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Abstract

When thwarted goals increase endorsement of violence, it may not always reflect antisocial tendencies or some breakdown of self-regulation per se; such responses can also reflect an active process of self-regulation, whose purpose is to comply with the norms of one's social environment. In the present experiments (total N = 2,145), the causal link between thwarted goals and endorsement of violent means (guns and war) was found to be contingent on perceptions that violence is normatively valued. Experiments 1-3 establish that thwarted goals increase endorsement of violence primarily among U.S. adults of a lower educational background and/or men who endorse a masculine honor culture. Experiment 4 manipulates the perceived normative consensus of college educated Americans, and demonstrates that thwarted goals increase college educated Americans' endorsement of whatever norm is salient: prowar or antiwar. Generalizing the model beyond violent means, Experiment 5 demonstrates that goal-thwarted Europeans report increased willingness to volunteer for refugee support activities if they perceive strong social norms to volunteer. Altogether, these findings support a frustration-affirmation model rather than frustration-aggression, whereby thwarted goals increase compliance with perceived norms for behavior, which can increase endorsement of violent means such as guns and war, but also nonviolent charitable actions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

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... Theories of intergroup conflict similarly suggest that in rigid intergroup contexts, disempowered people are motivated to elevate their (collective) self-esteem through outgroup derogation and in-group bias (19,20). Research in motivation science links such processes to frustrated psychological needs, which are often more symbolic than materialistic (21)(22)(23)(24)(25). ...
... That is, both kinds of threat are related to in-group identification and prejudice (47), but whereas realistic threat is rooted in material concerns about Hispanic immigrants stealing jobs and increasing crime, symbolic threat is rooted in intangible concerns about group identity, differences in culture, and which group is "best" (13,47,48). The significance quest theory assumes that support for violent extremism is often motivated by symbolic concerns rather than material concerns (7,25,27), and thus, the effects of disempowerment should run through symbolic threat and not realistic threat. ...
Article
People may be sympathetic to violent extremism when it serves their own interests. Such support may manifest itself via biased recognition of hate crimes. Psychological surveys were conducted in the wakes of mass shootings in the United States, New Zealand, and the Netherlands (total n = 2,332), to test whether factors that typically predict endorsement of violent extremism also predict biased hate crime perceptions. Path analyses indicated a consistent pattern of motivated judgment: hate crime perceptions were directly biased by prejudicial attitudes and indirectly biased by an aggrieved sense of disempowerment and White/Christian nationalism. After the shooting at a synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, disempowerment-fueled anti-Semitism predicted lower perceptions that the gunman was motivated by hatred and prejudice (study 1). After the shootings that occurred at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, disempowerment-fueled Islamoprejudice similarly predicted lower hate crime perceptions (study 2a). Conversely, after the tram shooting in Utrecht, Netherlands (which was perpetrated by a Turkish-born immigrant), disempowerment-fueled Islamoprejudice predicted higher hate crime perceptions (study 2b). Finally, after the Walmart shooting in El Paso, Texas, hate crime perceptions were specifically biased by an ethnonationalist view of Hispanic immigrants as a symbolic (rather than realistic) threat to America; that is, disempowered individuals deemphasized likely hate crimes due to symbolic concerns about cultural supremacy rather than material concerns about jobs or crime (study 3). Altogether, biased hate crime perceptions can be purposive and reveal supremacist sympathies.
... For example, threats to masculinity may come as a result of a loss or lack of significance, unemployment, or experiences of discrimination. This can lead to attempts to reaffirm masculinity, which can lead to radicalization (Bhui, Dinos & Jones, 2012;Leander et al., 2020). This same process can also lead to the more authoritarian and fundamentalist views being embraced. ...
... Niemand heeft controle over de situatie en dat levert stress op. Agressief handelen geeft in deze context een gevoel van beheersing en autonomie: dat je toch iets hebt teweeggebracht (Leander et al., 2020). ...
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Er bestaat zoiets als ‘het raadsel van het Haagse geweld’. Het gebeurt vaak en steeds opnieuw, van oudsher. Waarom is dat? Als het gebeurt, is het vrijwel altijd ook in de Schilderswijk. Net als de zomer, tussen 11 en 15 augustus 2020: felle onrust en ongeregeldheden in de wijk, op een schaal die sinds de zomer van 2015 niet meer was voorgekomen. Wat is er die dagen gebeurd? Hoe heeft het illegaal openen van brandkranen – geen nieuw verschijnsel in Den Haag – kunnen ontwikkelen van een vriendelijk waterballet tot almaar grimmiger ongeregeldheden en grootschalig relschoppen? Waarom? En waarom weer in de Schilderswijk? Wat zit daar achter? Over die vragen gaat het onderzoeksrapport ‘Het gebeurt’. Niet over de rechtmatigheid en effectiviteit van overheidshandelen in die onrustige dagen, maar wel over de breuklijnen en spanningen die eraan ten grondslag liggen. Het duidt de achtergronden, hoe bewoners van ‘Het Wijk’ of professionals die er werken, denken over de kracht en onmacht van hun omgeving. Het brengt de gelaagdheid in kaart, die er altijd en overal is, maar waar in het huidige gepolariseerde klimaat dikwijls weinig aandacht en tijd voor is.
... Participants indicated the subjective likelihood of getting infected with the coronavirus in the next few months using an 8-point scale (1 = "Exceptionally unlikely"; 7 = "All but certain"; 8 = "Already happened"), which was based on research on perceived threats (Leander et al., 2019;Smith et al., 2012). In addition, they rated how disturbing it would be to contract the virus using a 5-point scale (1 = "Not disturbing at all"; 5 = "Extremely disturbing"). ...
