Tales in the Paasaali Dirge: Structure and Moral Lessons from the Past

Abstract

Among the Paasaala people in the Upper West Region of Ghana who speak paasaali, dirge performance and the execution of the tale go hand in hand; the two genres complement each other. This paper investigates the close relationship between tales and dirges and establishes some of the reasons that bind them together in the Paasaala funeral context. By using the theory of ethno-poetics and methodologies such as close observation of live performances of dirges, interviews with poet cantors and cultural custodians of some selected Pasaala communities, recordings of live dirge performances as well as references to some documented sources on dirges and tales, the researchers find that there are different structural types of dirges among the Paasaala, but the marriage between appellations, the tale, and song is unique, and it is one of the most complex forms. This union is imbued with several merits, and these merits range from the aesthetic to the utilitarian.

Full text

  () -
<UN>
brill.com/mnya
©     ., |:./-
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing -- License at the time
of publication
Tales in the Paasaali Dirge: Structure and Moral
Lessons from the Past
Condence Gbolo Sanka (คอนฟิเดนซ์ โบล แซนก้า)
Department of English Language, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science
and Technology (), Kumasi, Ghana
kof75@gmail.com
Samuel Adu-Gyam (แซมมวล อาดู-กิอัมฟิ)
Department of History and Political Studies, Kwame Nkrumah
University of Science and Technology (), Kumasi, Ghana
mcgyam@yahoo.com
Charles Ofosu Marfo (ชารลส์ โอโฟสุ มาร์โฟ)
Department of Language and Communication Sciences, Kwame Nkrumah
University of Science and Technology (), Kumasi, Ghana
cmarfo@gmail.com
Abstract
Among the Paasaala people in the Upper West Region of Ghana who speak paasaali,
dirge performance and the execution of the tale go hand in hand; the two genres com-
plement each other. This paper investigates the close relationship between tales and
dirges and establishes some of the reasons that bind them together in the Paasaala
funeral context. By using the theory of ethno-poetics and methodologies such as close
observation of live performances of dirges, interviews with poet cantors and cultural
custodians of some selected Pasaala communities, recordings of live dirge perfor-
mances as well as references to some documented sources on dirges and tales, the re-
searchers nd that there are diferent structural types of dirges among the Paasaala,
but the marriage between appellations, the tale, and song is unique, and it is one of the
most complex forms. This union is imbued with several merits, and these merits range
from the aesthetic to the utilitarian.
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
Keywords
dirge – ethno-poetics – Paasaala – Paasaali – folktale – historical lessons
บทคัดย่อ
นิทานจากบทเพลงในพิธีศพของชาวพาซาล่า: โครงสร้างและบทเรียนทางศีลธรรมจาก
อดีต
การใช้บทเพลงและการเล่านิทานในพิธีศพของชาวพาซาล่าซึ่งอาศัยอยู่ในแถบภูมิภาคตะวันตก
ตอนบนของกาน่าจะกระทำาไปพร้อมๆกัน ทั้งสองสิ่งเกื้อหนุนซึ่งกันและกัน บทความนี้มุ่ง
วิเคราะห์ความสัมพันธ์ที่ใกล้ชิดของนิทานกับเพลงที่ใช้ในพิธีศพ และหาเหตุผลที่เชื่อมโยงสอง
อย่างนี้ไว้ด้วยกันในบริบทของงานศพของชาวพาซาล่า โดยใช้ทฤษฎีฉันทลักษณ์ชาติพันธุ์ (ethno-
poetics) และระเบียบวิธีต่างๆ เช่น การสังเกตการแสดงบทเพลงในพิธีศพอย่างใกล้ชิด การ
สัมภาษณ์นักขับขานบทกวีในโบสถ์และสัมภาษณ์ผู้พิทักษ์รักษาวัฒนธรรมของชุมชนพาซาล่าบาง
กลุ่ม การบันทึกภาพการแสดงสดบทเพลงในพิธีศพ รวมถึงการอ้างอิงแหล่งข้อมูลที่เกี่ยวกับ
บทเพลงในพิธีศพและนิทานที่มีการบันทึกไว้ ผลการวิจัยพบว่าโครงสร้างต่างๆ ของบทเพลงในพิธี
ศพในหมู่ชาวพาซาล่า มีหลายประเภทที่แตกต่างกัน แต่เมื่อนิทานกับเพลงมารวมกัน จะมี
เอกลักษณ์และรูปแบบที่สลับซับซ้อนมากที่สุดรูปแบบหนึ่ง การรวมตัวกันดังกล่าวนี้มีคุณค่าหลาย
ประการ นับตั้งแต่ด้านสุนทรียศาสตร์ไปจนถึงด้านประโยชน์ใช้สอย
1 Introduction
The folktale, evidently, is a popular verbal performance in the oral tradition in
Africa that has endured over the years. Studies in oral literature in Africa have
shown that tales are generally told by the reside milieu as a form of entertain-
ment, as a vehicle for the transmission of cultural and moral values, and for
artistic expression. Sometimes, however, tales can be evoked or performed out-
side the usual reside milieu to satisfy certain moral, cultural, and artistic re-
quirements in Africa. In this paper, the focus is on tales that are used outside
their usual reside milieu by the Paasaala in order to execute their dirges.
Paasaalι is a dialect of the Sisaalι language. The Sisaalι language is spoken by
the Sisaalas, and Paasaalι is a dialect that is spoken by the Paasaala people. The
Paasaalas are mainly concentrated in the Wa East Constituency of the Upper
West region of Ghana and specically in the Wa East District. The Paasaalas
have settlements such as Funsi, the capital of the Wa East District, Kundungu,
Buama, Jumo, Yaala Number One and Two and so on. Their main occupation
is farming, and though Christianity and Islam have inuenced their religious
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
beliefs, they still follow traditional practices and customs when it comes to
mourning the dead.
The theories of ethnopoetics and moral sentiments have been used to sup-
port discussions in this paper. According to Quick (1999, 90), ethnopoetics is
“an interdisciplinary construct that attempts to correct the Eurocentric and
chirographic bias against non-Western, traditional ways of speaking and mean-
ing by deriving an interpretive frame from discourse in its own cultural con-
text.” The model of folklore analysis used in the discussion of issues in this pa-
per combines elements from the two strands of ethnopoetics developed by
Hymes (1981) and Tedlock (1977).
