms, using aggregated agreement rates to both men’s and women’s role in employment and family. We find that previous employment affects cognitive functioning men and women differently. Part-time employment is beneficial for women’s cognitive functioning, but not for men’s. Traditional gender norms are associated with lower levels of cognitive functioning for both genders and moderate the linkage between previous employment and cognitive functioning. In contexts with more traditional gender norms, men’s part-time employment is associated with lower and women’s part-time employment with higher cognitive functioning. We conclude that employment and non-employment participation can, depending on characteristics of individuals and contexts, benefit or hinder the life-course accumulation of cognitive reserve, and those with norm-deviating behaviour are disadvantaged.
... Existing research further points to the importance of historical context for shifts in gender attitudes. Ebner, Kühhirt, and Lersch (2020) find that individuals who grew up in former East Germany were more likely to display egalitarian views on gender than those socialized in unified Germany. ...
Article
Assuming a long-term feedback loop between attitudes about gender divisions of labor and family policy, we examine such attitudes in Germany, Austria, and Sweden, between 1994 and 2012. Using a longitudinal, case study approach, we argue that attitudes on the gender division of labor need to be put in relation to both recent family policy changes and a country’s gender regime. Employing latent class analysis, we examine the prevalence of different views on gender division of labor over time and test for measurement invariance to assess whether characteristics of attitudinal groups change across years. Results show increasing support for maternal employment within traditional groups in eastern and western Germany, potentially reflecting shifting policy within a changing gender regime. Simultaneously, intensive mothering and traditional attitudes remain more prevalent in Austria and western Germany than in eastern Germany and Sweden, indicating a persistent maternalist ideal among segments of these historically domestic gender regimes.
... German society and especially its labor market have been characterized by comparatively traditional gender norms (Ebert et al. 2014;Ebner et al. 2020;Grunow et al. 2018). In particular, Western Germany has long been influenced by a familialist conservative welfare regime (Esping-Andersen 1990; Pfau-Effinger and Smidt 2011), although it has undergone some progressive changes (Seeleib-Kaiser 2016). ...
Thesis
Die Vereinbarkeit von Beruf und Familie ist eine der größten Herausforderungen und gleichzeitig Gelingensbedingung für Geschlechtergerechtigkeit auf dem Arbeitsmarkt und im familiären Bereich. Die vorliegende Dissertation verdeutlicht in drei empirischen Papieren die Relevanz von Sorgearbeit für die Arbeitsmarktpartizipation von Frauen und Männern, sowie die Rolle von Unternehmen für das Unterfangen, berufliche und familiäre Aufgaben zu vereinbaren. Im ersten Papier fragt diese Dissertation nach der Rolle von Haus- und Sorgearbeit sowie ihrer Verteilung im Paar für die Arbeitsmarktpartizipation von Frauen und Männern. Für die Analyse werden Daten des Sozio-oekonomischen Panels (SOEP) der Jahre 2001-2017 herangezogen. Um sich bestmöglich einer kausalen Identifikation anzunähern, werden First- Difference Instrumentalvariablen-Regressionen (FD-IV) geschätzt. Das zweite Papier betrachtet die Gründe von Vätern gegen eine (längere) Elternzeitnahme. Anhand eines Mixed-Methods Forschungsdesigns wird untersucht, welche betrieblichen Determinanten eine (längere) Elternzeitnutzung erklären. Darüber hinaus wird analysiert, ob und in welchem Unternehmenskontext Männer und Frauen Karriereeinbußen nach Elternzeitnutzung erfahren. Die Datenbasis sind qualitative und quantitative Daten einer Zusatzbefragung zum AID:A II Survey. Das dritte Papier untersucht die Frage nach dem Zusammenhang von Homeoffice-Nutzung und Work-Family Conflicts. Konkret wird analysiert, ob es Unterschiede nach Unternehmenskultur gibt. Auf Grundlage des LPP-ADIAB werden Multilevel-Regressionen mit fixen Effekten für Berufe separat für Männer und Frauen geschätzt. Zusammengefasst belegt die Dissertation geschlechtsspezifische Unterschiede in der Herausforderung, Erwerbstätigkeit und private Verpflichtungen in Einklang zu bringen. Darüber hinaus wird die Notwendigkeit von politischen Reformen und der Handlungsbedarf, aber auch die Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten von Unternehmen verdeutlicht.
... Thus, female-dominated occupations are still oriented towards female-stereotypical gender roles and employment trajectories, which makes it much easier to offer and use part-time work in these occupations than in male-dominated ones, where normative expectations of full-time work and continuous employment over the life course prevail (Krüger, 1995a). At the same time, however, gender role attitudes have become less traditional (Ebner et al., 2020), women's qualification levels and employment participation have increased considerably (Wanger, 2015), and sectoral and technological changes have resulted in a transformation of occupational patterns (Black and Spitz-Oener, 2010). ...
Article
This paper analyzes the reciprocal relationship between occupational gender segregation and occupational part-time work in West Germany over time. Based on a unique occupational panel dataset covering 254 occupations between 1976 and 2010, we apply static, dynamic, and Arellano-Bond panel models to account for reverse causality and endogeneity. Results indicate that trends in occupational part-time rates and gender ratios mutually reinforce each other but not in the same manner. Part-time work in occupations increases once more women start working in these occupations. Occupational part-time ratios are mainly driven by married women and mothers; women's education level only plays a minor role. Vice versa, the gender composition of occupations is likewise affected by changing working-time arrangements, at least in the short run, but it is mainly driven by previous levels of occupational gender segregation.
... In contrast, egalitarian ideologies reflect a belief in joint spheres of paid and unpaid work for women and men. Recent research has documented that the spread of egalitarian ideologies has come to a halt and that gender egalitarian and essentialist ideologies now co-occur in the United States, Germany, and many other developed countries around the world (Grunow, Begall, and Buchler 2018;Ebner, Kühhirt, and Lersch 2020;Knight and Brinton 2017;Scarborough, Sin, and Risman 2019). This research suggests that although large groups within society may hold egalitarian gender ideologies, an equally large or, depending on the country or region, an even larger group may hold gender ideologies mixing egalitarian and traditional ideas about men's and women's roles and capabilities, in line with gender essentialism. ...
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Background: Research suggests that women's employment decisions are influenced by not only their own gender ideologies but also their partners'. This paper is the first study examining the role of a couple's joint gender ideology on the female partner's employment transitions, specifically her work hours and employment breaks. Objective: The authors seek to advance research on the effects of gender ideologies on paid work transitions conceptually, arguing that a couple's (dis)agreement on gender ideologies may be important. Methods: The authors use data from the German panel study Labour Market and Social Security (PASS) and logistic regression models estimating the probability of reducing work hours or taking an employment break between two successive panel waves. Results: Women's gender ideologies impact their likelihood of reducing work hours and taking an employment break. The more egalitarian women are, the less likely they are to reduce their labor market participation. The male partner's gender ideology initially appears irrelevant. However, when considering the couple as a unit, the authors find a couple effect of joint ideology: Women are more likely to reduce their work hours when both partners believe in gender essentialism as opposed to other couple-ideology constellations. For women's employment breaks, findings also point to a couple-ideology effect, though with less statistical certainty. Conclusions: The couple perspective shows that his gender ideology matters only in relation to hers. Contribution: Introducing the couple perspective reveals that individual ideology measures provide a skewed picture of how gender ideologies actually work in couples to influence the gender division of paid work.