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The current research examined the role of values in guiding people’s responses to COVID-19. Results from an international study involving 115 countries (N = 61,490) suggest that health and economic threats of COVID-19 evoke different values, with implications for controlling and coping with the pandemic. Specifically, health threats predicted prioritization of communal values related to caring for others and belonging, whereas economic threats predicted prioritization of agentic values focused on competition and achievement. Concurrently and over time, prioritizing communal values over agentic values was associated with enactment of prevention behaviors that reduce virus transmission, motivations to help others suffering from the pandemic, and positive attitudes toward outgroup members. These results, which were generally consistent across individual and national levels of analysis, suggest that COVID-19 threats may indirectly shape important responses to the pandemic through their influence on people’s prioritization of communion and agency. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
... This confirms previous meta-analytic findings for identity and extends them for morality. 42 Theories of goal pursuit and obstruction (e.g., Leander et al., 2019Leander et al., , 2020Lemus et al., 2017;Stollberg et al., 2017) argue that different means exist within a given situation to fulfill a currently active goal (Kruglanski et al., 2002). As such, cultural norms play an important part in determining what constitutes viable goals to achieve through collective action. ...
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Sociopsychological theorizing and research on collective action (e.g., social protests) has mushroomed over the last decade, studying a wide variety of groups, contexts, and cultures. Through a quantitative research synthesis of four motivations for collective action (1,235 effects from 403 samples; total N = 123,707), we summarize and synthesize this body of research into the dual chamber model, a comprehensive and potentially cross-cultural model of collective action. We aim to replicate previous meta-analytic conclusions (about identity, injustice, and efficacy) and break new theoretical ground by (a) integrating a fourth motivation (morality) into the very heart of the psychology of collective action, (b) extending these four motivations to advantaged group members acting in solidarity with the disadvantaged, and (c) integrating theoretically relevant structural (i.e., cultural and other contextual) constraints. Results substantiated the dual chamber model as all four motivations yielded unique, positive, medium-sized effects and interrelationships were positive (particularly among morality and identity, conceptualized as the dual chambers of the protester's beating heart). Meta-analytic structural equation modeling supported the added value of including morality. Moreover, findings confirmed that the strongest specific motivations were emotional injustice and politicized identification, while newly adding moral conviction to that list. Finally, the four motivations extended to advantaged group members acting in solidarity with the disadvantaged, while only the identity motivation was constrained by theoretically relevant cultural dimensions and values (e.g., collectivism and hierarchy). We discuss the implications and limitations of the dual chamber model for integrative theorizing, innovative research, and the practice of collective action. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).
... Participants indicated the subjective likelihood of getting infected with the coronavirus in the next few months using an 8-point scale (1 = "Exceptionally unlikely"; 7 = "All but certain"; 8 = "Already happened"), which was based on research on perceived threats (Leander et al., 2019;Smith et al., 2012). In addition, they rated how disturbing it would be to contract the virus THREATS AND VALUES DURING COVID-19 15 using a 5-point scale (1 = "Not disturbing at all"; 5 = "Extremely disturbing"). ...
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The current research examined the role of values in guiding people’s responses to COVID-19. Results from an international study involving 115 countries (N = 61,490) suggest that health and economic threats of COVID-19 evoke different values, with implications for controlling and coping with the pandemic. Specifically, health threats evoked prioritization of communal values related to caring for others and belonging, whereas economic threats predicted prioritization of agentic values focused on competition and achievement. Concurrently and over time, prioritizing communal values over agentic values was associated with enactment of prevention behaviors that reduce virus transmission, motivations to help others suffering from the pandemic, and positive attitudes toward outgroup members. These results, which were generally consistent across individual and national levels of analysis, suggest that COVID-19 threats may indirectly shape important responses to the pandemic through their influence on people’s prioritization of communion and agency. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
... Educational background influences employees' self-evaluations and corresponds to recognition and approval from one's social milieu, resulting in different comparison referents. Education not only reflects social class and socioeconomic status but also reflects a cultural cleavage in which individuals with similar educational background are likely to form groups and adopt similar values (Leander et al., 2020). Education levels are negatively related to workplace envy because education leads to an understanding of the reasons for the discrepancies. ...
... Educational background influences employees' self-evaluations and corresponds to recognition and approval from one's social milieu, resulting in different comparison referents. Education not only reflects social class and socioeconomic status but also reflects a cultural cleavage in which individuals with similar educational background are likely to form groups and adopt similar values (Leander et al., 2020). Education levels are negatively related to workplace envy because education leads to an understanding of the reasons for the discrepancies. ...
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Extensive research has been conducted into the antecedents and consequences of workplace envy, but there have been limited meta-analytic reviews. This meta-analysis draws on social comparison theory to examine studies of envy in the workplace and develop a comprehensive model of the antecedents and consequences of workplace envy. We reconcile the divergent findings in the literature by building a model of three types of workplace envy that distinguishes between episodic, dispositional, and general envy. The results suggest that individual differences (e.g., narcissism, neuroticism), organizational contexts (e.g., competition, position), and social desirability are predictors of workplace envy. They also reveal that workplace envy is related to organizational citizenship behaviors (OCBs), negative behaviors (e.g., ostracism, social undermining), negative emotions, organizational perceptions (i.e., engagement, satisfaction), turnover intentions, and moral disengagement. We test the moderating roles of envy types, measurement approaches, and causal directions. The results reveal that these moderators have little differences, and that some variables (e.g., self-esteem, fairness) may be both antecedents and consequences of workplace envy. Finally, we suggest that future research into workplace envy should investigate contextual predictors and moderators of the social comparison process that triggers envy. This meta-analysis can serve as a foundation for future research into workplace envy.
