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The performance and potential of Light Rail Transit in Developing cities
Abstract
This report looks at the performance of Light Rail Transit (LRT) systems and tramways in developing cities. Case study and estimation procedures have been used to examine the maximum passenger carrying capacity of various types of LRT. This report complements other work by TRL on metros (Fouracre et al., 1990) and on high capacity busways (Gardner et al. 1991).
The traditional tramways surveyed in India, Egypt and China all carry flows of less than 7,000 passengers par hour per direction (pphd). The more modern systems in Tunis. Budapest and Alexandria carry up to 13,000 pphd. Only the system in Manila, which is elevated (and hence segregated) along its entire length ca carry flows over 18,000 pphd.
The main problem for LRT in developing cities appears to be the level of interference fro other road users, together with the difficulty of controlling and organising a regular headway service. The inability of vehicles to overtake when others are delayed, and long turn around times at terminals compound the problem.
Despite their technical limitations under developing country conditions. LRT systems are very popular, and can have advantages in improving the quality of life and civic pride. They should not however be seen as an ideal solution for a poor developing city.
... Many studies have been realised to examine the impact of LRT on cities. In their study, Gardner et al. (1994) stated that the economic development provided in the cities with the LRT investments carrying the human density in the city leads to urban development, which can be clearly seen in undeveloped or developing cities. Changes in the urban area lead to different impacts in different parts of the city. ...
This research aimed to analyse the impact of the Greater Manchester Metrolink light rail transit (LRT) investment on urban land use and the impacts of line extensions on the urban land-use change between 1990 and 2018. In line with this aim, two objectives were determined. The first objective was to understand the impacts of Metrolink LRT on urban land use and land cover, focusing on residential, commercial and industrial, urban green areas, and other land uses. In this context, the impact of both the Metrolink LRT line and the stations on the change in land use has been examined. The second objective was to understand the impact of accessibility to Metrolink LRT stations on changes in urban land use.
This study used land-use and transportation infrastructure data. Metrolink LRT before (1990), during (2000 and 2012) and after construction (2018) land cover data, as well as phase 3 pre-construction (2006) and post-construction (2018) land use data were used. Land use data and transportation infrastructure data on Metrolink LRT lines and stations were overlapped in the Geographical Information Systems (GIS) and used in spatial analysis for the first objective. In addition, it was used to generate data at different levels of accessibility to stations for statistical (regression) analysis for the second objective.
In spatial analysis, linear and circular buffer tool was used in GIS, which helps to analyse and visualize the spatial data by giving fast and objective results to compare land uses in different years, considering the period before and after the Metrolink LRT investment. Linear regression analysis, which helps to examine the effects of different variables on changes in land use, was used to understand the impact of accessibility to Metrolink LRT stations on changes in land use.
This study concluded that the land cover changed along the Metrolink LRT lines before (1990), during (2000-2012) and after construction (2018). Similar changes were observed in the land uses around the stations determined within the phase 3-line extension between 2006-2018. The increase in industrial and commercial areas in the buffer zone has led to the destruction of environmental elements. In contrast, the Metrolink LRT did not cause a significant change in residential areas. While the largest changes in land cover were observed during Metrolink's pre-construction and construction period, these changes decreased significantly in the post-construction period. The change in land use is most evident in the medium accessible area, while the least change is in the weak accessible area. In addition, transit-oriented development (TOD) has been adopted in Greater Manchester since the Metrolink LRT encourages mixed land uses around the line and station. However, it is insufficient as the residential areas have not increased significantly and should be supported by the necessary TOD policies.
... Mexico is in favour of the metro variants which are called "light metro" (Barry, 1991 ;Booz-Allen, 1991 ;Gardner & al. 1994). In industrialized countries, the functions and capacities of the system are arousing interest for this alternative technology. ...
Between 1967 and 1970 a first set of three lines representing 42 kilometers was built,
the most part of which was underground and served the city on a so called ring layout.
The process was based on relationships established between Ste, Ica and the firms
associated with RATP. Right from the start, those lines have been very crowded and by
the end of that step, they represented about 12 % of the total transport market shares in
the City. This demonstrated the appropriateness of the layout as well as the extent of
the delays accumulated in public transit. At that period, all of the equipment and rolling
stock were imported (nine hundred cars) with a top option of pneumatic rolling, which
then proved somehow limited from the capacity viewpoint (Coindet, 1989). The
Mexican share was limited at 65 % of the work essentially representing civil engineering
and some basic equipments.
During a second step which can be qualified as "substitutive step" transport
investments concerned road infrastructures (ring road and 20 major crossing highways).