... The well-documented gender inequality in housework is particularly relevant to the context of the present study, as German society is characterized by a moderate separate spheres model with prevailing traditional gender ideologies and gender-specific behavior patterns in the family. Although Germany has experienced remarkable changes in gendered time use patterns and gender role attitudes (Ebner et al., 2020) over decades and cohorts, women still do much more housework than men and are generally held responsible for this kind of labor. This notion of separate spheres is also reflected in a gender-typed segregation of housework tasks, as women are more involved in routine housework tasks, such as cooking, cleaning, and doing the laundry, while men are more inclined to refrain from these activities and are more likely to perform non-routine chores, such as repairs or administrative paperwork (Blair, 1992a;Goldscheider & Waite, 1991). ...
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Objective To investigate time use of housework for all members of family households, especially focusing on how time allocation varied by siblings' gender composition. Background Three knowledge gaps were addressed: the allocation of housework time between all family members; children's contributions to housework, focusing on the relevance of sibling structure; and the differences in time allocation of housework by parental education within family households. The study contributes to the understanding of the family as the primary socialization environment and the foundations of gender inequality of unpaid work time in the life course and in society. Methods 478 four‐person households were sampled from the German Time Use Study from 2001/2002 and 2012/2013. Using information from 3,743 time diaries, absolute and relative time use for total housework on Mondays through Fridays was analyzed according to siblings' gender composition, applying linear regression. Results Mothers and daughters spent more time on housework in shared family households than fathers and sons. Total housework time was lowest in households with two sons and highest in households with two daughters. Older daughters spent more time on housework than younger daughters, and sons with a sister spent more time on housework than sons with a brother, regardless of the birth order. Parents' education had no impact on the time allocation in this sample. Conclusion Children's gender plays a role in their interaction with their parents, and both gender identity at the individual level and the dyadic gender compositions of families must be considered when explaining the household allocation of housework.
... In contrast, social norms around the advantages of outof-home care for children's development -as well as pronatalist family programmes that facilitated the compatibility of family life and work for all social strata -encouraged Eastern German women's engagement in the labour market (Huinink et al., 1995;Kreyenfeld, 2004). Although family policies of the former East were replaced by Western German policies during the Germany reunification, gender egalitarian attitudes have remained higher in the former East compared to the former West (Ebner, Kühhirt, & Lersch, 2020 German wives earn and own less than their husbands, although income differences are smaller for Eastern German couples than Western German couples based on the discussed higher employment activity and full-time rates amongst Eastern German women, but also generally lower wages in the East Statistisches Bundesamt, 2020b;Trappe & Sørensen, 2006). The withincouple wealth gap for German couples was recently estimated to be €33,000 to the disadvantage of wives . ...
Thesis
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Amid a rising importance of private wealth and historically high divorce rates, this thesis investigates the association between marital dissolution and personal wealth of men and women in Germany. To address shortcomings in previous research, I build on the life course framework and apply state-of-the-art statistical methods using longitudinal personal-level wealth data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP). Results highlight substantial immediate dissolution-related wealth penalties for men but particularly women with lasting economic repercussions for the majority of divorcees. This can have flow-on effects on divorcees’ and, by implication, their children’s social participation, welfare reliance, or social network.
... Even though these processes in Germany have started relatively late (see Trappe, Pollmann-Schult, and Schmitt 2015), nowadays employment is likely to be more central in women's life than in the past. Previous research has shown that cohorts are particularly suitable for explaining changes in gender norms and ideologies (Lee, Alwin, and Tufis 2007;Ebner, Kühhirt, and Lersch 2020). Accordingly, we exploit this source of variation and compare a 7 cohort of younger individuals born after 1960 and assumed to embrace egalitarian gender norms, with a cohort of older individuals born up to 1960 which we assume embrace more traditional gender norms (Lee, Alwin and Tufis 2007). ...
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Health literature shows that unemployment has a negative and gendered effect on health. However, who is more affected between men and women and why is still unclear. We assume that women suffer less than men from unemployment because of two mechanisms. The first mechanism is linked to social roles theories: the availability and centrality in individuals’ lives of roles other than employment may reduce the detrimental effect of unemployment. The second mechanism is health selection: the gendered impact of unemployment on health is the result of the different way selection mechanisms operate across genders. Yet, the way these two mechanisms operate may vary according to the roles that men and women have in the society—i.e. across traditional and egalitarian gender regimes. We pursue a three-steps comparative perspective. The analysis relies on EU-SILC data for the period 2004-2015 for Italy and Sweden and SOEP data for Germany (1992-2016). We address the different selection mechanisms applying correlated dynamic random-effects probit models. Empirical results support our hypothesis of a larger gendered effect in traditional contexts with respect to egalitarian ones. We find weak support for the role of health selection in shaping the relations between unemployment, health and gender.
... By and large, research on attitudes towards gender roles has documented a growing acceptance of the model of gender egalitarian in practically all Western societies in recent decades and across cohorts (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004;Braun & Scott 2009;Brooks & Bolzendahl 2004;Davis & Greenstein 2009;Ebner, Kühhirt & Lersch 2020;Pampel 2011). In this increasingly liberalized environment, women seem to be somewhat more egalitarian than men, and people with a higher level of education seem to be more egalitarian than people with a lower level of education (Braun & Scott 2009;Kane 1995;Pampel 2011). ...
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Objective: This study measured and compared the attitudes of German women and men towards sharing total housework, routine housework and non-routine housework in couples. Background: Although attitudes towards gender roles and the notion of separate spheres are important for understanding many aspects of family life, knowledge about situational variations of women’s and men’s attitudes towards housework sharing is limited. Method: Original data from a factorial survey of 1,120 German women and men from 2016 were used to describe variations in the attitudes of women and men towards three sets of housework using multilevel regression models. Results: Women and men expressed their attitudes towards equal sharing of total and routine housework, but non-routine housework was assigned to male partners in couples. Attitudes differed widely according to the context of the couple: In couples with similar economic resources, respondents favored equal sharing of housework, and in couples with unequal arrangements, the partner with fewer resources was tied to more housework and vice versa. Conclusion: When evaluating housework responsibilities, women and men in this study seemed to follow the principles of equity and balanced exchange.
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Studying gender ideologies is crucial for understanding the work and family related behaviors of women and men. This paper analyzes the gender ideologies of respondents living in East and West Germany, and whether these belief patterns differ by socio-demographic characteristics. To this end, latent class analysis is applied to eight gender role items from the FReDA 2021 survey. The results show the presence of a consistent and widespread egalitarian gender ideology in both regions, as well as a less prevalent traditional one in the West. Additionally, heterogeneous gender ideologies are to be found with egalitarian essentialism present in both regions, and intensive parenting only in the West. Respondents with a lower level of education and males have higher chances of holding non-egalitarian ideologies. The findings align with the literature on persisting East-West differences in gender ideology, and with research on the diversification of gender ideology.
Article
Previous literature on paternal involvement emphasizes the influence of fathers’ socialization contexts, considering either welfare policies (Hipp and Leuze, 2015) or experiences with their own fathers (Brown et al., 2018; Parke, 1995). In this study, we combine those two branches of research and examine how fathers’ and their fathers’ (grandfathers’) socialization experiences (parental leave regulations in their early adulthood as an example of (de-)familization policies (Lohmann and Zagel, 2016)) predict paternal involvement today. To measure paternal involvement, we create an indicator for involvement that covers Lamb et al. (1985) three aspects of direct interaction, responsibility, and availability and the fact that a father has taken paternal leave for at least one of his children or not. We use the fact that a substantial proportion of the fathers in the German, national survey AID:A 2019 (Kuger et al., 2020) were socialized in another welfare state regime (6.3% of fathers have a direct and another 13.5% have an indirect migration background (their fathers were born in another country) covering birth cohorts from the 1970s to the 1990s; total N = 1053). We then add context-related information on their (fathers’ and grandfathers’) countries of origin from the OECD family database and estimate an SEM model to test potential direct and indirect effects. We find that more educated fathers who experienced extended parental leave regulations are more involved fathers today. Our results support, thus, that welfare state conditions influence individuals’ behaviour while education is a relevant moderator in this relationship.
