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Empresas transnacionales, recursos naturales y conflicto en América Latina. Para una visibilización de la violencia invisible

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... No individual or collective form of harm can easily or sufficiently be framed by regulations. The following Table 7 summarizes the damages reported in a research project carried out at the University of Buenos Aires that systematized 90 cases of human rights violations with an epicenter of conflict between 2011 and 2016 on the part of transnational extractive companies in Latin America (Böhm, 2019b). ...
... These and other types of consequences have been illustrated in various reports in a panoramic way. 18 In this case, if the list is not exhaustive, it is only because it refers to a survey carried out on specific cases and damages exposed are current effects of conflicts still in progress in Latin American countries where transnational commodity market corporations from Europe, North America, Asia, and Central and South America are involved (Böhm, 2019b). ...
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Extractive industries often cause serious environmental harm, and even social harm, to the local populations of the commodity regions, especially in the Global South. The increasing demand and extraction of raw materials needed for the production of new technologies in the Global North is a specific case of this, which emphasizes asymmetrical global economic conditions. This article describes these harmful commodity relationships and presents the meaning behind the increase in the demand for and production of raw materials. The case of lithium is offered as an example of this development. Further, in the article, it is suggested that the lack of regulation and control promotes a series of deviant and criminal practices which can be systematically organized for criminological analysis. The harm caused by this industry, by its part, is presented as well, as well as a first categorization of its impact on the local population even in terms of human rights violations. Instead of a conclusion, an invitation to the study of these renewed forms of exploitation and victimization is made to criminologists, and especially, to criminologists from the particular regions that benefit from the development of new, innovative “clean” technologies.
... The emergent field of green criminology Nurse and Wyatt, 2020) has already recognised the impact of extensive extraction of natural resources in parts of the Global South. This includes deforestation, pollution of water, and loss of biodiversity, which have resulted in the illegal occupation of the land, the sexual exploitation of women and children, and the murder of indigenous and rural peoples (Böhm 2020;Global Witness 2020;Goyes 2021). There are examples of research on the effects of globalization and illicit spaces on rural environments that go beyond the common boundaries of traditional research disciplines, but further efforts are required. ...
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Crime is not simply an urban phenomenon. Yet, until recently, criminology and other related sciences have neglected the nature and levels of crime outside urban areas (Donnermeyer 2016). There exists a multitude of reasons why scholars, policy and decision-makers as well as individuals in general should care about crime and safety in rural areas. This book, best understood as an extended essay, examines the evidence of crime in rural contexts, feelings of perceived safety or lack thereof, rural policing with examples of crime prevention practices. The aim of this book is to demonstrate the importance of crime and safety in areas on the rural-urban continuum in general, and from a social sustainability perspective in particular. This aim is achieved by first outlining 20 reasons as to why crime and safety matter, which also serves to delineate the field of research and illustrate its complexity, with many interdisciplinary ramifications. Then, by reviewing the international literature, the book reports four decades of English-language studies within the field and, finally, presents a research agenda which takes into consideration emergent areas of research, implications for practice, and the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Expanding our knowledge on rural crime and safety is not only an important step for the future of criminology, but a prerequisite for ever obtaining a truly sustainable society.
... In the Latin American context, there is the promising field of Southern green criminology (Goyes et al. 2017;Goyes and Nariño 2021;Böhm 2017Böhm , 2020. The latter subfield focuses on the relationship between European colonization from the 15th century, the destruction of the environment for commodity exploitation and the primitive accumulation of capital. ...
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Since the beginning of Jair Bolsonaro´s presidential mandate, existing Brazilian environmental regulations started being rolled back to benefit a small, but powerful, Brazilian bourgeoise, the so-called “Brazilian agribusiness.” The process of deregulation in Brazil (regulatory rollback) is responsible for significant environmental and social harm, which affects largely marginalized peoples and indigenous communities in the Brazilian Amazon rainforest. It is also responsible for operating, and maintaining, dynamics of social inclusion and exclusion which are deepening the democratic deficit in Brazil, which is here denominated as the “mechanisms of environmental victimization.” To demonstrate the Brazilian regulatory rollback the authors analyse legislative and regulatory amendments since the beginning of Jair Bolsonaro´s mandate. Through this analysis, the authors seek to demonstrate how the symbiosis between state and corporate interests can promote significant social and environmental victimization.
... Latin America has been the site of extensive raw material extraction since its colonization by Europeans in the late 15th century (Galeano, 1997). Most experts point to the dynamics of large-scale resource extraction in Latin America as the main cause of primary, secondary, and tertiary green crimes since colonial times (Alimonda et al., 2017;Böhm, 2018Böhm, , 2020b. In Latin America, green crimes take place in all the realms in which humans can degrade and destroy nature. ...