Instead of concentrating on Hymes’s strand of ethnopoetics, which empha-
sizes the written text, or that of Tedlock, which focuses on living discourse,
discussions in this paper give cognizance to performance, the oral text, and the
written text. Concerning the theory of moral sentiments, Smith (2016) argues:
“When we consider the character of any individual, we naturally view it under
two diferent aspects; rst, as it may afect his own happiness; and secondly, as
it may afect that of other people” (Smith 2016). These tales as found in the ar-
ticle host historical nuggets that teach moral lessons which are essential in
discussing or contemplating what ought to be or should be done in human
interactions with one another and the physical environment.
The object of this paper, however, is to present the performance, the oral
text and the written text of the Paasaali dirge. These dirges are old nuggets
loaded with history and moral lessons that are useful for contemporary times.
It is important to emphasize that there is no exclusive study on the Paasaali
dirges, especially that, which seeks to draw lessons from these old dirges. Con-
sequently, discussions in this paper have proceeded along the following lines:
rst, a short explanation of the theory and methods used in gathering data and
advancing arguments; second, a discussion on the intricate relationship be-
tween the tale and the dirge in the Paasaala cultural context; third, a critical
appreciation of the language and structure of some sample Paasaala dirges,
including lessons for humanity, and the last part of the paper deals with the
ndings and conclusion of the research.
1.1 Materials and Methodology
Interviews with bards and community elders, close observation of dirge per-
formances in Paasaala land, our participation in dirge performances as well as
documented sources on dirges have been used for data gathering and interpre-
tation. Sample dirges from the Paasaalιland have also been collected, tran-
scribed, translated and used as primary data for arguments advanced in this
paper.
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
1.2 Relationship between the Dirge and the Tale
Abrams (2005, 77) simply denes dirge as “a versied expression of grief on the
occasion of a particular person’s death.” Right from the onset, the dirge is a
term that is closely related to death. In the African context, Ohwovoriole (2010,
445) denes dirges as “songs, poems or dances performed on the death or dur-
ing the funeral of someone with societal recognition.” She explains further that
the dirge can be “eulogic, satiric, lamentative, condemnatory or incantatory.”
On the other hand, the tale has been explained by John Hagan as follows:
It has a literary convention expressed in the scheme of formal fea-
tures:the introductory statements; the body of the tale interspersed with
songs;the moral or etiological conclusion; the narrator-audience interac-
tion; the use of language characterised chiey by repetition and resort
toideophones; the role of songs to punctuate sections of the story and to
advance the plot in some cases (Hagan 1988, 19).
Evidently, the denitions of these two art forms do not bring out clearly the
relationship that exists between them in the Paasaala cultural context since
one is all about death and the other is mute on the subject of death. The rela-
tionship between the dirge and the tale can be fully understood when one con-
siders the two from the angle in which they are executed and the functions of
the two genres on the funeral grounds in the Paasaala cultural context.
Functionally, dirges and tales share a great deal in common. Areas of inter-
est or issues of communal and individual concern that can be commented on
using tales can easily be highlighted using the Paasaala dirge, too. Indeed, Aju-
won (1980, 71), Ogede (1995, 82), Clark-Deces (2005), Alembi (2008, 21), and
Fasan (2015, 118) have all agreed in their works that dirges are not used for only
mourning but are also used to celebrate life. This is why in the Paasaala cultural
context, both genres (tale and dirge) are combined for efective satire and
commentary on issues of individual and communal concern. Indeed, Kehinde
(2010, 29) explains that “folktales are, for instance, useful media for the com-
munication of the country’s history, culture, philosophy, mores, kinship sys-
tems, moral disposition and so on.” In another context, Aborampah (1999, 264)
also draws our attention to the fact that Akan “dirges themselves cover the
whole spectrum of social life, including kinship, marital and familial relations,
economics, political activities and societal values.” The Paasaala dirge is not
completely diferent from other Ghanaian and African dirges, and the areas
in which both the dirge and the tale can be used are common. Combining
thetwo genres in the Paasaala context is an ingenious way of providing the
poetcantor with enough resources to use the platform of dirges to mourn, to
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
celebrate a life worthy of emulation, to satirize the society, to teach moral les-
sons, to teach the history of kinship, and sometimes, to entertain in order to
provide a therapeutic or cathartic efect for mourners.
One other area in which there is a similarity between the dirge and the tale
in terms of function in the Paasaala context is the expression of emotions. It
has already been explained elsewhere in this paper that the dirge is used for
mourning and sometimes, to celebrate a well-lived life depending on the age
and circumstances surrounding the death of the deceased in the Paasaala con-
text. Death among the Paasaala is not regarded entirely as tragic once it in-
volves someone who has lived beyond a certain advanced age, someone who
has been blessed with many children and grandchildren, someone who has
died peacefully without a protracted illness and at home. Whether the mood is
celebratory or mournful, one thing that comes out clearly is that both moods
involve the expression of emotions. In a similar fashion, the execution of tales
also involves the expression of emotions. In the case of the tale, the expres-
sionof such emotions can be “therapeutic, emotional, cathartic, didactic” and
sometimes, the tale may be of “socializing usefulness” (Kehinde 2010, 29).
Combining tales which can have a therapeutic and cathartic efect with dirges
which can evoke mournful moods is an intelligent and creative way of mourn-
ing. Indeed, it means that among the Paasaala, it is acknowledged that death
brings about grief but the living cannot wallow in that state of sorrow forever.
While mourning the departed, we must be mindful not to overdo it in such a
way that it would have a negative impact on our health. Combining the tale
with the dirge is a way of providing an opportunity for mourners to mourn in
moderation on the occasion of death and to accept its reality.