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This research describes the backgrounds of the disturbances in four North Brabant cities when the covid19-curfew was introduced on January 23rd, 2021. The aim of this research is to develop knowledge about starting points for preventing, or tackling (online-driven) public disorder. What factors caused things to get out of hand in the covid19 context? Where does this dissatisfaction with national and local government policies come from? What explaines that dissatisfaction turns into public disorder in some cases (and not in others)? What are the early warning signals? What was the role of social media? Were many young people involved in the public disorder? Did we see 'unruly politics' in practice, political claim-making of new groups? Were the 'curfew riots' a new chapter in the evolution of public protest?
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Even though the motivation to feel worthy, to be respected, and to matter to others has been identified for centuries by scholars, the antecedents, consequences, and conditions of its activation have not been systematically analyzed or integrated. The purpose of this article is to offer such an integration. We feature a motivational construct, the quest for significance, defined as the need to have social worth. This need is typically fulfilled by a sense of measuring up to the values one shares with significant others. Our significance-quest theory (SQT) assumes that the need for significance is universal, whereas the means of satisfying it depend on the sociocultural context in which one’s values are embedded. Those means are identified in a narrative supported and validated by one’s network, or reference group. The quest for significance is activated by significance loss and/or the opportunity for significance gain. It motivates behavior that aims to affirm, realize, and/or show commitment to an important value. The SQT is consistent with large bodies of prior research and supported by novel studies in multiple laboratory and field settings. It transcends prior understandings and offers guidance for further study of this essential human motivation.
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Background Two of the most central questions in radicalization research are, (1) why do some individuals radicalize when most of those from the same groups or exposed to similar conditions do not? and (2) why do radicalized individuals turn to radical violence while the majority remain inert? It has been suggested that the answer to both questions lie in the cumulative and interactive effects of a range of risk factors. While risk assessment and counter-radicalization take a risk-protective factor approach, there is widespread debate as to what these factors are and which are most important. Objectives This review has two primary objectives. 1) To identify what the putative risk and protective factors for different radicalization outcomes are, without any predeterminations. 2) To synthesize the evidence and identify the relative magnitude of the effects of different factors. The review's secondary objectives are to: 1) Identify consistencies in the estimates of factors across different radicalization outcomes. 2) Identify whether any significant heterogeneity exists within factors between (a) geographic regions, and (b) strains of radicalizing ideologies. Search Methods Over 20 databases were searched for both published and gray literature. In order to provide a more comprehensive review, supplementary searches were conducted in two German and one Dutch database. Reference harvesting was conducted from previous reviews and contact was made with leading researchers to identify and acquire missing or unpublished studies. Selection Criteria The review included observational studies assessing the outcomes of radical attitudes, intentions, and/or radical behaviors in OECD countries and which provided sufficient data to calculate effect sizes for individual-level risk and protective factors. Data Collection and Analysis One-hundred and twenty-seven studies, containing 206 samples met the inclusion criteria and provided 1302 effect sizes pertaining to over 100 different factors. Random effects meta-analyses were carried out for each factor, and meta-regression and moderator analysis were used to explore differences across studies. Results Studies were primarily cross-sectional, with samples representing 20 countries OECD countries. Most studies examined no specific radicalizing ideology, while others focussed on specific ideologies (e.g., Islamist, right-wing, and left-wing ideologies). The studies generally demonstrated low risk of bias and utilized validated or widely acceptable measures for both indicators and outcomes. With some exceptions, sociodemographic factors tend to have the smallest estimates, with larger estimates for experiential and attitudinal factors, followed by traditional criminogenic and psychological factors. Authors' Conclusions While sociodemographic factors are the most commonly examined factors (selective availability), they also tend to have the smallest estimates. So too, attitudinal and even experiential factors, do not have effect sizes of the magnitude that could lead to significant reductions in risk through targeting by interventions. Conversely, traditional criminogenic factors, as well as psychological factors tend to display the largest estimates. These findings suggest the need to broaden the scope of factors considered in both risk assessment and intervention, and this review provides much needed evidence for guiding the selection of factors.
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Quest for significance theory (Kruglanski et al., 2013; Kruglanski, Jasko, Chernikova, Dugas, & Webber 2017) states that extreme behavior for an ideological cause is more likely under psychological conditions that induce a search for significance and social recognition. Two forms of motivation for significance have been identified; the quest for individual significance rooted in personal experiences and the quest for collective significance rooted in the perception that one's social group is humiliated and/or disrespected. Whereas past research has demonstrated associations between both forms of quest for significance and political extremism, there is little understanding of the conditions that moderate those effects. In the present study, we tested the moderating role of belonging to radical versus nonradical social context. Four studies were conducted in three different cultural settings: Sri Lanka (Study 1, n = 335), Morocco (Study 2, n = 260), and Indonesia (Study 3, n = 379 and Study 4, n = 334). Each study compared the responses from participants residing in social contexts that were more or less radical. Radical social contexts were identified based either on participants' belonging to known extremist organizations (Studies 1, 3, and 4) or residence within a locale that is a known hotbed for recruitment into terrorist organizations (Study 2). Across studies, we found evidence that radical social contexts strengthen the link between quest for significance-particularly collective significance-and support for political violence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
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What fuels radicalization? Is de-radicalization a possibility? The Three Pillars of Radicalization: Needs, Narratives, and Networks addresses these crucial questions by identifying the three major determinants of radicalization that progresses into violent extremism. The first determinant is the need: individuals’ universal desire for personal significance. The second determinant is narrative, which guides members in their “quest for significance.” The third determinant is the network, or membership in one’s group that validates the collective narrative and dispenses rewards like respect and veneration to members who implement it. In this book, Arie W. Kruglanski, Jocelyn J. Bélanger, and Rohan Gunaratna present a new model of radicalization that takes into account factors that activate the individual’s quest for significance. Synthesizing varied empirical evidence, this volume reinterprets prior theories of radicalization and examines major issues in deradicalization and recidivism, which will only become more relevant as communities continue to negotiate the threat of extremism.