During that period the construction of the metro remained at a standstill because the
industrial and technological dependancy as regards rolling stock purchasing was not so
well accepted knowing that the rolling stock had to be increased considerably. From
1977 to 1985, the three existing lines were extended and four other ones were opened,
running towards the East, West and North. A total of 73 km were built with large
surface or overhead sections and equipped with about 1000 vehicles, half of which were
produced under licence by local firms. The Federal District Department was dealing
with a powerful delegate contracting authority, called Covitur, who had direct relations
with Banobrass the National Bank for Development and who was linked with the main
foreign providers, most of whom were French, according to sustainable institutional
enacting terms.
The third step, "a more critical one", led to reconsider planification despite the renewal
of French subsidies, and to adjust the construction pace of the metro to the real
capacities of the country. Moreover the aim of a so called "mexicanization policy" was
to reinforce the local appropriation of the rolling equipments technology ; during that
period, the proportion of national integration was 85 %. If during the previous step the
lines were not as crowded as the three initial ones, they were to be extended until the
limits of the Federal District and line 9 was to absorb the overflow on the central
network ; twenty-six kilometers were put in service with more than 400 cars, produced
by Concarril, the national manufacturer, who however had to face so many difficulties
that it was necessary to import trains from Canada (later this State Company was sold
to Bombardier company).
Then, an "alternative" step occurred. In the middle of the eighties, the Mexican debt
crisis made the relationships deteriorate between the Federal State and Mexico
agglomeration. As a result, the fourth step was characterized by the introduction of
significant variations in the system. Attempts were made to develop lighter alternative
solutions and to rehabilitate the existing acquisitions, to extend the network towards the
outskirts and move towards metallic rolling and electric supply by catenaries. If line 9
was achieved in conformity with the initial plans and contracts with the French
suppliers, two alternative achievements were undertaken and called "light railway" : line
A called Iron Metro and the Ste renewed tramway called light train. During that period,
a total of fifty kilometers of metro and tramway lines were built or renewed, with a
dotation of hardly 300 cars. If light metros cars were produced locally, pneumatic trains
were imported from Spain.
... Le Mexique s'associe à l'engouement actuel autour des variantes au métro, qu'on a pris l'habitude de regrouper sous l'expression "métro léger" (Barry, 1991 ;Booz-Allen, 1991 ;Gardner & al., 1994). Dans les pays industrialisés, ce sont les fonctions et les capacités du système qui suscitent tel intérêt pour cette technologie alternative, en particulier quand il s'agit de doter de systèmes de transport de masse des villes n'atteignant pas une taille qui justifierait l'implantation d'un métro ou bien pour des dessertes ponctuelles de moindre demande, reliées à un système de plus grande envergure. ...
Cette communication présente le métro de Mexico, son histoire sur 25 années de construction en différentes phases et les différentes mises en service des lignes. La conception de base qui a guidé les trois premières phases était bien celle d'un métro
urbain classique, avec les spécifications techniques propres au prise en termes
de matériel roulant (voitures à roulement pneumatique à l'image des récentes innovations
parisiennes) et à la volonté d'adopter des technologies de pointe pour les équipements
électromécaniques. Il s'agissait d'atteindre des capacités de l'ordre de 60 000 places en heure de pointe ; effectivement, sur certaines lignes on peut atteindre la limite technique de 95secondes entre deux rames (en fonction du système de pilotage utilisé). Dans la quatrième phase d'implantation du métro de Mexico, d'importantes variantes d'ordre financier, technologique, institutionnel et urbanistique ont été conçues depuis la mi 80 dans
le système de base. Produire du métro moins coûteux est un objectif qui s'imposait à l'heure
de la crise financière que traversait le pays et quand il était temps d'investir aussi dans
l'implantation de systèmes ferroviaires de transport de masse dans des agglomérations de
province dont les besoins avaient été sacrifiés au bénéfice de la capitale. Sur le plan
technique, on chercha des alternatives au métro urbain classique en explorant du côté de ce
qui est mondialement dénommé "métro léger".
... Mexico is in favour of the metro variants which are called "light metro" (Barry, 1991 ;Booz-Allen, 1991 ;Gardner & al. 1994). In industrialized countries, the functions and capacities of the system are arousing interest for this alternative technology. ...
Since 1967, Mexico City has been equipped with a modern urban transit rail system which soon will reach 200 kms : this is considered as an achievement from the technical viewpoint, insofar as for a long time, the idea had been that the poor underground conditions of the lacustrian basin in Mexico city were an obstacle to the implementation
of a metro ; the 1985 earthquakes have not affected the floating underground infrastructure which had been designed to face those problems.
But it also represented an achievement from the economic viewpoint since no other country has been able to build such a system within 25 years. Indeed today, this metro is the fifth in the world and is still in extending (more than a century had been necessary to achieve the 200 kilometers of the metro in Paris). This work is the result of the efforts
assumed by the whole Mexican nation, due to the Federal District status and the size of the Mexico agglomeration (estimated in 1965 at 6,3 million inhabitants on a surface of 372 km2 and in 1990 at 15,6 million inhabitants on a surface of 1 250 km2, according to the figures which are underestimated as compared with the real ones).