The Paasaala dirge is mainly didactic and satiric when it is used to mourn an
elderly person who has lived a life worthy of emulation and has departed at
anage that is the envy of the living. In such a context, the mood is not that
of lamentation but rather a celebratory one. Consequently, dirges in such cir-
cumstances in the Paasaala context are used to teach communal and cultur-
alvalues and to comment on issues afecting the community and the individ-
ual. The tale is well known in the African context for performing this role,
andthis is why Kehinde (2010) explains that storytelling in Africa should be
described as an “enter-educational art.” The similarity between this function
ofthe tale and that of the dirge is one of the evident reasons why poet can-
torsare able to combine the two and to execute them perfectly on the funeral
grounds.
Finally, aesthetically, the Pasaala dirge is often couched in highly metaphor-
ical terms. In its complex form, the Paasaala dirge is a combination of difer-
entverbal arts (appellations, tale and song). An appellation can be dened as
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
identifying word or words by which someone or something is distinguished
from others (Anyidoho 1991, 70). It is not explicit and easy to comprehend, and
it is not executed individually as it is found in other cultural contexts such as
that of the Akans in Ghana; the poet-cantor and audience execute it together.
Consequently, when the tale is used together with the dirge, the tale serves as
an illustration of the meaning of the song. The tale is executed before the song
is performed. In this way, when the song sounds even proverbial or metaphori-
cal, the illustrative nature of the tale is able to help mourners understand the
meaning of the dirge. Audience participation is also enhanced when tales are
used in the execution of dirges. Due to the more expansive form of the tale as
compared to the song or appellations, and due to the extensive use of repeti-
tions and ideophones coupled with appropriate body language, the cantor is
able to enlist the attention of the audience, who wait and encourage the cantor
patiently until he or she starts the song which embeds the moral in the tale for
the audience to help execute the song.
1.3 Structural Types of Dirges
Nketia (1955, 51–73) has been able to identify some structural types in Akan
dirges based on the themes that they embed. In the same vein, Anyidoho (2002,
373) has been able to identify “amoma” as a funeral eulogy that is unique on its
own. This is not simply because it is normally written and is recited at Chris-
tian funeral services. It is also because this genre of the Akan dirge takes as
its resources hunters’ songs, royal appellation poetry, and traditional Akan
dirges.
1.4 Structural Types of Paasaali Dirges
In the Paasaala context, dirges can be categorized based on their structure and
on the age or social status of the deceased which may warrant the dominance
or otherwise of lament in the songs. Structural and social types can, therefore,
be discussed under Paasaala dirges. The focus in this paper is, however, on
structural types and particularly, on the type that combines appellations, tale,
and song.
The simplest form of the Paasaali dirge consists of a song of one or two lines.
These two lines are repeated more than ve times before a pause is observed.
The hiatus does not mark the end of the dirge; instead, the same two lines are
repeated several times before the song is concluded and somebody begins an-
other song. The break in the song is normally observed by lowering the pitch of
the voice in the nal line and prolonging the last syllable of the last word in the
last line. This usually allows all the mourners and poet cantors to observe
thehiatus in a smooth, uniform and euphonic manner. In consequence, the
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
complete performance of a song may consist of thirty lines or more. These
thirty lines, however, are just a repetition of the initial two lines. Mutia (2003,
391) reports a similar instance of repetition in the Bakweri dirge in Cameroon.
In his own words, “One line can, in fact, be repeated several times.” This form
of the Paasaali dirge is absolutely participatory in its formal setting, and poets
as well as mourners execute it together. The following dirge is an example of
the Paassali dirge in its simplest form:
Paasaali Dirge
Nιhιyawyaa The aged are
Haŋbiyedaalιlii rε. The gods of the youth.
Nιhιyawyaa The aged are
Haŋbiyedaalιlii rε. The gods of the youth.
Nιhιyawyaa The aged are
Haŋbiyedaalιlii rε. The gods of the youth.
Nιhιyawyaa The aged are
Haŋbiyedaalιlii rε. The gods of the youth.
Nihyawyaa The aged are
Haŋbiyedaallii rε. rŋaaŋaaŋaaaa. The gods of the youth.
The elongated forms of certain vowel sounds are stock sounds used in ending
many musical or poetic compositions in the Paasaali culture. They include
such elongated vowel sounds as yieeeee, reeeeee, ooooooo, ngaa ngaaaa, and so
on. Such vowel sounds are not only euphonic to the ear, but they are elongated
and help the poet cantor and the audience to mark a hiatus euphonically and
uniformly by lowering the pitch of their voice during such compositions. They
can, therefore, be used to end many compositions though they do not start
them.
It must be observed that men and women who are not professional dirge
performers are obliged by custom to know this simplest form of the dirge. This
is the practice among the Paasaalas or the users of the Paasaalι dialect where
drums are used to provide musical accompaniment in the rendering of dirges
and not xylophones as pertains among the speakers of the Tumulŋ or Gelbaglι
dialects of the Sisaalι language group.
From the sample dirge provided, it is evident that repetition remains the key
structure or device that holds the dirge together. Due to the fact that whole
lines are repeated, the song merely becomes a refrain that allows for easy par-
ticipation and memorisation of the song. Since most of the songs are often
couched in metaphorical and proverbial terms, it is important that they are
repeated several times to emphasise their meanings, to create rhythm, and to
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
allow the poet to think of the next song while one is still ongoing. Poet cantors,
therefore, use the technique of building blocks to execute these dirges.
Having addressed the issue of structure in this sample dirge, it is equally
useful to look at the lessons for humanity. Historically, the elders (old men and
members of the rst estate within Ghanaian traditional society, that is, chiefs,
queen mothers, divisional chiefs, clan and family heads) are believed to have
some wisdom and so are able to ofer important advice and direction to the
youth. It is generally believed that this comes about as result of lived experi-
ence and old age. The metaphor, “the aged are the gods of the youth” cannot be
gainsaid. The gods are perceived to have an important place in traditional Gha-
naian society; they are propitiated for protection and counsel to ensure the
well-being of persons and the traditional state and also to appease them to
preserve order and quiet threatened by minor ofenses committed by the peo-
ple (Adu-Gyam 2016). This in essence places the “aged” (elders) in a special
realm, “the realm of the gods” whose counsel was and is still considered unpar-
alleled in some traditional Ghanaian societies. The words of John Fiske are an
important feature in the scheme of things: “… What is the meaning of the fact
that man is born into the world more helpless than any other creature, and
needs for a much longer season than any other living thing the tender care and
wise counsel of his elders?” (Fiske 1909, 1). In Schaefer’s Grandmothers Counsel
the World: Women Elders Ofer Their Vision for Our Planet, Winona La Duke
penned: “Within the words of these grandmothers are the words of real ex-
perts. There is no way to replace intergenerational knowledge of how to live
sustainably, how to rearm relationships. The scientic paradigm, a mecha-
nistic methodology, will not show us the way through these challenging times.