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Between 2016 and 2017, Americans suffered 3 of the deadliest mass shootings in modern history by a lone gunman: the Orlando nightclub shooting, the Las Vegas strip shooting, and the Texas church shooting. We studied American gun owners in the wakes of these tragedies, theorizing that a byproduct of the salience of mass shootings is to increase the salience of guns as means of individual empowerment and significance. We hypothesized that this increase in salience would be especially relevant in the context of thwarted goals, because such individuals may be seeking a compensatory means to interact more effectively with their environment. In 4 studies of U.S. gun owners (N = 2,442), we tested whether mass shooting salience interacted with thwarted goals to predict justification to shoot suspected criminals, as well as ideas about armed vigilantism and perceptions that guns are means of empowerment. The thwarting of goals was either experimentally induced via failure on an achievement task (Study 1), or measured via perceptions of disempowerment in society (Studies 2-4). Mass shooting salience was measured via perceptions of mass shooting threat, as well as temporal proximity and social proximity to specific mass shooting events. Across studies, results indicated an interaction between thwarted goals and mass shooting salience; temporal proximity yielded mixed results. Altogether, thwarted goals motivate people to seek effectiveness and mattering, and guns are more likely to be perceived as means to such ends when mass shootings loom large in the mind. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
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Given the social importance of political activism, it is critical to understand what motivates individuals to engage in it. Past research has predominantly focused on individual and collective frustrations as factors that motivate political actions. At the same time, the role of the positive experiences that activists gain from their political engagement was largely neglected. Drawing on quest for significance theory, we proposed that when people engage in political actions on behalf of important social values, they gain a sense of personal significance, and as a result of these positive feelings, they are more willing to self‐sacrifice for the cause in the future. We tested that hypothesis in six studies, which included both online and offline samples of political activists engaged in different forms of activism that challenge the neoliberal order: activism for a radical left‐wing party (N = 84), a pro‐democratic social movement (N = 1,409), feminist activism (N = 158, N = 258), environmental activism (N = 396), and activism for labor and healthcare rights (N = 156). The results we obtained were in line with our hypothesized model. We discuss the implications of our findings for individuals who want to mobilize support for political movements.
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School shootings tear the fabric of society. In the wake of a school shooting, parents, pediatricians, policymakers, politicians, and the public search for "the" cause of the shooting. But there is no single cause. The causes of school shootings are extremely complex. After the Sandy Hook Elementary School rampage shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, we wrote a report for the National Science Foundation on what is known and not known about youth violence. This article summarizes and updates that report. After distinguishing violent behavior from aggressive behavior, we describe the prevalence of gun violence in the United States and age-related risks for violence. We delineate important differences between violence in the context of rare rampage school shootings, and much more common urban street violence. Acts of violence are influenced by multiple factors, often acting together. We summarize evidence on some major risk factors and protective factors for youth violence, highlighting individual and contextual factors, which often interact. We consider new quantitative "data mining" procedures that can be used to predict youth violence perpetrated by groups and individuals, recognizing critical issues of privacy and ethical concerns that arise in the prediction of violence. We also discuss implications of the current evidence for reducing youth violence, and we offer suggestions for future research. We conclude by arguing that the prevention of youth violence should be a national priority. (PsycINFO Database Record
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This research used open source information to investigate the motivational backgrounds of 219 suicide attackers from various regions of the world. We inquired as to whether the attackers exhibited evidence for significance quest as a motive for their actions, and whether the eradication of significance loss and/or the aspiration for significance gain systematically differed according to attackers’ demographics. It was found that the specific nature of the significance quest motive varied in accordance with attackers’ gender, age, and education. Whereas Arab-Palestinians, males, younger attackers, and more educated attackers seem to have been motivated primarily by the possibility of significance gain, women, older attackers, those with little education, and those hailing from other regions seem to have been motivated primarily by the eradication of significance loss. Analyses also suggested that the stronger an attacker’s significance quest motive, the greater the effectiveness of their attack, as measured by the number of casualties. Methodological limitations of the present study were discussed, and the possible directions for further research were indicated.