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Latin America has been the site of extensive raw material extraction ever since its colonization by Europeans in the late 15th century. Throughout this period, large-scale resource extraction and associated practices—agroindustry, deforestation, disposal of waste and dangerous substances, industrial fishing, mining, and wildlife trafficking—have been the cause of widespread environmental crime and social conflict in Latin America, harming ecosystems and human and nonhuman species. Environmental degradation has simultaneously triggered further crimes such as the establishment of illegal markets and the creation of monopolies that control natural resources. Furthermore, environmental victimization has heightened social conflict in Latin American societies. Latin American criminologists began paying attention to environmental destruction and socioenvironmental conflicts in Latin America in the 1970s, but anglophone criminologists paid little if any attention to these criminologists for at least four decades. But the recent maturation of Southern green criminology has seen an increased focus of criminological research on environmental crime in Latin America. Latin American criminologists have exposed instances of primary, secondary, and tertiary green crimes in Latin America, and by so doing they have added depth to the formulations of anglophone green criminologists. Southern green criminology is concerned with the sociocriminological study of environmental crime in the Global South, while being attentive to (a) the legacy of colonization and North–South and core–periphery divides in the production of environmental crime, (b) the epistemological contributions of the marginalized, impoverished, and oppressed, and (c) the particularities of the contexts of the Global South. Southern green criminologists are currently producing innovative academic knowledge about the causes of, consequences of, and potential responses to environmental crime in Latin America.
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El desarrollo de los proyectos eólicos en los últimos años en el Istmo de Tehuantepec, Oaxaca, han impactado en las formas socioculturales de las comunidades indígenas zapotecas de la región. Como respuesta a estos proyectos eólicos han surgido movimientos sociales indígenas zapotecas que se oponen a las empresas privadas que se han visto beneficiadas por la política energética impulsadas por el Estado mexicano. Con base en la literatura sobre la teoría crítica del discurso y los movimientos sociales, analizamos el discurso de resistencia del movimiento social indígena zapoteca de la Asamblea Popular del Pueblo Juchiteco (APPJ) del municipio de Juchitán de Zaragoza, por ser un caso paradigmático de la resistencia a la política pública eólica en el Istmo de Tehuantepec, Oaxaca.
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The award of the concession of Nicaragua’s Grand Interoceanic Canal by the Sandinista Government to the Chinese company HKND seems less a response to a change in foreign policy in favour of continental China (at the expense of Taiwan), and more a step towards the achievement of a national Nicaraguan dream in which the investment company is from China. Nicaraguan history (linked for centuries to numerous canal projects), the diplomatic influence of Taiwan based on development cooperation, and Daniel Ortega remaining in power lead us to determine that, in Nicaragua, in the short and medium term, the status quo between China and Taiwan will be unaffected by this project. Nevertheless, everything indicates that a geopolitical strategy is being implemented by China in the region and the award of the canal to a company from this country provokes controversy.
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En este artículo se analizan las fallas de regulación que agravan el conflicto entre los habitantes rurales y las empresas desarrolladoras del proyecto eólico de Gas Natural Fenosa (GNF), Bií Hioxo en el Istmo de Tehuantepec, Oaxaca. El objetivo de esta investigación es demostrar los efectos, principalmente sociales, así como las fallas institucionales que impiden una evolución normativa que proponga beneficios para las comunidades en las que habrán de instalarse estas empresas. Finalmente, se hace un análisis de cómo la reforma energética de 2013, podría resolver el conflicto citado sin que este cambio normativo lo haya logrado.
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Since scholarly interest in corporate social responsibility (CSR) has primarily focused on the synergies between social and economic performance, our understanding of how (and the conditions under which) companies use CSR to produce policy outcomes that work against public welfare has remained comparatively underdeveloped. In particular, little is known about how corporate decision-makers privately reconcile the conflicts between public and private interests, even though this is likely to be relevant to understanding the limitations of CSR as a means of aligning business activity with the broader public interest. This study addresses this issue using internal tobacco industry documents to explore British-American Tobacco’s (BAT) thinking on CSR and its effects on the company’s CSR Programme. The article presents a three-stage model of CSR development, based on Sykes and Matza’s theory of techniques of neutralization, which links together: how BAT managers made sense of the company’s declining political authority in the mid-1990s; how they subsequently justified the use of CSR as a tool of stakeholder management aimed at diffusing the political impact of public health advocates by breaking up political constituencies working towards evidence-based tobacco regulation; and how CSR works ideologically to shape stakeholders’ perceptions of the relative merits of competing approaches to tobacco control. Our analysis has three implications for research and practice. First, it underlines the importance of approaching corporate managers’ public comments on CSR critically and situating them in their economic, political and historical contexts. Second, it illustrates the importance of focusing on the political aims and effects of CSR. Third, by showing how CSR practices are used to stymie evidence-based government regulation, the article underlines the importance of highlighting and developing matrices to assess the negative social impacts of CSR.