We are blessed with the teachings the grandmothers ofer, and we are thankful
for their words” (Anders 2008).
The second structural type of dirge which can be identied is the one that
comes in the form of a song and an appellation or appellations. This type is
considered complex and only professional dirge performers are able to execute
it together with the audience. It is considered dicult because the poet-cantor
must know the appellations of many clans and villages oand before he or
she can attempt to execute it. In the formal context of dirge performance, an
artist may try to catch the attention of mourners by rst chanting their appel-
lations before nally performing the song that he or she has in mind. It takes a
long apprenticeship and practice for one to memorize most of the appellations
which are xed and cannot be changed by the bard. The chorus assists the bard
in executing the song itself and also supports the bard with words of encour-
agement and gifts of cola nuts or coins when he chants the appellations.
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
The appellations of the mourners are chanted by the artist alone. The appel-
lations and the song together form the dirge in the Paasaalι context. The
appellations are not, however, logically related to the song. The appellations
are chanted while the song is sung. Again, while the song consists of just one or
two lines which are repeated several times, the appellations are longer, xed,
and more complex for efective participation in their execution by the mourn-
ers. Also, there is no logical connection between the song and the appellations
since the same appellations can be chanted together with diferent songs with
diferent semantic implications. Indeed, the main function of the appellations
in this context is to enable dirge singers to catch the attention of specic indi-
viduals at the funeral grounds and to, perhaps, motivate these individuals to
give money to the bard or to enable them pay tributes to the deceased. Appel-
lations are also used to trace the history and kinship among the mourners on
the funeral grounds. The bard’s ability to chant these appellations of diferent
clans successfully equally demonstrates that he is a good poet since no mourn-
er or clan would be pleased if their appellation is chanted wrongly. The follow-
ing dirge, which consists of appellations and a song, is an example of structural
type two.
Appellation
Nh tιιnawaa!
Ba naga εεrει vιyanh ta?
Gyaaŋ ma yaalaanhyigepaŋ,
Gyaaŋ ma yaalaa ŋ kywala kana,
Adamawaa! Adamawaa! Adamawaa!
Ba naga εεrειvιyanh ta?
DyaknkywalyaKagyiya nyla,
Badiyekywal Hall nyla,
ŊwtuwokywalGbuŋgbogino nyla,
Girigiri nιyla baa faa,
Owner of the cow!
What caused you to abandon the
cow?
Please, help me push the cow
forward.
Please, accept my greetings.
Attention Adama! Attention Adama!
Attention Adama!
What caused you to abandon the
cow?
Nephew of Dyakn who paid his
respects to Kagyiya,
Nephew of Badiye who paid his
respects to Halli,
Nephew of Ŋwιιtuwo who paid his
respects to Gbuŋgbogino,
Nephew of those full of vitality and
strength,
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
Naagimeba lo gyeye nιyla,
Yaalaa ŋ kywala kana.
Adamawaa! Adamawaa!
 m trŋ gaŋdaafeniyaŋ bee?
KyaŋdmkywalyaBak nyla,
Puri pnabanakpan nyla,
Ba vyanywabalya nyla,
Gyaaŋgyaaŋ di i wuwoli digna nii wii.
Nephew of those who crumble walls
with the sound of their footsteps,
Please, I greet you!
Attention Adama! Attention Adama!
What is your own appellation?
Nephew of Kyaŋdm who paid his
respects to Bk,
Nephew of those who value the truth
above anything else,
Nephew of those whose totem is the
crocodile,
Please, please, listen attentively.
Song
Agyiyebrιlaaratuwo Agyiye, our protector is no more
Aŋ sιbrιlaara? Who will protect us?
Agyiyebrιlaaratuwo Agyiye, our protector is no more
Aŋ sιbrιlaara? Who will protect us?
Agyiyebrιlaaratuwo Agyiye, our protector is no more
Aŋ sιbrιlaara? Who will protect us?
Agyiyebrιlaaratuwo Agyiye, our protector is no more
Aŋ sιbrιlaara? Who will protect us?
Agyiyebrιlaaratuwo Agyiye, our protector is no more
Aŋ sιbrιlaara? Who will protect us?
Agyiyebrιlaaratuwo Agyiye, our protector is no more
Aŋ sιbrιlaaraaaaaa? Who will protect us?
In the appellations, repetition remains the linchpin among other structures
ordevices such as metaphor (owner of the cow_ owner of the funeral), (cow-
funeral), hyperbole (crumble walls with footsteps), rhetorical questions (What
is your own appellation?) and so on. Much as all these literary devices contrib-
ute to the structural and semantic unity of the dirge, the structure that really
brings about unity in the appellation is lexico-structural repetition. In this in-
stance, words and phrases are repeated to enable the audience to understand
that what is at the centre of the appellation is the ancestry of a mourner. Thus,
the phrases “nephew of” and “who paid his respects to” are repeated in the ap-
pellations to draw our attention to the fact that it is one person’s ancestry
which is being traced and that the ancestors’ age follows the order in which
they paid respects to one another.
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
In the third type, appellations, a tale and the song are combined. The tale
that is executed in such an instance undergoes some changes; this makes it
slightly diferent from the normal reside milieu kind of tales that are mostly
presented without the interlinking of appellations, tales and song combined.