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The longstanding issue of extrajudicial police shootings of racial and ethnic minority members has received unprecedented interest from the general public in the past year. To better understand this issue, researchers have examined racial shooter biases in the laboratory for more than a decade; however, shooter biases have been operationalized in multiple ways in previous studies with mixed results within and across measures. We meta-analyzed 42 studies, investigating five operationalizations of shooter biases (reaction time with/without a gun, false alarms, shooting sensitivity, and shooting threshold) and relevant moderators (e.g., racial prejudice, state level gun laws). Our results indicated that relative to White targets, participants were quicker to shoot armed Black targets (d av = −.13, 95% CI [−.19, −.06]), slower to not shoot unarmed Black targets (d av = .11, 95% CI [.05, .18), and more likely to have a liberal shooting threshold for Black targets (d av = −.19, 95% CI [−.37, −.01]). In addition, we found that in states with permissive (vs. restrictive) gun laws, the false alarm rate for shooting Black targets was higher and the shooting threshold for shooting Black targets was lower than for White targets. These results help provide critical insight into the psychology of race-based shooter decisions, which may have practical implications for intervention (e.g., training police officers) and prevention of the loss of life of racial and ethnic minorities.
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Content analysis of 122 social psychology textbooks confirmed that displaced aggression received a surge of attention immediately following J. Dollard, L. W. Doob, N. E. Miller, O. H. Mowrer, and R. R. Sears (1939), but subsequent interest sharply declined. Contemporary texts give it little attention. By contrast, meta-analysis of the experimental literature confirms that it is a robust effect (mean effect size = +0.54). Additionally, moderator analyses showed that: (a) The more negative the setting in which the participant and target interacted, the greater the magnitude of displaced aggression; (b) in accord with N. E. Miller's (1948) stimulus generalization principle, the more similar the provocateur and target, the more displaced aggression; and (c) consistent with the contrast effect (L. Berkowitz & D. A. Knurek, 1969), the intensity of initial provocation is inversely related to the magnitude of displaced aggression.
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When their sense of personal control is threatened people try to restore perceived control through the social self. We propose that it is the perceived agency of ingroups that provides the self with a sense of control. In three experiments, we for the first time tested the hypothesis that threat to personal control increases the attractiveness of being part or joining those groups that are perceived as coherent entities engaging in coordinated group goal pursuit (agentic groups) but not of those groups whose agency is perceived to be low. Consistent with this hypothesis we found in Study 1 (N = 93) that threat to personal control increased ingroup identification only with task groups, but not with less agentic types of ingroups that were made salient simultaneously. Furthermore, personal control threat increased a sense of collective control and support within the task group, mediated through task-group identification (indirect effects). Turning to groups people are not (yet) part of, Study 2 (N = 47) showed that personal control threat increased relative attractiveness ratings of small groups as possible future ingroups only when the relative agency of small groups was perceived to be high. Perceived group homogeneity or social power did not moderate the effect. Study 3 (N = 78) replicated the moderating role of perceived group agency for attractiveness ratings of entitative groups, whereas perceived group status did not moderate the effect. These findings extend previous research on group-based control, showing that perceived agency accounts for group-based responses to threatened control.
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Level of education is a predictor of a range of important outcomes, such as political interest and cynicism, social trust, health, well-being, and intergroup attitudes. We address a gap in the literature by analyzing the strength and stability of the education effect associated with this diverse range of outcomes across three surveys covering the period 1986-2011, including novel latent growth analyses of the stability of the education effect within the same individuals over time. Our analyses of the British Social Attitudes Survey, British Household Panel Survey, and International Social Survey Programme indicated that the education effect was robust across these outcomes and relatively stable over time, with higher education levels being associated with higher trust and political interest, better health and well-being, and with less political cynicism and less negative intergroup attitudes. The education effect was strongest when associated with political outcomes and attitudes towards immigrants, whereas it was weakest when associated with health and well-being. Most of the education effect appears to be due to the beneficial consequences of having a university education. Our results demonstrate that this beneficial education effect is also manifested in within-individual changes, with the education effect tending to become stronger as individuals age.
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This study examined male Asian international college students' perceptions of racial discrimination, subjective masculinity stress, centrality of masculine identity, and psychological distress by testing a moderated mediation model. Participants were 160 male Asian international college students from 2 large public universities. Participants' perceived racial discrimination was positively related to their subjective masculinity stress only at high (but not low) levels of masculine identity centrality. Additionally, subjective masculinity stress was positively related to psychological distress, although this association was stronger among those who reported high levels of masculine identity centrality. The authors also detected a moderated mediation effect in which subjective masculinity stress mediated the relationship between perceived racial discrimination and psychological distress only at high (but not low) levels of masculine identity centrality. These findings contribute to the counseling psychology literature by highlighting the connections between race- and gender-related stressors as well as the relevance of masculine identity to an understanding of men's mental health. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).
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How do people react to indifference when they see it in others? In 5 studies we examined how people may respond to it as a cue to disengage when they lack sufficient commitment to a goal or task themselves. Across the studies, participants were either exposed to cues implying an absence of motivation or not, after which their own goal-directed motivation was assessed. Results indicated that participants were likely to behaviorally assimilate indifference when it was directed toward a relevant goal (Studies 1 and 3) and they were not very committed to the goal (Studies 2a-b, 3, 5). Corresponding self-report data suggested that exposure to indifference generally discouraged and obstructed goal pursuit in the participants' minds (Studies 4-5). However, participants overcame the indifference when their commitment to the goal was chronically high or experimentally heightened, with the corresponding self-report data suggesting a process of increased monitoring and counteraction. In these studies, we also distinguished goal commitment from goal accessibility: Whereas a manipulation of goal commitment seemed to facilitate overcoming indifference (Study 5), a manipulation of goal accessibility did not (Study 4). In sum, a potentially insidious feature of indifference may be that people assimilate it not because they want to but because it exploits their preexisting doubts about the goal or their general openness to disengaging from it. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).