Article
Prior literature finds stability in personal culture, such as attitudes and values, in individuals’ life courses using short-running panel data. This work has concluded that lasting change in personal culture is rare after formative early years. This conclusion conflicts with a growing body of evidence for changes in personal culture after significant life course transitions, drawing on long-running panel data. To integrate these conflicting findings, the current study develops and applies a life course adaption model of personal culture, accounting for early imprinting and the continued possibility for change. Drawing on rich data from six long-running panel studies from five countries (BHPS, HILDA, PSID, SHP, SOEP, UKHLS) and 428 measures of personal culture, I test the theoretical expectations using mixed-effects modeling and an individual participant data meta-analysis. Results support the life course adaption model. Although lasting, non-transitory, within-individual changes in personal culture are relatively small compared to stable between-individual differences, I find strong support for the proposition that individuals change persistently in their personal culture as they move through the life course. These changes are partly dependent on prior biographical experiences. Finally, personal culture fluctuates substantially from year to year. Change in personal culture is increasingly varied for younger birth cohorts.
Article
Modernization accounts of cultural change hold that economic development drives liberalization of social values, including gender beliefs. Some comparative gender scholarship suggests that societal affluence is often accompanied by the growth of gender-essentialist beliefs, and that these beliefs coexist comfortably alongside gender-egalitarian values. The multidimensional conceptualization of gender ideology that is required to assess these competing claims has been applied so far mostly to Western societies. China is an obvious case for extending knowledge of these relationships, given its rapid economic growth and its recent history of state-imposed gender-egalitarian discourses. Applying latent class analysis to the Chinese General Social Survey (2010–2017), this study links different tenets of gender ideology in China to temporally and spatially specific histories and gendered interests. The results show that the relative importance of modernization and gender accounts depends on the generational, regional, and gendered identities being examined. Unlike in the West, moreover, egalitarian and essentialist beliefs do not always coincide in contemporary China. The friction between these beliefs reflects the resilience of male-primacy ideology.
Thesis
What are the consequences of unemployment and precarious employment for individuals' health in Europe? What are the moderating factors that may offset (or increase) the health consequences of labor-market risks? How do the effects of these risks vary across different contexts, which differ in their institutional and cultural settings? Does gender, regarded as a social structure, play a role, and how? To answer these questions is the aim of my cumulative thesis. This study aims to advance our knowledge about the health consequences that unemployment and precariousness cause over the life course. In particular, I investigate how several moderating factors, such as gender, the family, and the broader cultural and institutional context, may offset or increase the impact of employment instability and insecurity on individual health. In my first paper, 'The buffering role of the family in the relationship between job loss and self-perceived health: Longitudinal results from Europe, 2004-2011', I and my co-authors measure the causal effect of job loss on health and the role of the family and welfare states (regimes) as moderating factors. Using EU-SILC longitudinal data (2004-2011), we estimate the probability of experiencing 'bad health' following a transition to unemployment by applying linear probability models and undertake separate analyses for men and women. Firstly, we measure whether changes in the independent variable 'job loss' lead to changes in the dependent variable 'self-rated health' for men and women separately. Then, by adding into the model different interaction terms, we measure the moderating effect of the family, both in terms of emotional and economic support, and how much it varies across different welfare regimes. As an identification strategy, we first implement static fixed-effect panel models, which control for time-varying observables and indirect health selection—i.e., constant unobserved heterogeneity. Secondly, to control for reverse causality and path dependency, we implement dynamic fixed-effect panel models, adding a lagged dependent variable to the model. We explore the role of the family by focusing on close ties within households: we consider the presence of a stable partner and his/her working status as a source of social and economic support. According to previous literature, having a partner should reduce the stress from adverse events, thanks to the symbolic and emotional dimensions that such a relationship entails, regardless of any economic benefits. Our results, however, suggest that benefits linked to the presence of a (female) partner also come from the financial stability that (s)he can provide in terms of a second income. Furthermore, we find partners' employment to be at least as important as the mere presence of the partner in reducing the negative effect of job loss on the individual's health by maintaining the household's standard of living and decreasing economic strain on the family. Our results are in line with previous research, which has highlighted that some people cope better than others with adverse life circumstances, and the support provided by the family is a crucial resource in that regard. We also reported an important interaction between the family and the welfare state in moderating the health consequences of unemployment, showing how the compensation effect of the family varies across welfare regimes. The family plays a decisive role in cushioning the adverse consequences of labor market risks in Southern and Eastern welfare states, characterized by less developed social protection systems and –especially the Southern – high level of familialism. The first paper also found important gender differences concerning job loss, family and welfare effects. Of particular interest is the evidence suggesting that health selection works differently for men and women, playing a more prominent role for women than for men in explaining the relationship between job loss and self-perceived health. The second paper, 'Gender roles and selection mechanisms across contexts: A comparative analysis of the relationship between unemployment, self-perceived health, and gender.' investigates more in-depth the gender differential in health driven by unemployment. Being a highly contested issue in literature, we aim to study whether men are more penalized than women or the other way around and the mechanisms that may explain the gender difference. To do that, we rely on two theoretical arguments: the availability of alternative roles and social selection. The first argument builds on the idea that men and women may compensate for the detrimental health consequences of unemployment through the commitment to 'alternative roles,' which can provide for the resources needed to fulfill people's socially constructed needs. Notably, the availability of alternative options depends on the different positions that men and women have in society. Further, we merge the availability of the 'alternative roles' argument with the health selection argument. We assume that health selection could be contingent on people's social position as defined by gender and, thus, explain the gender differential in the relationship between unemployment and health. Ill people might be less reluctant to fall or remain (i.e., self-select) in unemployment if they have alternative roles. In Western societies, women generally have more alternative roles than men and thus more discretion in their labor market attachment. Therefore, health selection should be stronger for them, explaining why unemployment is less menace for women than for their male counterparts. Finally, relying on the idea of different gender regimes, we extended these arguments to comparison across contexts. For example, in contexts where being a caregiver is assumed to be women's traditional and primary roles and the primary breadwinner role is reserved to men, unemployment is less stigmatized, and taking up alternative roles is more socially accepted for women than for men (Hp.1). Accordingly, social (self)selection should be stronger for women than for men in traditional contexts, where, in the case of ill-health, the separation from work is eased by the availability of alternative roles (Hp.2). By focusing on contexts that are representative of different gender regimes, we implement a multiple-step comparative approach. Firstly, by using EU-SILC longitudinal data (2004-2015), our analysis tests gender roles and selection mechanisms for Sweden and Italy, representing radically different gender regimes, thus providing institutional and cultural variation. Then, we limit institutional heterogeneity by focusing on Germany and comparing East- and West-Germany and older and younger cohorts—for West-Germany (SOEP data 1995-2017). Next, to assess the differential impact of unemployment for men and women, we compared (unemployed and employed) men with (unemployed and employed) women. To do so, we calculate predicted probabilities and average marginal effect from two distinct random-effects probit models. Our first step is estimating random-effects models that assess the association between unemployment and self-perceived health, controlling for observable characteristics. In the second step, our fully adjusted model controls for both direct and indirect selection. We do this using dynamic correlated random-effects (CRE) models. Further, based on the fully adjusted model, we test our hypotheses on alternative roles (Hp.1) by comparing several contexts – models are estimated