Again, in dealing with moral lessons, we infer that the dead in the dirge was
an important person who had a rm ancestry or heritage. He was a protector,
and in his absence, who would protect the people? We are sure to add that he
will not only protect them from evil forces but from those who, in the present
circumstances, will take away from them that which is due them in any form
through any means. Writing on the role of the public protector in ghting cor-
ruption, Pienaar argued that governments in all countries are supposed to be
the guardians of the people and of the interests of the people over whom they
govern (Pienaar 2000). Though the people mourn, the need to have some-
onewho is interested in being a protector not only of individuals but of the
family, the people and their heritage would count and continue to be of grave
concern.
In most cultures, the performance of tales is a form of entertainment that is
provided on evenings of relaxation. (Okpewho 1992, 222). It is the same situa-
tion that pertains in the Paasaala context. Tales which are performed in a for-
mal setting are normally referred to as ‘mla’ in the Paasaalι dialect. They are
usually a mixture of animal, human, and fairy-tales. They difer in terms of se-
riousness, the presence of satire, and the presence of comedy. Children often
gather around elderly people to listen to such oral pieces. There are other in-
stances in which the tale can be used outside its formal setting. It can be evoked
in a conversation among elders in order to teach a lesson, buttress a point, or
to sound a word of caution to a listening party. It is also used in the context of
the funeral for a practical illustration of the meaning of the dirge. When a tale
is evoked outside its formal setting in the Paasaala context, it loses its label as
‘mla’. It becomes ‘namaga,’ a term which is used to designate a proverb, a par-
able, or a riddle.
The change in the label is not the only metamorphosis that the tale under-
goes when it is evoked outside its formal setting. The occasion for the perfor-
mance of the oral narrative also changes once it is evoked outside the reside
milieu. ‘Namaga’ can be told at any time of the day. The audience of ‘namaga’are
not children but grown-ups, and the comic element is almost missing in it.
‘Namaga’ is more serious, brief, and is devoid of the song performance which
intersperses folktale performances in Africa. In the funeral context, tales used
to illustrate the meaning of dirges are not interspersed with song performance.
The song is performed only at the end of the tale. Appellations may be chanted
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
in the course of narrating the tale but these are not an integral part of the tale.
They are appellations of mourners at the funeral grounds, and they are chant-
ed to attract the attention of mourners. In consequence, it is the song which is
performed at the end of the tale that has a logical and cohesive connection
with the narrative.
Yankah (2002) explains a similar situation in the Akan context in which the
tale can be evoked outside its conventional reside milieu. In instances where
tales are used as rhetorical tools for persuasion, their name automatically
changes. Indeed Yankah observes that:
Yet in certain cultural domains tales, like proverbs, are also rhetorical so
long as they are tools for persuasion, and they can be spontaneously
evoked in conventional talk to demonstrate a lesson, teach a moral, or
reinforce an argument…In cultures where diferent labels are used, such
as among the Akan of Ghana, the tale (anansesem) attracts the label
proverb (ebe) when it is triggered in normal discourse outside the con-
ventional reside milieu. (Yankah 2002, 138)
1.5 Prose Narrative Interwoven in the Paasaali Dirge and Moral Lessons
from the Past
The following prose narrative which has been used as an integral part of a dirge
is analyzed in the subsequent pages in order to illustrate its suitability to be
woven into the Paasaala dirge.
Appellations
Bayoŋ waa! Bayoŋ waa! Please Bayoŋ! Please Bayoŋ!
 nynaŋ gaŋdaa feni yaŋ bee? What is your father’s appellation?
Dalaa kywalya Kagyiya nyla, Nephew of Dalaa who paid his
respects to Kagyiya,
Ŋmaŋ tr nyla ra bana, Nephew of those who ambushed
wayfarers and forced them to
retreat,
Nyukuŋkogilli brm hayaara gbuwoni
nyla,
Nephew of those whose unkempt
wives used human skulls as gourds,
Naasolli brm ba ŋmra nyla, Nephew of those who used human
tibia as utes,
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
Ba naga r  vya yoho ta? How come you are not taking an
active part in the execution of
dirges?
Bayoŋ waa! Bayoŋ waa! Attention Bayoŋ! Attention Bayoŋ!
 m trŋ gaŋdaa feni yaŋ bee? What is your own appellation?
Gbaŋgyaga kywalya Namaali nyla, Nephew of Gbaŋgyaga who paid his
respects to Namaali,
Saal kywal Kŋkŋ nyla, Nephew of Saal who paid his
respects to Kŋkŋ,
Gyagynna gyaargenni nyla, Nephew of expert horse riders,
Krugu t naanyiyere nyla, Nephew of those who wear baggy
trousers to cover spindly legs,
Gawurini t ba saw nyla, Nephew of those who wear smocks
to conceal their amulets,
Nyupugu t nyukprya nyla, Nephew of those who wear hats to
conceal their bumpy heads,
Agyiya baŋ kywal Saampuwo nyla, Nephew of Agyiya who paid his
respects to Saampuwo,
Gyaaŋ gyaaŋ d  wuwol  dgna n w. Please, please, listen attentively.
Tale
Banhyaw r sii, a kan  haar aŋ nyrm. Ws a yaa wya, banhyaw sya
dŋ daa nyrmya am  penni m swa r. Kyiye buro banhyaw bee 
haar k gy dya, banhyaw a pna a bags, bags haar r aŋ sii. Waa b
wuwo a k ky haar kpn twa.
r ky kwala, banhyaw sii a laha pna gyaŋ twa.  pna gyaŋ twa a k
m k maga  d piinhe kiire geri  fa a k kaŋ banhyaw gar twa gy.
r geri br pa banhyaw,“Banhyaw, d n k wuwo laa ŋ mbori ta paŋ,
ŋ s kys  penni a p.” r piinihe m br pa banhyaw a br, “Banhyaw,
d n k leŋ d ŋ kaŋ geri a dii a fyali ŋ losuu haŋ ny, ŋ s suri  sya p. Ll
ny waa, banhyaw aa ky  sya r, a bra k ky penni m kyusino. Bakbee r
waa ls aŋ leŋ bakbee?
r banhyaw sii a gy dya a gy kana gym k pa piinihe. Piinihe laa
gym haa, a di. Ll haa, d piinihe sya fyalya r. r piinihe sii haa, a
gyna Ws nyuu aŋ k tuu paasbanhyaw sya abee  naanila kŋu. Ll
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
d kyal a laha banhyaw sya twa. Banhyaw kana  neni gyna lan  sya
haa, d sya suriye. r haa, gebari m sii haa, nyaratatata d  kaŋ gyee kuu
nyuhu gyna.  gyna saga gyee nyuhu aŋ kana  nyuhu gyollo aŋ kaŋ tuu bn.