Preprint
The artificial environment of the psychological laboratory experiment offers an excellent method for testing whether a causal relationship exists — but it is mostly useless for predicting the size and power of such effects out in the world. A laboratory effect may be artificially inflated or deflated in comparison with the same causal process outside the laboratory. Indeed, in many cases the very notion of a true effect size (regardless of type of manipulation or dependent variable) is absurd. At best, effect sizes from laboratory experiments provide information that could help other researchers to design their experiments — but that means effect sizes are shop talk, not information about reality. NOTE: Comment articles are invited at the journal.
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Do people become more aggressive when they are manipulated as a tool or object that can help others achieve performance goals? Adopting a multi-method approach with Eastern and Western samples, through six experiments (overall valid N = 1070), we tested whether objectification (i.e., being treated as an instrument that aids others in achieving instrumental performance goals) promotes aggression through thwarted perceived control. The results showed that objectified participants had higher levels of aggression than nonobjectified participants (Experiments 1 to 6). Moreover, thwarted perceived control mediated the effect of objectification on aggression (Experiments 3 and 4). In addition, restoring objectified people's perceived control could effectively weaken their aggression level (Experiments 5 and 6). Taken together, these findings highlight the critical influence of perceived control in explaining when and why objectification promotes aggression and how to weaken such an effect. They also highlight the role of perceived control in understanding the consequences of various forms of interpersonal maltreatment in different performance or instrumental settings.
Book
What makes us human? Why do humans deal with the world in the ways that we do? The usual answer is that it is our intelligence. When it comes to intelligence, we believe we are special. When it comes to motivation, we believe we are basically the same as other animals. But human motivation is also special. This book describes why human motivation is special and how it makes us who we are. Humans want to experience that their feelings, beliefs, and concerns are shared by others. They want to experience that what matters to them about the world, what objects, events, and issues are worthy of attention, also matters to other people. And what humans share with others is what they experience to be real . It is a shared reality . This book tells the story of how our shared reality motivation defines who we are. It makes us strong as individuals and as groups. It can also tear us apart. Different modes of shared reality emerge during human childhood, and emerged during human evolution, that determine our experience of the world around us and how we deal with it. Our motivation to create shared realities determines how we talk to each other and remember the events in our lives. The story of shared reality is the story of how we feel, what we know, our attitudes and opinions, our sense of self, what we strive for and how we strive, and how we get along with others.
Book
The Radical’s Journey draws from interviews with former right-wing extremists in Germany to present a compelling account of life as a political extremist. Insights are provided into four distinct phases of an extremist’s lifecycle: joining a radical organization, involvement in and engagement with a violent movement, leaving extremism behind, and coping with the repercussions of once being an extremist and deviant in society. Analyses are derived from an empirically supported framework that emphasizes the importance of psychological needs, exposure to ideological narratives, and embeddedness within a social network as critical to involvement in extreme violence. Instead of focusing on the details of life within an extreme movement, space is devoted to understanding the social psychological processes and factors that help the reader understand, for instance, why one would choose an extremist lifestyle or why one would remain committed to a violent organization. Throughout, insight is provided into which aspects of this journey are unique to the German context and which aspects appear to be universal, no matter one’s country of origin or ideological subscriptions. Space is also devoted to understanding the German right-wing space, both in terms of the evolution of extremism and the evolution of the counter-extremism industry that has developed to address this expanding threat. The issues covered within should resonate with practitioners and scholars working within counter-extremism fields.
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Individuals have a myriad of potential identities that they can use to define who they are, yet little research has investigated which types of identities people tend to prioritize within their self‐concepts, and how this may vary across individuals. We analyse data from two large UK social surveys (Ns = 16,966 and 44,903) that assessed the importance respondents attached to various identities within their self‐concepts, and find that social class plays a crucial role. Our results show that respondents attached high importance to identities that are indicative of their social class (income, education, and professional), and at least as much importance as they gave to identities more commonly studied by psychologists (such as ethnicity, nationality, or gender). Furthermore, respondents’ objective social class was one of the strongest predictors of the importance they attached to different types of identities: Higher class respondents placed greater importance on identities that are indicative of their social class, but less importance on identities based on basic demographics, chosen communities, or their sociocultural orientation. Our results suggest that social class plays an important role in structuring the self‐concept, and that researchers should pay more attention to the importance of social class to self and identity processes.
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The present research investigates the normative roots of ingroup favoritism, reviving Tajfel's (1970) abandoned “generic norm” hypothesis according to which (1) most ingroups are perceived to promote ingroup favoritism and (2) people infer this normative prescription in newly assigned minimal groups. Anti-discrimination norms are also prevalent, but we propose that these originally emanate from external (and often supra-ordinate) entities that act as “moral referees” of the intergroup situation (e.g., the United Nations Organization). Two experimental studies using the self-presentation paradigm (Jellison & Green, 1981) supported these hypotheses in a naturalistic intergroup context (Study 1; N=110) and in a minimal group paradigm (Study 2; N=206). Moreover, the relationship between these norm perceptions and participants' tendency toward ingroup favoritism was examined. Results revealed differences in the naturalistic and the minimal group contexts. In the naturalistic setting, the relationship between perceived norms and people's actual tendencies was contingent on political orientation. In the minimal group paradigm, inferences of the ingroup norm were, overall, the best predictor of ingroup favoritism. These findings are discussed in the light of current models of intergroup behavior.