Interest in Light Rail Transit (LRT) as a viable urban transportation system has been growing worldwide since the late 20th century. Although there is no definite difference between trams and LRT systems, the latter is an evolved tramway system-tracks are often segregated from other traffic, cars run faster, and everyone has easy access due to level boarding.
Since the beginning of 1970s, France has developed a significant program of urban transport networks and systems for the major metropolitan areas: a specific policy in favour of investment in urban public transport has been promoted by all local governments in France.
In 1971, a new transport tax was created in the Paris region and it was extended in 1973 to all cities with more than 20,000 inhabitants. This tax is levied on companies with more than 9 workers. The tax rate varies locally from 1% to 2.5% of the payroll. The revenue is used to fund in investment and operation of urban public transport. In 2006, the transport tax revenue for France amounted more than 5.3 Billion Euros, divided into 2.7 Billion Euros in the Paris region and 2.6 Billion Euros for the other 260 Urban Transport Organizing Authorities UTOA. The economic justification for the tax is the important role of the public transport that plays an important role in the employment market, especially because employers will have more possibilities to find better jobs if there is an efficient public transport network.
At the same, organizing authorities UTOA were created by the local boroughs, and they have responsibility for urban public transport in the cities. UTOA were ratified by legislation in 1981, and received the transport tax revenue and spend it based on the following responsibilities:
- Organization of public transport in cities
- Creation and management of transport infrastructures
- Regulation of transport services (volume, fares)
- Development of information systems
The 261 UTOA now in existence have important funding and operations at their disposition, and have boosted the development of many public transport networks.
En un cuarto de siglo, el metro de México ha alcanzado el quinto lugar mundial en términos de extensión de la red, y el cuarto en términos de afluencia (60 000 pasajeros por dirección en hora pico en más del 60% de la red). Para las finanzas locales, este costo fue elevado: la construcción del metro de la ciudad de México contribuyó fuertemente en la crisis de endeudamiento y en la quiebra del presupuesto del Distrito Federal durante los años ochenta. Sin embargo, el balance entre inversión más costos financieros, y sus ventajas económicas y sociales, sigue siendo positivo.
En la actualidad, el resultado de esta implantación radica en una red de diez líneas, piloteada desde tres estaciones de control. En el Distrito Federal, el 70% de red es subterránea (algunas veces hasta 30 metros de profundidad) y cerca del 5% está en elevación. Una de sus lineas, que conduce a los suburbios densamente poblados del Estado de México, circula a la superficie y cuenta con trenes de rodamiento metálico.
Mientras que la primera línea se inauguró en 1969 (y las tres más importantes hasta 1976), para 1993 (con la línea 8 todavía en construcción) 274 trenes de seis o nueve carros transportaban ya a 1 421 557 965 pasajeros (4 406 291 pasajeros al día) entre las 135 estaciones, con un costo de operación subsidiado por mitad de 0.30 US$ por pasajero. La demanda se sigue concentrando en las líneas 1 a 3 (70%), mientras que las nuevas líneas, como la 9, tienden a atenuar la saturación de estas. El servicio corresponde por 2/3 a viajes dentro del Distrito Federal, pero cuatro estaciones importantes de distribución reciben una gran demanda del exterior - Pantitlán, con 4 líneas, da servicio a 352 718 pasajeros por día, separados por sexo en las horas pico y con colas de hasta 20 minutos para tomar el
tren.
Por otra parte, hace doce años los autobuses (llamados camiones en Méxio) del Distrito Federal se vieron concentrados en la compañía pública Ruta-100, que no fue capaz de administrar 7 000 vehículos: en 1992, con 3 500 vehículos, transportaba a menos de 3 millones de pasajeros al día - mientras que 3.5 millones de pasajeros eran transportados por autobuses privados del Estado de México. Mientras tanto, los trolebuses dan servicio a tan sólo 300 000 pasajeros, y el tren ligero a cerca de 30 000 en 1993.
A partir de 1967, a Cidade do México adotou um sistema ferroviàrio urbano moderno que
atenderia de imediato duzentos quilômetros. Falou-se desta medida como uma proeza técnica.
Pensou-se por um longo tempo que as màs condições do subsolo da bacia lacustre do México dificultariam a construção de um metrô. Os abalos sismicos de 1985 não afetaram a estrutura subterrânea flutuante que foi concebida para afrontar estes problemas (Navarro, 1994). Mas, considerou-se também proeza, do ponto de vista econômico: nenhum outro pais construiria em um quarto de século um sistema de tal porte, jà que é o quinto metrô do mundo em extensão (foi preciso mais de um século para que Paris fizesse seus duzentos quilômetros de metropolitanos).