Ll d banhyaw penni ka sii r kpogu, kpogu, kpogu an gyaagu penni. r
t br, banhyawu yr haar d  kaŋ k bn ba pna. r banhyaw
haar br d banhyaw m tr a b wuwo w buro k yaa aŋ aa k walm
nara bee pna wya. r banhyaw tar  nywa. Haar k kaŋ k bn haa,
banhyaw tuu pna haa, d  kpa haar pna.
1.6 Translation of the story above
“There lived an old man who had a wife but was blind. In God’s mysterious way,
the old man was blind as well as impotent. Each day when the old man went to
bed with his wife, he would only lie down and admire the wife till daybreak. He
could not make love to his wife in bed.
Then one day, the old man went out and lay down under a shed. After lying
down under the shed for a while, a hawk chased a male lizard and the lizard
ran under the smock of the old man. Then the lizard said to the old man, “Old
man! If you will save my life for me, I will make you a potent man.” Then the
hawk also said to the old man, “Old man! If you will allow me to catch and eat
this lizard to satisfy my hunger, I will restore your sight for you.” Indeed, the old
man needed his sight as badly as he needed his potency. Which of the two
would he choose; which one could he let go?
The old man, after listening to both the hawk and the lizard, got up and
went and caught one of his own fowls for the hawk. This was to ensure that the
lizard’s life would be spared and the hunger of the hawk satised. The hawk
accepted the fowl from the old man and ate it. After it had nished eating, the
hawk became satised. The hawk then ew unto the sky and ew down again
onto the face of the old man and scratched it with its claws “kŋu.” In no time,
the old man’s face was bleeding and the old man decided to wipe the blood of
his face. When he did it, he gained back his sight. Then the male lizard also got
up and ran onto a broken wall. The lizard lay on the broken wall and nodded its
head. After the lizard nodded its head several times, in no time at all, the male
organ of the old man had jumped “kpogu, kpogu, kpogu” like that of a male
horse. When it got dark, the old man called his wife to come and lay the bed.
Then the wife told the old man that though he was inecient in bed, he wor-
ried her a lot anytime it was dark. The old man never uttered a word. Then the
wife nally came and prepared the bed; and that night, the old man was able
to satisfy his wife sexually in bed.”
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
Song
Yaa wasιι dŋn One good turn
 m kyiye was Deserves another
Yaa wasιι dŋn One good turn
 m kyiye was Deserves another
Yaa wasιι dŋn One good turn
 m kyiye was Deserves another
Yaa wasιι dŋn One good turn
 m kyiye was Deserves another
Yaa wasιι dŋn One good turn
 m kyiye was yeeeeeee Deserves another
Evidently, the logical conclusion that one can draw from the tale is that the old
man has much wisdom. Through this wisdom, he is able to satisfy the demands
of both the hawk and the male lizard. As a result of the old man’s ability to
satisfy the requests of both animals, they, in turn, fulll their promises to their
host. As a consequence, it is not surprising that the moral that is captured in
the song that follows the tale is that one good turn deserves another (Yaa wasιι
dŋ n/ m kyiye was). If this is measured in the sense of social support, you
will nd that it is exceptionally important for the maintenance of good physi-
cal and mental health (Southwick et al. 2005). However, linking this to a moral
lesson, especially one concerning the traditional economic theory of compen-
sation, we learn that compensation in essence might neglect the inuence of
moral principles (Frey et al. 1996). We can infer that the moral lesson of this
tale links, for instance, to when Frey et al argue that conventional economic
analysis assumes that ofers of monetary compensation increase the willing-
ness to accept otherwise unwanted projects. Should the old man sacrice his
fowl to restore his sight and potency? To win the support of prospective host
communities, Frey et al. further argue that the compensation ofered has to be
large enough to ofset the net disutility imposed by the facility (Frey et al. 1996).
In the narrative, the hawk scratches the face of the old man very hard, resulting
in the loss of enough blood that eventually it answers the physical needs of the
old man. Signicantly, the action of the old man is well situated within the
context of the theory of moral sentiments. It also falls within the argument
that individuals have a natural tendency to look after themselves. An example
is security, which is “the rst and the principal object of prudence. The absence
of security, for instance, can expose our health, our fortune, our rank, or repu-
tation, to any sort of hazard” (Smith 2016).
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
Looking at the song that follows the narrative, one striking feature of that
part of the dirge is its simple structure. It consists of just two lines repeated
several times until a hiatus is observed. The simple nature of the structure of
the song and the fact that both lexical and structural repetition are used help
render the song a piece that can easily be performed together by both the can-
tor and the audience. The repetitions used in the song establish a pattern that
can be followed and memorised by the audience and that also facilitates em-
phasis in meaning. The song contains the moral of the tale, and the song is
couched in metaphorical terms. For these two reasons, the song is repeated
several times to foreground the meaning of the song and to encourage audi-
ence participation since the Paasaali dirge is not an individual performance as
it is among the Akan in Ghana (Nketia 1955, 5) or the Igede in Nigeria (Ogede
1995, 81) but rather, it is an issue of a harmonious and communal performance
on the funeral grounds, using drums and castanets to accompany the execu-
tion of the song. Indeed, Fasan (2015) highlights the relevance of repetition in
general in the following terms:
Repetition is employed to emphasise certain portions of a text. Such em-
phasis underscores or calls attention to particular ideas in an utterance.
It should be stated that repeated utterances have a beat or movement of
their own that not only enhances the rhythm of poetry, but creates audi-
tory efects that are pleasing or even therapeutic to the listener (Fasan
2015, 116).