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The term intrinsic motivation refers to an activity being seen as its own end. Accordingly, we conceptualize intrinsic motivation (IM) as (perceived) means-ends fusion and define an intrinsicality continuum reflecting the degree to which such fusion is experienced. Our Means-Ends Fusion (MEF) theory assumes four major antecedents of activity-goal fusion: (1) Repeated pairing of the activity and the goal, (2) Uniqueness of the activity-goal connection, (3) Perceived similarity between the activity and its goal, and (4) temporal immediacy of goal attainment following the activity. MEF theory further identifies two major consequences of the activity-goal fusion (i.e., manifestations of intrinsic motivation): (1) Perceived instrumentality of the activity to goal attainment and consequent activity engagement; (2) goal-related affective experience of the activity. Empirical evidence for MEF theory comes from diverse fields of psychological inquiry, including animal learning, brain research, and social cognition.
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The present studies examined the hypothesis that loss of personal significance fuels extremism via the need for cognitive closure. Situations of significance loss-those that make one feel ashamed, humiliated, or demeaned-are inconsistent with the desire for a positive self-image, and instill a sense of uncertainty about the self. Consequently, individuals become motivated to seek certainty and closure that affords the restoration of personal significance. Extremist ideologies should thus increase in appeal, because they promise clear-cut strategies for such restoration. These notions were supported in a series of studies ranging from field surveys of political extremists imprisoned in the Philippines (Study 1) and Sri Lanka (Study 2) to experiments conducted with American samples (Studies 3-4). Implications of these findings are considered for the psychology of extremism, and for approaches to counterradicalization, and deradicalization. (PsycINFO Database Record
Book
Although the rate of gun ownership in U.S. households has declined from an estimated 50 percent in 1970 to approximately 32 percent today, Americans’ propensity for carrying concealed firearms has risen sharply in recent years. Today, more than 11 million Americans hold concealed handgun licenses, an increase from 4.5 million in 2007. Yet, despite increasing numbers of firearms and expanding opportunities for gun owners to carry concealed firearms in public places, we know little about the reasons for obtaining a concealed carry permit or what a publicly armed citizenry means for society. Angela Stroud draws on in-depth interviews with permit holders and on field observations at licensing courses to understand how social and cultural factors shape the practice of obtaining a permit to carry a concealed firearm. Stroud’s subjects usually first insist that a gun is simply a tool for protection, but she shows how much more the license represents: possessing a concealed firearm is a practice shaped by race, class, gender, and cultural definitions that separate “good guys” from those who represent threats. Stroud’s work goes beyond the existing literature on guns in American culture, most of which concentrates on the effects of the gun lobby on public policy and perception. Focusing on how respondents view the world around them, this book demonstrates that the value gun owners place on their firearms is an expression of their sense of self and how they see their social environment.
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Testing a model of group-based control, we hypothesized that, as a response to threatened control, people strive for collective agency, leading to increased in-group norm conformity. To distinguish this mechanism from possible conservative shift we investigated liberal norms (i.e., change and anti-right-wing norms). In a field experiment (N = 82), salient personal control increased managers' commitment to organizational change under conditions of a pro-change in-group norm. Two laboratory experiments showed control threat to heighten students' support for educational innovations when salient in-group norms were supportive, but not when they were ambivalent (N = 152), or when only out-group norms were supportive (N = 170). Applying this logic, perceived terrorist threat after a major attack predicted German students' intention to support anti-right-wing protests for those who perceived a strong anti-right-wing norm among students (N = 74). We discuss implications for both theory and societal polarization (instead of conservative shift) in times of threatened control.
Chapter
Radicalization refers to the process whereby an individual comes to endorse non-normative, and often violent, means as a mechanism for goal achievement. The present chapter discusses three psychological factors-the 3 Ns-involved in this process, specifically as it pertains to violent extremism. First, we discuss the need, that is, the individual motivation underlying violent extremism, triggering events that activate this motivation within the individual, and the ramifications of these triggering events on extreme behavior. Second, we discuss the role of ideological narrative in justifying and legitimating violence as a necessary and permissible tool toward goal attainment. Third, and finally, we discuss social networks, and the role they play in how would-be-terrorists find themselves joining extremist organizations, and how these group dynamics increase one's willingness to perpetrate extreme acts of violence.
Article
Thwarted goals and motivational obstacles are antecedents of aggression, but it is not entirely clear what motivates the aggressive response or why it is often displaced onto unrelated targets. The present work applies Goal Systems Theory (Kruglanski et al., 2002) to consider how displaced aggression can sometimes operate like any other means to an end. Specifically, in five studies, we find that thwarted goals motivate displaced aggression to compensate for a threatened sense of competence. First, when an achievement goal is experimentally thwarted, it both threatens self-efficacy beliefs and increases displaced aggression (Studies 1–2). Second, when goal-thwarted individuals have the means to engage in displaced aggression, it reestablishes self-efficacy in the thwarted goal domain (Study 3). However, we find that the superordinate goal being served is competence and not to be aggressive per se: In Study 4, goal thwarted individuals choose to help someone rather than remain idle, even if idleness is the more aggressive alternative. In Study 5, displaced aggression is attenuated among individuals who expect a second performance opportunity in the thwarted goal domain. Together, the results suggest goal-thwarted individuals mainly resort to displaced aggression when they lack other means to interact effectively with the environment.