separately for each context. For this hypothesis, we pool men and women and include an interaction term between unemployment and gender, which has the advantage to allow for directly testing whether gender differences in the effect of unemployment exist and are statistically significant. Finally, we test the role of selection mechanisms (Hp.2), using the KHB method to compare coefficients across nested nonlinear models. Specifically, we test the role of selection for the relationship between unemployment and health by comparing the partially-adjusted and fully-adjusted models. To allow selection mechanisms to operate differently between genders, we estimate separate models for men and women. We found support to our first hypotheses—the context where people are embedded structures the relationship between unemployment, health, and gender. We found no gendered effect of unemployment on health in the egalitarian context of Sweden. Conversely, in the traditional context of Italy, we observed substantive and statistically significant gender differences in the effect of unemployment on bad health, with women suffering less than men. We found the same pattern for comparing East and West Germany and younger and older cohorts in West Germany. On the contrary, our results did not support our theoretical argument on social selection. We found that in Sweden, women are more selected out of employment than men. In contrast, in Italy, health selection does not seem to be the primary mechanism behind the gender differential—Italian men and women seem to be selected out of employment to the same extent. Namely, we do not find any evidence that health selection is stronger for women in more traditional countries (Hp2), despite the fact that the institutional and the cultural context would offer them a more comprehensive range of 'alternative roles' relative to men. Moreover, our second hypothesis is also rejected in the second and third comparisons, where the cross-country heterogeneity is reduced to maximize cultural differences within the same institutional context. Further research that addresses selection into inactivity is needed to evaluate the interplay between selection and social roles across gender regimes. While the health consequences of unemployment have been on the research agenda for a pretty long time, the interest in precarious employment—defined as the linking of the vulnerable worker to work that is characterized by uncertainty and insecurity concerning pay, the stability of the work arrangement, limited access to social benefits, and statutory protections—has emerged only later. Since the 80s, scholars from different disciplines have raised concerns about the social consequences of de-standardization of employment relationships. However, while work has become undoubtedly more precarious, very little is known about its causal effect on individual health and the role of gender as a moderator. These questions are at the core of my third paper : 'Bad job, bad health? A longitudinal analysis of the interaction between precariousness, gender and self-perceived health in Germany'. Herein, I investigate the multidimensional nature of precarious employment and its causal effect on health, particularly focusing on gender differences. With this paper, I aim at overcoming three major shortcomings of earlier studies: The first one regards the cross-sectional nature of data that prevents the authors from ruling out unobserved heterogeneity as a mechanism for the association between precarious employment and health. Indeed, several unmeasured individual characteristics—such as cognitive abilities—may confound the relationship between precarious work and health, leading to biased results. Secondly, only a few studies have directly addressed the role of gender in shaping the relationship. Moreover, available results on the gender differential are mixed and inconsistent: some found precarious employment being more detrimental for women's health, while others found no gender differences or stronger negative association for men. Finally, previous attempts to an empirical translation of the employment precariousness (EP) concept have not always been coherent with their theoretical framework. EP is usually assumed to be a multidimensional and continuous phenomenon; it is characterized by different dimensions of insecurity that may overlap in the same job and lead to different "degrees of precariousness." However, researchers have predominantly focused on one-dimensional indicators—e.g., temporary employment, subjective job insecurity—to measure EP and study the association with health. Besides the fact that this approach partially grasps the phenomenon's complexity, the major problem is the inconsistency of evidence that it has produced. Indeed, this line of inquiry generally reveals an ambiguous picture, with some studies finding substantial adverse effects of temporary over permanent employment, while others report only minor differences. To measure the (causal) effect of precarious work on self-rated health and its variation by gender, I focus on Germany and use four waves from SOEP data (2003, 2007, 2011, and 2015). Germany is a suitable context for my study. Indeed, since the 1980s, the labor market and welfare system have been restructured in many ways to increase the German economy's competitiveness in the global market. As a result, the (standard) employment relationship has been de-standardized: non-standard and atypical employment arrangements—i.e., part-time work, fixed-term contracts, mini-jobs, and work agencies—have increased over time while wages have lowered, even among workers with standard work. In addition, the power of unions has also fallen over the last three decades, leaving a large share of workers without collective protection. Because of this process of de-standardization, the link between wage employment and strong social rights has eroded, making workers more powerless and more vulnerable to labor market risks than in the past. EP refers to this uneven distribution of power in the employment relationship, which can be detrimental to workers' health. Indeed, by affecting individuals' access to power and other resources, EP puts precarious workers at risk of experiencing health shocks and influences their ability to gain and accumulate health advantages (Hp.1). Further, the focus on Germany allows me to investigate my second research question on the gender differential. Germany is usually regarded as a traditionalist gender regime: a context characterized by a configuration of roles. Here, being a caregiver is assumed to be women's primary role, whereas the primary breadwinner role is reserved for men. Although many signs of progress have been made over the last decades towards a greater equalization of opportunities and more egalitarianism, the breadwinner model has barely changed towards a modified version. Thus, women usually take on the double role of workers (the so-called secondary earner) and caregivers, and men still devote most of their time to paid work activities. Moreover, the overall upward trend towards more egalitarian gender ideologies has leveled off over the last decades, moving notably towards more traditional gender ideologies. In this setting, two alternative hypotheses are possible. Firstly, I assume that the negative relationship between EP and health is stronger for women than for men. This is because women are systematically more disadvantaged than men in the public and private spheres of life, having less access to formal and informal sources of power. These gender-related power asymmetries may interact with EP-related power asymmetries resulting in a stronger effect of EP on women's health than on men's health (Hp.2). An alternative way of looking at the gender differential is to consider the interaction that precariousness might have with men's and women's gender identities. According to this view, the negative relationship between EP and health is weaker for women than for men (Hp.2a). In a society with a gendered division of labor and a strong link between masculine identities and stable and well-rewarded job—i.e., a job that confers the role of primary family provider—a male worker with precarious employment might violate the traditional male gender role. Men in precarious jobs may perceive themselves (and by others) as possessing a socially undesirable characteristic, which conflicts with the stereotypical idea of themselves as the male breadwinner. Engaging in behaviors that contradict stereotypical gender identity may decrease self-esteem and foster feelings of inferiority, helplessness, and jealousy, leading to poor health. I develop a new indicator of EP that empirically translates a definition of EP as a multidimensional and continuous phenomenon. I assume that EP is a latent construct composed of seven dimensions of insecurity chosen according to the theory and previous empirical research: Income insecurity, social insecurity, legal insecurity, employment insecurity, working-time insecurity, representation insecurity, worker's vulnerability. The seven dimensions are proxied by eight indicators available in the four waves of the SOEP dataset. The EP composite indicator is obtained by performing a multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) on the eight indicators. This approach aims to construct a summary scale in which all dimensions contribute jointly to the measured experience of precariousness and its health impact. Further, the relationship between EP and 'general self-perceived health' is estimated by applying ordered probit random-effects estimators and calculating average marginal effect (further AME). Then, to control for unobserved heterogeneity, I implement correlated random-effects models that add to the model the within-individual means of the time-varying independent variables. To test the significance of the gender differential, I add an interaction term between EP and gender in the fully adjusted model in the pooled sample. My correlated random-effects models showed EP's negative and substantial 'effect' on self-perceived health for both men and women. Although nonsignificant, the evidence seems in line with previous cross-sectional literature. It