Concerning the appellations used in the dirge, another form of repetition is
used to trace the genealogies of both Bayong and his father. In this kind of
repetition, the expression “nephew of” is repeated in several lines with difer-
ent elements being added to every line. This kind of repetition which Abrams
refers to as incremental repetition (Abrams 2005, 19) enables the bard to de-
scribe the diferent qualities or stories about the genealogy of an individual
without losing focus on that same person.
1.7 The Use of Literary Devices
Some literary devices have also been used by the artist to enliven the perfor-
mance of the tale and to bring it close to real life experience. This in turn en-
ables the poet-cantor to drum home the lesson contained in the narrative.
The rst of these devices are ideophones in the form of ‘kŋ’, ‘nyaratata,’
and ‘kpogu, kpogu, kpogu.’ These are words which have been used by the poet-
narrator to portray the full efect of the force with which the hawk scratches
the old man’s face (kŋ), the speed with which the male lizard runs onto the
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
broken wall (nyaratata), and the old man’s sexual virility (kpogu, kpogu). It
must be observed that in the tale, the hawk needs to scratch the host’s face
with full force so that blood will ow in order to necessitate the wiping of his
face. It is in the mystical act of wiping blood from the face that the old man’s
sight is restored. In the same vein, ‘nyaratata’ is used to describe the typical
manner in which lizards run. The lizard also has to regain the broken wall with
speed because the hawk has already made good his promise to the old man
and there is pressure on the lizard to do likewise. ‘Kpogu, kpogu, kpogu’ has also
been repeated not only to capture the image of the erect male organ of a horse
but it is also employed to reect the sexual prowess that the host has regained.
The repetition is also employed to emphasise the reality that the man has actu-
ally regained his sexual potency. In efect, the three expressions do not add an
aesthetic quality alone in terms of their sound, but they also contribute to
thedrama of the story by capturing the full efect of the activities that they
describe.
In addition to the use of ideophones, a simile is also used to compare the old
man’s sexual prowess to that of a male horse after the former becomes potent
again. The male horse is well known for its sexual virility in Paasaala culture,
and it is only apt that reference should be made to it on issues of this nature.
Pun, in the form of ‘pna’, is also used in the last sentence of the story. ‘Pna’ is a
verb that can mean ‘to lie down’ or ‘to sleep’ when it is used intransitively. When
it is used transitively as it is in the latter part of the last sentence with wife
(haar) as the object, it refers to the act of making love. Even the use of ‘pna’ to
designate the act of making love is euphemistic and is meant to reduce the
shock contained in the crude way of describing the act. The bard is quite aware
of the presence of children and adolescents at the funeral grounds and hence
the need to remain decorous and oblique in the description of acts that are re-
garded as solemn and sacred in African culture. The rhetorical question used in
relation to whether the old man should choose his sight over his sexual potency
also heightens the conict in the narrative. Indeed, the old man needs both, and
it would be dicult to make a choice that places one need above the other.
1.8 The Use of Symbols and Moral Lessons
Finally, symbols are also employed in the story to facilitate the understanding
of the meaning of the dirge as well as expand it. The hawk is well known for its
good sight and, therefore, symbolizes sight in the story. The horse and the male
lizard both symbolize male virility since they are known for that in Paasaala
culture. The fowl is equally known for its intercessory role in the relationship
between Africans and their Creator, divinities, and ancestors as illustrated in
the following lines from Death in the Dawn:
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
On this
Counterpane it was-
Sudden winter at the death
Of dawn’s lone trumpeter. Cascades
Of white feather- akes…but it proved
A futile rite. Propitiation sped… (Soyinka 1986, 64–65)
It is also signicant to note that though the tale is not interspersed with song
performance which allows audiences to participate and sustain their inter-
est in the narrative, the poet-cantor still manages to enlist the attention of
mourners through the use of ‘haa’. ‘ Haa’ is an expression that is used about
six times towards the end of the narrative. It is an expression that is of-
ten employedinconversations in order to sustain the interest of the listen-
ing party. Its use in discourse demands a simple ‘mhmm’ from the inter-
locutor to assure the locutor that he or she is listening and, therefore, the
conversationcan go on. Children are fond of using the expression in their
conversationsbecause they usually want the listening party to show interest in
their stories.
Equally noteworthy is the performer’s ability to weave a simple but logical
plot about a man and other elements from his environment. This is why Schenb
(2007) observes that “a performer of oral narratives utilizes the materials of her
culture much as a painter uses color” to achieve the desired efect and meaning
in his painting. (Schenb 2007, 97)
In efect, the major question that seems to emerge from the plot is: If so
much satisfaction can be derived from a relationship that is built on trust, then
what prevents man from replicating the same thing in his dealings with others
on a daily basis? Recent explorations of the topic of trust extend over a wide
range of phenomena, including trust in teams, families, organizations, the pro-
fessions, and various other social, political, and economic institutions (Cook
2001). In an edited volume by Valerie Braithewaite and Margaret Levi (1998)
titled Trust and Governance; several key questions are discussed, namely: Is
trust really essential to good governance, or are strong laws more important?
What leads people either to trust or to distrust government, and what makes
ocials trustworthy? Can trusting too easily render the public vulnerable to
government corruption, and if so, what safeguards are necessary? The works of
Coleman (1990), Putnam (1993), Fukuyama (1995) and Gambetta (1998) argue
that trust or social capital determines the performance of an institution. In
short, the tale may not reect language that ‘thickens’ and draws attention to
itself, but it certainly displays an ingenious use of language and a subtlety of
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
narration that bring out certain recurring structures which emphasize the cre-
ative ability of the artist.
2 Conclusion
From the exegesis given so far in the paper, it can safely be concluded that
there is another dimension to the tale in the manner in which it is used in ex-
ecuting Paasaala dirges. There are diferent structural types of the Paasaala
dirge depending on its organization. Whereas the song alone may be simple in
terms of its organization, the song and appellations or the song together with
appellations and a tale are both complex in terms of their composition and
performance. Internal structures in terms of literary devices and sound struc-
tures are also used to contribute to the meaning and unity of the dirge. Most
important among these internal structures are lexico-structural repetitions
which imbue the dirge with structural and semantic unity. The tale also plays a
very important role in the execution of Paasaala dirges by illustrating the often
metaphorical and proverbial meanings of the songs and by putting the creative
ability of the bard to test. The combination of the tale and the dirge in the
mourning process of the Paasaala, therefore, has both an aesthetic and a utili-
tarian appeal. These notwithstanding, the lessons drawn from these dirges as
explicated in the text, shall continue to be useful to the present generation and
posterity.