Article
News coverage of the shootings in Orlando highlighted a tension between the two frames broadcasters used in their reporting. Was this a homophobic hate crime or was this terrorism? Many elided the difficulty by calling it homophobic terrorism, but this could not resolve the tension. This article contends that because terrorism is closely equated with radicalized Muslims, the tension was sublimated into an existing orientalist frame where homophobia became a marker of fundamentalist Islamic culture. Instead, this article argues, these two frames should not be taken as cause and effect but as problems that share a common ailment: the presence of toxic masculinities. Beginning from a position that sees masculinity as constituted through violence in patriarchal culture, this article works through the idea that when there is a disillusionment with violence, masculinity under patriarchy turns toxic. What emerges then is not merely violence but “rage” as the praxis of toxic masculinities.
Article
Social psychology's status as a theoretical discipline is assessed. Whereas it has excelled as an experimental science, the field has generally eschewed broad theorizing and tended to limit its conceptualizations to relatively narrow, "mid-range" notions closely linked to the operational level of analysis. Such "theory shyness" may have spawned several negative consequences, including the tendency to invent new names for old concepts, fragmentation of the field, and isolation from the general cultural dialogue. Recently, steps have been taken to encourage greater theoretical activity by social psychologists, and there are now several major outlets for theoretical contributions. Further initiatives are needed, however, to instigate theoretical creativity, including ways of overcoming disciplinary risk aversion and the training of young social psychologists in ways and means of theory construction.
Book
What motivates violence? How can good and compassionate people hurt and kill others or themselves? Why are people much more likely to kill or assault people they know well, rather than strangers? This provocative and radical book shows that people mostly commit violence because they genuinely feel that it is the morally right thing to do. In perpetrators’ minds, violence may be the morally necessary and proper way to regulate social relationships according to cultural precepts, precedents, and prototypes. These moral motivations apply equally to the violence of the heroes of the Iliad, to parents smacking their child, and to many modern murders and everyday acts of violence. Virtuous Violence presents a wide-ranging exploration of violence across different cultures and historical eras, demonstrating how people feel obligated to violently create, sustain, end, and honor social relationships in order to make them right, according to morally motivated cultural ideals.
Article
Around the globe, people fight for their honor, even if it means sacrificing their lives. This is puzzling from an evolutionary perspective, and little is known about the conditions under which honor cultures evolve. We implemented an agent-based model of honor, and our simulations showed that the reliability of institutions and toughness of the environment are crucial conditions for the evolution of honor cultures. Honor cultures survive when the effectiveness of the authorities is low, even in very tough environments. Moreover, the results show that honor cultures and aggressive cultures are mutually dependent in what resembles a predator-prey relationship described in the renowned Lotka-Volterra model. Both cultures are eliminated when institutions are reliable. These results have implications for understanding conflict throughout the world, where Western-based strategies are exported, often unsuccessfully, to contexts of weak institutional authority wherein honor-based strategies have been critical for survival. http://pss.sagepub.com/content/27/1/12 http://www.gelfand.umd.edu/papers/PSYS602860_REV.pdf Additional resources: https://osf.io/btawq/
Article
Despite the improving economy, consolidation and staff reductions characterize the human resource staffing policies of many firms. Furthermore, economic and demographic pressures indicate that involuntary job loss will be an increasingly common experience for managers and professionals in the coming decade. Based on a synthesis of empirical studies, this paper proposes a model showing factors which may generate career growth from job loss. Organizational strategies are recommended for creative management of this career transition and suggestions are provided to focus future research.
Article
There is growing recognition that identification with social groups can protect and enhance health and well-being, thereby constituting a kind of "social cure." The present research explores the role of control as a novel mediator of the relationship between shared group identity and well-being. Five studies provide evidence for this process. Group identification predicted significantly greater perceived personal control across 47 countries (Study 1), and in groups that had experienced success and failure (Study 2). The relationship was observed longitudinally (Study 3) and experimentally (Study 4). Manipulated group identification also buffered a loss of personal control (Study 5). Across the studies, perceived personal control mediated social cure effects in political, academic, community, and national groups. The findings reveal that the personal benefits of social groups come not only from their ability to make people feel good, but also from their ability to make people feel capable and in control of their lives. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).
Article
The manner in which the concept of reciprocity is implicated in functional theory is explored, enabling a reanalysis of the concepts of "survival" and "exploitation." The need to distinguish between the concepts of complementarity and reciprocity is stressed. Distinctions are also drawn between (1) reciprocity as a pattern of mutually contingent exchange of gratifications, (2) the existential or folk belief in reciprocity, and (3) the generalized moral norm of reciprocity. Reciprocity as a moral norm is analyzed; it is hypothesized that it is one of the universal "principal components" of moral codes. As Westermarck states, "To requite a benefit, or to be grateful to him who bestows it, is probably everywhere, at least under certain circumstances, regarded as a duty. This is a subject which in the present connection calls for special consideration." Ways in which the norm of reciprocity is implicated in the maintenance of stable social systems are examined.
Article
The common, everyday understanding of anger is problematic in a number of respects—in its inattention to the prototypic nature of this emotional state; in its failure to recognize the important role often played by the critical event's aversiveness; and in its neglect of the frequently close connection between anger arousal and aggression-related motor impulses. This article discusses all of these matters from the point of view of my cognitive-neoassociation perspective [Berkowitz, 1990, 1993, 2010; Berkowitz and Harmon-Jones, 2004]. The role of automatic, nonconscious reactions is considered, and it is also emphasized that angry feelings are linked to approach motivation—movement toward the perceived source of the anger. The article also briefly summarizes relevant research dealing with the self-regulation of anger reactions. This broad review hopefully will prompt further inquiries into the arousal, nature, and operation of anger. Aggr. Behav. 38:322-333, 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.