supports the hypothesis that employment precariousness could be detrimental to workers' health. Further, my results showed the crucial role of unobserved heterogeneity in shaping the health consequences of precarious employment. This is particularly important as evidence accumulates, yet it is still mostly descriptive. Moreover, my results revealed a substantial difference among men and women in the relationship between EP and health: when EP increases, the risk of experiencing poor health increases much more for men than for women. This evidence falsifies previous theory according to whom the gender differential is contingent on the structurally disadvantaged position of women in western societies. In contrast, they seem to confirm the idea that men in precarious work could experience role conflict to a larger extent than women, as their self-standard is supposed to be the stereotypical breadwinner worker with a good and well-rewarded job. Finally, results from the multiple correspondence analysis contribute to the methodological debate on precariousness, showing that a multidimensional and continuous indicator can express a latent variable of EP. All in all, complementarities are revealed in the results of unemployment and employment precariousness, which have two implications: Policy-makers need to be aware that the total costs of unemployment and precariousness go far beyond the economic and material realm penetrating other fundamental life domains such as individual health. Moreover, they need to balance the trade-off between protecting adequately unemployed people and fostering high-quality employment in reaction to the highlighted market pressures. In this sense, the further development of a (universalistic) welfare state certainly helps mitigate the adverse health effects of unemployment and, therefore, the future costs of both individuals' health and welfare spending. In addition, the presence of a working partner is crucial for reducing the health consequences of employment instability. Therefore, policies aiming to increase female labor market participation should be promoted, especially in those contexts where the welfare state is less developed. Moreover, my results support the significance of taking account of a gender perspective in health research. The findings of the three articles show that job loss, unemployment, and precarious employment, in general, have adverse effects on men's health but less or absent consequences for women's health. Indeed, this suggests the importance of labor and health policies that consider and further distinguish the specific needs of the male and female labor force in Europe. Nevertheless, a further implication emerges: the health consequences of employment instability and de-standardization need to be investigated in light of the gender arrangements and the transforming gender relationships in specific cultural and institutional contexts. My results indeed seem to suggest that women's health advantage may be a transitory phenomenon, contingent on the predominant gendered institutional and cultural context. As the structural difference between men's and women's position in society is eroded, egalitarianism becomes the dominant normative status, so will probably be the gender difference in the health consequences of job loss and precariousness. Therefore, while gender equality in opportunities and roles is a desirable aspect for contemporary societies and a political goal that cannot be postponed further, this thesis raises a further and maybe more crucial question: What kind of equality should be pursued to provide men and women with both good life quality and equal chances in the public and private spheres? In this sense, I believe that social and labor policies aiming to reduce gender inequality in society should focus on improving women's integration into the labor market, implementing policies targeting men, and facilitating their involvement in the private sphere of life. Equal redistribution of social roles could activate a crucial transformation of gender roles and the cultural models that sustain and still legitimate gender inequality in Western societies.
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Rating scales are ubiquitous in the social sciences, yet may present practical difficulties when response formats change over time or vary across surveys. To allow researchers to pool rating data across alternative question formats, the paper provides a generalization of the ordered logit model that accommodates multiple scale formats in the measurement of a single latent rating construct. The resulting multi-scale ordered logit model shares the interpretation as well as the proportional odds (or parallel lines) assumption with the standard ordered logit model. A further extension to relax the proportional odds assumption in the multi-scale context is proposed, and substitution of the logit with other convenient link functions is equally straightforward. The utility of the model is illustrated from an empirical analysis of the determinants of confidence in democratic institutions that combines data from the European Social Survey, the General Social Survey, and the European and World Values Survey series .
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The authors argue, in line with recent research, that operationalizing gender ideology as a unidimensional construct ranging from traditional to egalitarian is problematic and propose an alternative framework that takes the multidimensionality of gender ideologies into account. Using latent class analysis, they operationalize their gender ideology framework based on data from the 2008 European Values Study, of which eight European countries reflecting the spectrum of current work–family policies were selected. The authors examine the form in which gender ideologies cluster in the various countries. Five ideology profiles were identified: egalitarian, egalitarian essentialism, intensive parenting, moderate traditional, and traditional. The five ideology profiles were found in all countries, but with pronounced variation in size. Ideologies mixing gender essentialist and egalitarian views appear to have replaced traditional ideologies, even in countries offering some institutional support for gendered separate spheres.
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The purpose of this article is to review research on the construction of gender ideology and its consequences. The article begins with a summary of research focused on measuring gender ideology — individuals' levels of support for a division of paid work and family responsibilities that is based on the belief in gendered separate spheres. We describe the ways this concept has been operationalized in widely available data sources and provide a categorization schema for the items used to measure gender ideology. We also review the research predicting gender ideology, focusing on social and demographic characteristics while concurrently examining studies using cross-sectional, trend, and panel data. Finally, this article summarizes research focused on the consequences of gender ideology, both in families and family-related behaviors and in other areas of social life where beliefs about gender are relevant, such as the workplace. We conclude with implications for future research for measurement tools, predictors of gender ideology, and consequences of ideology in individuals' lives.
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Applying the new economics of organization and relational theories of the firm to the problem of understanding cross‐national variation in the political economy, this volume elaborates a new understanding of the institutional differences that characterize the ‘varieties of capitalism’ found among the developed economies. Building on a distinction between ‘liberal market economies’ and ‘coordinated market economies’, it explores the impact of these variations on economic performance and many spheres of policy‐making, including macroeconomic policy, social policy, vocational training, legal decision‐making, and international economic negotiations. The volume examines the institutional complementarities across spheres of the political economy, including labour markets, markets for corporate finance, the system of skill formation, and inter‐firm collaboration on research and development that reinforce national equilibria and give rise to comparative institutional advantages, notably in the sphere of innovation where LMEs are better placed to sponsor radical innovation and CMEs to sponsor incremental innovation. By linking managerial strategy to national institutions, the volume builds a firm‐centred comparative political economy that can be used to assess the response of firms and governments to the pressures associated with globalization. Its new perspectives on the welfare state emphasize the role of business interests and of economic systems built on general or specific skills in the development of social policy. It explores the relationship between national legal systems, as well as systems of standards setting, and the political economy. The analysis has many implications for economic policy‐making, at national and international levels, in the global age.
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Im Jahr 2006 haben Yang Yang und Kenneth C. Land sogenannte hierarchische Alters-Perioden-Kohorten-Modelle (HAPK) vorgeschlagen. Hierbei werden Einflüsse der Kalenderzeit und der Geburtskohorte als zeitliche Kontextfaktoren auf Ebene 2 eines Mehrebenenmodells aufgefasst. Die vorliegende Arbeit kommt auf Basis einer Simulationsstudie mit Trenddaten (wiederholten Querschnitten) zu dem Schluss, dass das konventionelle HAPK-Modell zu deutlich verzerrten Schätzungen führt. Während der Alters- als auch der Periodeneffekt überschätzt werden, wird der Kohorteneffekt unterschätzt. Abgewandelte HAPK-Modelle, die den Kohorteneffekt im „fixed part“ des Modells ansiedeln, sind dem konventionellen Modell gemäß der Simulationsstudie deutlich überlegen. Der modifizierte HAPK-Ansatz wird anschließend auf ein empirisches Beispiel angewendet, das sich mit dem Wandel der Geschlechtsrollenideologie westdeutscher Frauen beschäftigt.