Esta realização corresponde aos esforços assumidos pela nação mexicana no seu conjunto, pelo status de Distrito Federal e pelo tamanho de aglomeração da Cidade do México (estimada em 6,3 milhões de habitantes em 1965, sobre uma àrea de 372 km2 ; e de 15,6 milhões e 1250 km2 em 1990). É também obra de um eficaz grupo de engenheiros civis mexicanos: o consòrcio ICA – Ingeneros Consultores Asociados – principal contratante de obras pùblicas mexicanas e presente também nos Estados Unidos; além de vàrias empresas de equipamentos diretamente ou indiretamente associadas. Esse metrô é, por fim, o resultado de um vasto projeto de cooperação internacional, associando eletromecânica, sinalização e material rodante de algumas empresas francesas (Sofretu, Alsthom e Banco Nacional de Paris) e, ainda, de uma imponente ajuda governamental ao desenvolvimento.
L' INRETS a engagé un programme de recherche sur les potentialités des métros légers dans les villes en développement en liaison avec le TRL et l'Université Fédérale de Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS): cette recherche s'appuie sur une synthèse de différentes expériences de métros légersen exploitation qui doit préciser en un premier temps les performances des technologies intermédiaires et notamment leur capacité en fonction des divers paramètres à identifier, dans un deuxième temps, cette recherche vise à une évaluation comparative de la technologie tramway avec les autres options technologiques de transport de masse (autobus en site propre et métro).
Dans le cadre d'un protocole de coopération entre la France et la Tunisie, l'INRETS et la SMLT
ont engagé une étude d'évaluation a posteriori du métro léger de Tunis dont l' analyse technicoéconomique des performances a débuté en 1992 sous la forme d'une étude en coopération.
La SMLT exploite le réseau de métro léger de Tunis, en extension constante depuis 1985,
comportant actuellement 4 lignes d'un linéaire total de 30 km.
Présentation de l'étude
Cette étude porte sur les performances du métro léger de Tunis et les paramètres suivants:
- la vitesse commerciale
- le temps de circulation entre arrêts
- la fréquence d'exploitation
- la distance entre arrêts
- les conditions de trafic
- les temps d'arrêts
- la capacité offerte.
Après avoir effectué de nombreux comptages, définis les tronçons les plus chargés du réseau, nous avons décidé de simuler l'exploitation du métro léger sur 2 tronçons, l'un entre les stations Ouardia et Barcelone sur la ligne 1, l'autre entre les stations Ariana et Mandela sur la ligne 2: la simulation se faisant dans le sens le plus chargé à l'heure de pointe du matin.
Cette simulation nous a permis d'évaluer l'incidence d'une réduction du temps mort et donc
du temps d'arrêt en station sur la vitesse commerciale et de l'augmentation de la vitesse de
consigne sur la vitesse commerciale.
Nous nous proposons dans cette communication d’explorer plus avant les possibilités qu’offrent les deux systèmes, autobus en site propre et métro léger., d’analyser les performances d'exploitation possibles pour comparer les avantages et inconvénients de chacun des deux systèmes du point de vue de la capacité. La méthodologie de cette étude repose principalement sur l'utilisation de modèles informatiques alimentés par des données
mesurées sur site ou obtenues auprès d'exploitants par le Département Outre-mer du
"Transport Research Laboratory" (TRL, UK), par l'Université Fédérale du Rio Grande do
Sul (UFRGS, Porto Alegre) et par l'INRETS.
Les différentes étapes de l’étude ont été :
- rassembler les données relatives aux systèmes d’autobus en site propre pour
calibrer le modèle existant Busway : les données du TRL et les données recueillies par l’
UFRGS sur les convois d’autobus de Porto Alegre nous ont permis de calibrer le modèle.
- rassembler les données relatives aux systèmes de métro léger qui ont un trafic élevé
c’est à dire en PED (Tunis, Alexandrie, Le Caire, etc.) ou en Europe orientale (Leipzig,
Prague, Budapest), pour permettre de calibrer et valider le modèle Busway.
- adapter le modèle Busway, écrit initialement pour évaluer les systèmes d’autobus, en
établissant des sous-programmes qui sont incorporés dans le modèle Busway pour évaluer
les performances des métros légers.
- définir un corridor type pour la simulation, c’est à dire constituer les bases sur
lesquelles ont été testés les systèmes d’autobus et de métro léger.
- calibrer et valider le modèle Busway pour les systèmes de métro léger.
- calibrer le modèle Busway pour les systèmes d ’autobus.
- évaluer les performances d’exploitation en utilisant les plans d’expériences.
- analyser les résultats.
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