References
Aborampah, Osei- Mensah. 1999. “Women’s Role in the Mourning Rituals of the Akan
of Ghana.” Ethnology 38 (3): 257–271.
Abrams, M. H. 2005. A Glossary of Literary Terms. Eighth Edition. Boston: Thomson
Wadsworth.
Adu-Gyam, Samuel. 2016. “Spiritual and Indigenous Healing Practices among the As-
ante People of Ghana: A Testimonial from Twenty-First Century Practitioners and
Recipients in Kumasi.” Journal of Basic and Applied Research International 12 (1):
39–50.
Ajuwon, Bade. 1980. “The Preservation of Yoruba Tradition through Hunters’ Funeral
Dirges.” Africa 50 (1): 66–72.
Alembi, Ezekiel. 2008. “The Abanyole Dirge: “Escorting” the Dead with Song and
Dance.” Folklore 38 (7): 7–22.
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

, -  
<UN>

manusya 23 (2020) 19-39
Anders, Tisa. 2008. “Grandmothers Counsel the World: Women Elders Ofer Their
Vision for Our Planet.” International Journal on World Peace 25(1): 117–119.
Anyidoho, Akosua. 1991. “Linguistic Parallels in Traditional Akan Appellation Poetry.”
Research in African Literatures 22 (1): 67–81.
Anyidoho, Akosua. 2002. “Contemporary Funeral Eulogies in Akan.” In New Directions
in Ghanaian Linguistics, edited by Felix K. Ameka and E. Kwaku Osam, 363–379.
Accra: Black Mask Ltd.
Braithewaite, Valerie and Levi Margaret. 1998. Trust and Governance. New York: Russell
Sage Foundation.
Clark-Deces, Isabelle. 2005. No One Cries for the Dead: Tamil Dirges, Rowdy Songs and
Graveyard Petitions. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Coleman, James. 1990. Foundations of Social Theory. Cambridge: Harvard University
Press
Cook, Karen, ed. 2001. Trust in Society. Russell Sage Foundation. Retrieved from www
.jstor.org/stable/10.7758/9781610441322.
Fasan, Rotimi. 2015. “Women and Child-Naming Song Poetry of Southeast Yorubaland.”
Research in African Literatures 46 (1): 107–126.
Fiske, John. 1909. The Meaning of Infancy. Boston: Houghton Miin.
Frey, Bruno, Felix Oberholzer-Gee, and Eichenberge Reiner. 1996. “The Old Lady Visits
Your Backyard: A Tale of Morals and Markets.” Journal of Political Economy 104 (6):
1297–1313.
Fukuyama, Francis. 1995. Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity. New
York: Free Press.
Gambetta, Diego ed. 1998, Trust: Making and Breaking Cooperative Relations. Cam-
bridge: Blackwell.
Hagan, John. 1988. “Inuence of Folktale on the Marriage of Anansewa: A Folkloric Ap-
proach.” Okike: An African Journal of New Writing (27–28): 19–30.
Hymes, Dell. 1981. “In Vain I Tried to Tell You”: Essays in Native American Ethnopoetics.
Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press.
Hymes, Dell. 1982. “Narrative Form as a ‘Grammar’ of Experience: Native Americans
and a Glimpse of English.” Journal of Education 164 (2): 121–42.
Kehinde, Ayo. 2010. “Story-Telling in the Service of Society: Exploring the Utilitarian
Values of Nigerian Folktales.” Context: Journal of Social and Cultural Studies 13 (1):
29–45.
Mutia, Babila J. 2003. “The Form and Structure of Bakweri Dirges.” Nordic Journal of
African Studies 12 (3): 387–406.
Nketia, Kwaben H. 1955. The Funeral Dirges of the Akan People. Achimota: James
Townsend and Sons Ltd.
Ogede, Ode S. 1995. “Context, Form and Poetic Expression in Igede Funeral Dirges.”
Africa 65 (1): 79–96.
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access

    
<UN>
  () -
Ohwovoriole, Felicia. 2010. “Eschatological Motifs and Socio-Spiritual Aspects of Ur-
boho Funeral Poetry.” The Journal of International Social Research 3 (11): 445–454.
Okpewho, Isidore. 1992. African Oral Literature: Backgrounds, Character, and Continu-
ity. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Pienaar, Gary. 2000. “The Role of the Public Protector in Fighting Corruption.” African
Security Studies 9 (2): 52–66.
Putnam, Robert. 1993. Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy. Princ-
eton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Quick, Catherine S. 1999. “Ethnopoetics.” Folklore Forum 30 (1/2): 95–105.
Schenb, Harold. 2007. “The Oral Artist’s Script.” In African Literature: An Anthology of
Criticism and Theory, edited by Tejunmola Olaniyan and Ato Quayson, 97–100.
Blackwell.
Smith, Adam. 2016. “The Theory of Moral Sentiments”. http://www.econlib.org/library/
Smith/smMS6.html.
Southwick, Steven M., Meena Vythilingam and Dennis S. Charney. 2005. “The Psycho-
biology of Depression and Resilience to Stress: Implications for Prevention and
Treatment.” Annual Review of Clinical Psychology 1: 255–91.
Soyinka, Wole. 1986. “Death in the Dawn.” In West African Verse: An Anthology, edited
by. Donatus Ibe Nwoga, 64–65. Essex: Longman Group Limited.
Tedlock, Dennis. 1977. “Towards an Oral Poetics.” New Literary History 8 (3): 507–19.
Yankah, Kwesi. 2002. “Nana Ampadu and the Sung Tale”. In Fontomfrom: Contemporary
Ghanaian Literature, Theatre and Film, edited by Ko Anyidoho and James Gibbs,
135–153. Amsterdam and Atlanta GA: Editions Rodopi.
Downloaded from Brill.com04/22/2020 12:35:24PM
via free access