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Objective This study examines cohort differences in attitudes toward women's roles within marriage in Japan. Background Japan has undergone dramatic sociocultural shifts in the 20th century that have shaped childhood experiences differently by cohort. Sociodemographic perspectives predict cohort effects, which suggest the lasting impact of experiences during the formative years on attitudes. Method This study employs a hierarchical age‐period‐cohort analysis and uses repeated cross‐sectional data from the 2000 to 2012 Japanese General Social Survey (N = 31,912), a nationwide probability survey. Results Among cohorts born before 1960, for both sexes, attitudes toward wife's employment and a gender‐based division of labor were significantly less traditional for later born cohorts. However, younger cohorts born in 1960 and after were not significantly different in their attitudes from the cohort born in the 1950s. Conclusion This study suggests the strong impact of ideological shifts and mothers' homemaking role (experienced in one's formative years) on gender role attitudes. It points to the important and lasting influence of structural contexts on attitudes and hence cohort effects. Implications This study contributes to our understanding of attitudinal change (and stagnation) toward gender roles and has policy implications for Japan and other countries characterized by low marriage and fertility rates.
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Empirical studies show that though there is more room for improvement, much progress has been made toward gender equality since the second wave of feminism. Evidence also suggests that women’s advancements have been more dramatic in the public sphere of work and politics than in the private sphere of family life. We argue that this lopsided gender progress may be traced to uneven changes in gender attitudes. Using data from more than 27,000 respondents who participated in the General Social Survey from 1977 through 2016, we show that gender attitudes have more than one underlying dimension and that these dimensions have changed at different rates over time. Using latent class analysis, we find that the distribution of respondents’ attitudes toward gender equality has changed over the past 40 years. There has been an increase in the number of egalitarians who support equality in public and private spheres, while the traditionals who historically opposed equality in both domains have been replaced by ambivalents who feel differently about gender equality in the public and private spheres. Meanwhile, successive birth cohorts are becoming more egalitarian, with Generation-Xers and Millennials being the most likely to hold strong egalitarian views. The feminist revolution has succeeded in promoting egalitarian views and decreasing the influence of gender traditionalism, but has yet to convince a substantial minority that gender equality should extend to both public and private spheres of social life
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The introduction of the parental leave benefit scheme in 2007 is widely regarded as a landmark reform that has shifted the German welfare state towards a model that better supports work and family life compatibility. In this article, we investigate whether and how this reform has affected men’s use of parental leave based on data from the German microcensus of 1999–2012. We find that parental leave usage has increased across all educational levels, but the shift has been strongest for university-educated fathers. Public sector employment is beneficial for men’s uptake of leave, while self-employment and temporary work lowers fathers’ chances of taking leave. The parental leave reform has not affected these associations much.
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Using the example of the German General Social Survey, this study describes how measures of gender role attitudes can be revised. To date measures have focused on the traditional male breadwinner model. However, social developments in female labor force participation, education, and family structure suggest that a revision and adjustment of existing measures are required. First, these measures need to be supplemented with items that represent more egalitarian models of division of labor and the role of the father in the family. Second, the phrasing of existing items needs to be revised. The results of this study indicate that especially regarding the amount of working hours and the age of children, a specification is needed. This study presents a revised measure, to facilitate analyses over time. This revised measure represents two factors: one referring to traditional and one to modern gender role attitudes.
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This collection explores how pioneering gender equality policies have shaped women’s economic presence in Europe since 2000. Equal pay policies, parental leave reforms, corporate quotas and electoral quotas have raised pressing questions about the effectiveness in promoting equal participation, as researchers quote both quantitative improvement in gender diversity and qualitative lag in cultural change. The chapters in this book present interlocking cross-national and cross-policy comparisons of the three most controversial reforms: equal pay, parental leave, and quotas for political representatives. The contributors address the cultural context in which reforms arose, internally contradictory policies, and the relative effectiveness of fast-track quotas and incentives compared to long-term efforts to change the overall culture of gender. This critical examination of the new millennium’s groundbreaking gender policies will appeal to academics and practitioners interested in the progress of gender equality in the economic, political, and social welfare fields.
Book
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of social policy in the German Democratic Republic (GDR, 1949-1990), followed by an analysis of the “Social Union”, the transformation of social policy in the process of German unification in 1990. Schmidt’s analysis of the GDR also depicts commonalities and differences between the welfare state in East and West Germany as well as in other East European and Western countries. He concludes that the GDR was unable to cope with the trade-off between ambitious social policy goals and a deteriorating economic performance. Ritter embeds his analysis of the Social Union in a general study of German unification, its international circumstances and its domestic repercussions (1989-1994). He argues that social policy played a pivotal role in German unification, and that there was no alternative to extending the West German welfare state to the East. Ritter, a distinguished historian, bases his contribution on an award-winning study for which he drew on archival sources and interviews with key actors. Schmidt is a distinguished political scientist.
Book
This book contends that beneath the frenzied activism of the sixties and the seeming quiescence of the seventies, a "silent revolution" has been occurring that is gradually but fundamentally changing political life throughout the Western world. Ronald Inglehart focuses on two aspects of this revolution: a shift from an overwhelming emphasis on material values and physical security toward greater concern with the quality of life; and an increase in the political skills of Western publics that enables them to play a greater role in making important political decisions.
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This article challenges the implicit assumption of many cross-national studies that gender-role attitudes fall alongasinglecontinuumbetween traditional and egalitarian. The authors argue that this approach obscures theoretically important distinctions in attitudes and renders analyses of change over time incomplete. Using latent class analysis, they investigate the multidimensional nature of gender-role attitudes in 17 postindustrial European countries. They identify three distinct varieties of egalitarianism that they designate as liberal egalitarianism, egalitarian familism, and flexible egalitarianism. They show that while traditional gender-role attitudes have precipitously and uniformly declined in accordance with the “rising tide” narrative toward greater egalitarianism, the relative prevalence of different egalitarianisms varies markedly across countries. Furthermore, they find that European nations are not converging toward one dominant egalitarian model but rather, remain differentiated by varieties of egalitarianism.
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The paper starts with theoretical assumptions and empirical findings on gender equality effects of reconciliation policies. Thereafter, childcare provision and parental leave schemes in Austria, Germany and Iceland are compared. While Germany and Austria may be classified as optional familialistic with a choice between paid parental leave and childcare services, Iceland follows a strong adult worker model with familizing and de-familizing policies in quick succession. Leave take-up rates of fathers and employment rates of mothers differ enormously between the three countries. This is due to differences in policy design with regard to father’s quotas, benefit levels and the length of the leave as well as to the availability of high quality childcare services. The advantages and shortfalls of the three different models of reconciliation will be analysed from a gender equality perspective.
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This chapter describes, explains, and evaluates the social policy of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) from the creation of that state on 7 October 1949 to the accession of its Länder (states) to the Federal Republic of Germany on 3 October 1990. What effects did the GDR’s social policy have? How did it influence the social situation of the population and the stratification of the society in East Germany? How and how much did dictatorship and socialist statism mark social policy? What shape did social policy assume in the final year of East Germany’s socialist state particularly after the fall of Erich Honecker in October 1989 and that of his successor, Egon Krenz? What did social policy of the GDR have in common with the critical junctures of social policy in pre-1945 Germany? At what point did it abandon old paths? Lastly, what distinguished the social policy of the GDR from that in other socialist states and from the welfare state in the Federal Republic of Germany prior to 1990? These questions guide the following analysis of the main features of social policy in former East Germany.
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The contribution of women's labour-force participation to attitudes about the family is the focus of recent comparative research, but the relationships between gender, work, and attitudes have not yet been compared across national contexts that differ dramatically in economic conditions. Using data from the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) of East and West Germany and the International Social Survey Programme, this paper examines the relationship between the objective situation of women and subjective orientations to work and family life comparatively. In contrast to the prevailing Western patterns Unking family and work the former state-socialist systems were distinctive in the dual conditions of extremely high levels of female labour-force involvement and an encompassing system-level organization of family-support structures. The pattern of similarities and differences in gender-role attitudes between East and West Germans reveals that the former are no less traditionalist than the latter, and that the higher level of acceptance of female labour-force participation by East Germans is a result of the present condition of economic hardship and penury. The German case is placed in a broader perspective using data from other Western countries and Hungary. It is concluded that the state-decreed professional emancipation of women did not succeed in changing traditional gender-role attitudes.
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Gender gaps are pervasive in all walks of economic life and imply large losses in terms of foregone productivity and living standards to the individuals concerned and the economy. This new OECD report focuses on how best to close these gender gaps under four broad headings: 1) Gender equality, social norms and public policies; and gender equality in 2) education; 3) employment and 4) entrepreneurship. Key policy messages are as follows: -Greater gender equality in educational attainment has a strong positive effect on economic growth; -Stereotyping needs to be addressed in educational choices at school from a young age. For example, adapt teaching strategies and material to increase engagement of boys in reading and of girls in maths and science; encourage more girls to follow science, engineering and maths courses in higher education and seek employment in these fields; -Good and affordable childcare is a key factor for better gender equality in employment. But change also has to happen at home as the bulk of housework and caring is left to women in many countries. Policy can support such change, for example, through parental leave policies that explicitly include fathers. -Support policies for women-owned enterprises need to target all existing firms, not just start-ups and small enterprises. Equal access to finance for male and female entrepreneurs needs to be assured.
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The German labour market has seen substantial structural changes, especially over the past decades: there has been a major shift in labour market policy, the service industry is booming and skills requirements have changed dramatically. This article discusses these trends, offering an empirical analysis of the extent to which the German dual VET system is prepared to meet them. For this purpose, the article explores representative data for Germany and looks at the labour market integration of dual VET graduates. The basic assumption is that a mismatch between the dual VET system and the labour market will also become evident at the micro level of individuals. The results show that dual VET graduates enjoy far better protection against unemployment than people without a vocational training qualification. Likewise, they are far less likely to work in temporary employment. The dual VET system thus functions as a ‘safety net’. At the same time, however, the earnings of dual VET graduates are markedly lower than those of higher education graduates. The article concludes by discussing some of the future challenges and opportunities facing the dual VET system.
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Parental leave and subsidized child care are prominent examples of family policies supporting the reconciliation of family life and labor market careers for mothers. In this paper, we combine different empirical strategies to evaluate the employment effects of these policies for mothers with young children. In particular we estimate a structural labor supply model and exploit quasi-experimental variation from a parental leave reform in Germany. Our findings suggest that a combination of parental leave benefits and subsidized child care leads to sizable employment effects of mothers.
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During the early 1990's, there was no growth in women's labor force participation rates; since 1994 however, the rate has edged upward, with mothers accounting for most of the rise.
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Due to Germany’s recent history, the country represents a case that is unparalleled worldwide for regional differentiations of gender ideologies. The 40-year separation into one capitalist and one socialist state until 1990 is reflected in different wage-work policies toward women in the former GDR and FRG, which are mirrored by more conservative gender role attitudes in the western federal states and more liberal attitudes in the eastern federal states. Furthermore, this order is destabilized by an urban/rural differentiation that becomes apparent in an urbanized western part and a rural and sparsely populated eastern part. In international rural studies, such pastoral regions are coupled with a rural ideology of gender conservatism. The paper analyzes the present regional differentiation of gender ideologies in Germany with respect to this supposed intersection between socialist wage-work policies of including women in the labor force and conservative rural ideologies in the East and conservative male breadwinner policies and liberal urban ideologies in the West. The findings show, first, that the attitudinal dimension of gender ideologies is more moderate in the eastern federal states but that the behavioral dimension of work in the household is not. Second, for the urbanized western federal states, a rural ideology of gender conservatism is crucial, and it expresses itself in an imagined rurality. In the western federal states the self-description of the place of residence as rural has a significant effect on gender ideologies. Clearly, beyond the official categorization of the place of domicile as urban, suburban, or rural, only the imagining of rural living is able to predict conservative gender ideologies in the western part of Germany. Third, in terms of imagined rurality, the finding is interpreted as a structure of feeling that induces a transition of social experiences and attitudes from generation to generation and explains the still existing gap between the eastern and the western parts of Germany.
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In this article, we provide a long-term East–West comparison of partnered women’s employment from the 1940s into the first decade of the new millennium in Germany, and focus on the nexus of gainful employment and family-related responsibilities in women’s lives. Based on an analysis of the institutionally and culturally shaped opportunity structures that define the conditions for partnered women’s employment, we identify distinct periods of support and derive hypotheses on cohort-specific developments. The empirical analysis largely confirms that a divergence between East and West German women’s employment patterns started as early as in the 1950s. East–West differences in labour market participation were strongest among women born around 1940. For successive cohorts of East and West German women, the employment patterns converged. Whereas the labour market participation of West German women gradually increased over time, the employment pattern of East German women adjusted to the West German pattern after unification, resulting in an increase of part-time employment and non-employment, in particular among mothers. The article concludes by discussing implications of these trends for the future of the male breadwinner model.
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According to the theories of Marx, Engels, Bebel, and the political leaders of the GDR, the emancipation of women would be accomplished when the emancipation of the working class was realized. They further clarify the general view toward women in a socialist society; these ideas characterized the GDR and the general perception of women. The women's question was incorporated into the social question and the class struggle, and not distinguished as an individual aspect of gender relations. The question is how much equality women in the GDR had achieved and how emancipated the society, truly, was. My main focus is the analysis of the women's movement in East Germany, and whether an independent women's movement existed or not. The state's policy toward women was primarily aimed in the direction of mothers, and not toward women as women. Gradually, women began to realize that emancipation and equality meant more than employment and economic independence. Introduction "The degree of emancipation of women in every society is the natural standard for the general emancipation." This statement by one of the early utopian socialists, Charles Fourier (1772-1837), describes an important source of reflection on the conditions of societies past and present. According to the theories of the socialist thinkers such as Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and August Bebel, and the political leaders of the GDR [German Democratic Republic], when the emancipation of society, i.e., of the working class, was realized, then the liberation of women would also be accomplished. The 'women's question,' that is, the issue of the social and political role of women under East German Socialism, was incorporated into the social question and the question of the class struggle. It was not distinguished as an individual aspect of gender relations. In addition, the 'women's question' seemed central because women appeared to have special needs. The primary concern is that women in the GDR as well as the entire society had achieved a certain kind of equality and emancipation which can only be seen within the specific context of socialism. But overall, the society and women were not much emancipated and ironically, women especially lacked feminist consciousness. The contradictory concept of feminism versus Marxism is a striking arena of concern and interest in looking at East German women's movements as well as the official policy of the communist party versus the reality of women's lives within society. This article examines how these contradictions actually increased throughout the existence of the German Democratic Republic. The theories of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and August Bebel, 1 are essential because they provided the intellectual and ideological framework within which the 1 Susanne Kranz is a PhD student at the University of Leeds in the UK, Her email address is: hisskr@leeds.ac.uk .
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Over the last 25 years, a large number of studies have looked at the demographic differences between the previously divided eastern and western parts of Germany. The two regions have converged with respect to mortality and overall fertility levels. But in terms of family formation behaviour, differences remain. Non-marital births are the norm in eastern Germany, whereas they are still the exception in western Germany. Various explanations for these differences have been offered, with the most persuasive linking policy and socio-economic conditions in eastern and western Germany after 1945 with the persistence of regional patterns. Here, we show that the non-marital fertility divide pre-dates the 1945 division of Germany. Indeed, already in the early 20th century, the areas of eastern Germany that made up the German Democratic Republic had, on average, roughly twice the non-marital fertility levels of western Germany. In the first part of our paper, we document the history of this long-standing pattern and provide a set of explanations for its emergence. In the second part, we apply multi-level models to birth register data to explore whether East–West differences in non-marital fertility would remain even under scenarios such as convergence in secularisation levels and economic conditions. The persistence of the past suggests that explanations for family formation differences between eastern and western Germany based solely on the most recent and current conditions are incomplete, and that convergence, if it occurs at all, will take longer than anticipated, perhaps lasting many decades or more. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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The twentieth century gave rise to profound changes in traditional sex roles. This study reveals how modernization has changed cultural attitudes towards gender equality and analyzes the political consequences. It systematically compares attitudes towards gender equality worldwide, comparing almost 70 nations, ranging from rich to poor, agrarian to postindustrial. This volume is essential reading to gain a better understanding of issues in comparative politics, public opinion, political behavior, development and sociology. © Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris 2003 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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Abundant research has found that men's economic status shapes their gender ideology such that men who are breadwinners are less likely to endorse egalitarian ideology than men in nontraditional arrangements. This article investigates how the association between men's breadwinning status and gender ideology is influenced by the institutional arrangements of different types of labor markets. Rigid labor markets support men's ability to be breadwinners in the long term, whereas flexible labor markets provide men with more frequent, but less permanent, experiences of nontraditional arrangements. The authors anticipate that breadwinner status will have stronger effects on men's gender ideology in rigid labor markets because men can expect less fluctuation in their employment situations in those contexts. Results from a multilevel analysis of 27 countries indeed demonstrate that individual men's economic dependency on their partners influences men's gender egalitarian ideology more strongly in rigid labor markets than in flexible markets.
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This paper compares the nature and extent of change in gender-role attitudes in Britain with other nations. We hypothesise that while many of the changes would be similar across nations reflecting, in part, the increased importance of women's labour-force participation, the pace and sources of attitudinal change would be different in the different nations. Comparisons are made over the last decade between Britain, the United States and Germany. Using data from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) additional comparisons over a shorter time period are made with Ireland, the Netherlands and Italy. Data from the General Social Surveys of America (GSS) and Germany (ALLBUS) reveal that there has been a marked liberal shift in attitudes, with more of the change occurring within cohorts than through the process of cohort succession. In Britain, data from the British Social Attitudes surveys (BSA) reveal a slower and less consistent pace of change, with evidence of a growing gender difference in beliefs that maternal employment may be harmful to children.
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This article examines the impact of changing social policies on strategies to balance family responsibilities and employment used by women who were living in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). New life-history data for 4 birth cohorts that cover the different periods of this socialist society's 40-year existence allow comprehensive analyses of women's life courses. In the context of changing levels of support to combine work and family, the article attempts to show what strategies women used and how their chances for upward mobility were influenced by these adjustments. Systematic differences regarding labor force participation, quality of work, and adaptations to family demands are revealed among women who entered the labor force and formed their families at different times. The considerable change in women's employment patterns can only be explained by taking into account the social policies that were embedded in women's opportunity structures.
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This article analyses the income distribution of East Germany at the time of reunification with West Germany, the pertod 1990 to 1993. Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (GSOEP), we compare the situ ation in East Germany on the eve of the union to that in West Germany. We then analyse the change of relative income positions of certain social groups — such as lone-parent households and the aged - in the three years following reunification. The article also provides a dis cussion of the measurement problems that arise when comparing income distributions across nations and across time. The data proves that the general income distribution in East Germany — starting from a very low level of inequality — is slowly approaching West German standards. It appears that persons in similar socio-demographic groups are in com parable relative income positions in both regions. In East Germany unemployment is of increasing importance as a source of decline in economic well-being .
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This article examines trends in family attitudes and values across the last 4 decades of the 20th century, with particular emphasis on the past 2 decades. The article focuses on attitudes toward a wide range of family issues, including the roles of men and women, marriage, divorce, childlessness, premarital sex, extramarital sex, unmarried cohabitation, and unmarried childbearing. More generally, the article considers trends in 3 broad contemporary values: freedom; equality; and commitment to family, marriage, and children. Five data sets are used for the article: Monitoring the Future, General Social Survey, International Social Science Project, Intergenerational Panel Study of Parents and Children, and the National Survey of Families and Households. These 5 data sets reveal substantial and persistent long-term trends toward the endorsement of gender equality in families, which may have plateaued at very high levels in recent years. There have also been important and continuing long-term trends toward individual autonomy and tolerance toward a diversity of personal and family behaviors as reflected in increased acceptance of divorce, premarital sex, unmarried cohabitation, remaining single, and choosing to be childless. At the same time, marriage and family life remain important in the cultural ethos, with large and relatively stable fractions of young people believing that marriage and family life are important and planning marriage and the bearing and rearing of children.
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We use longitudinal data for a nationally representative sample of U.S. youth to study intergenerational and intragenerational influences on the gender-role attitudes of young women and men. We find that during the period between 1979 and 1987 young women had more egalitarian attitudes than young men but that the gender-role attitudes of both sexes were similarly influenced by family background. Although there was considerable stability in gender-role attitudes during the transition to adulthood, both sexes experienced change in an egalitarian direction with age. Young men experienced more change than young women, making their attitudes more similar to those of young women over time. Gender-role attitudes were also influenced by particular experiences and role changes during the transition to adulthood, including the continuation of education, movement into and out of the labor force, entry into marriage, and becoming a parent.
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Regression-based studies of inequality model only between-group differences, yet often these differences are far exceeded by residual inequality. Residual inequality is usually attributed to measurement error or the influence of unobserved characteristics. We present a model, called variance function regression, that includes covariates for both the mean and variance of a dependent variable. In this model, the residual variance is treated as a target for analysis. In analyses of inequality, the residual variance might be interpreted as measuring risk or insecurity. Variance function regressions are illustrated in an analysis of panel data on earnings among released prisoners in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. We extend the model to a decomposition analysis, relating the change in inequality to compositional changes in the population and changes in coefficients for the mean and variance. The decomposition is applied to the trend in U.S. earnings inequality among male workers, 1970 to 2005.
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Many discussions, academic and otherwise, implicitly assume that public opinion changes because opinions change. This ignores the possibility that public opinion changes because publics change. In this paper I show how, by modifying existing component-difference methods, the proximate sources of societal change - actual individual change versus change in publics (turnover) - can be separated using repeated survey data. The method is applied to change in gender role attitudes in the United States, using 1972–1988 data from the General Social Surveys. Both components have contributed substantially to the trend away from traditional attitudes. Yet there is an important difference: Population turnover has contributed steadily to the trend, whereas the contribution of individual change has been erratic from survey to survey.