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Restrictions on the use of public space and social distancing have been key policy measures to reduce the transmission of SAR-CoV-2 and protect public health. At the time of writing, one half of the world's population has been asked to stay home and avoid many public places. What will be the long term impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on public space once the restrictions have been lifted? The depth and extent of transformation is unclear, especially as it relates to the future design, use and perceptions of public space. This article aims to highlight emerging questions at the interface of COVID-19 and city design. It is possible that the COVID-19 crisis may fundamentally change our relationship with public space. In the ensuing months and years, it will be critical to study and measure these changes in order to inform urban planning and design in a post-COVID-19 world.
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The Impact of COVID-19 on Public Space: A Review of
the Emerging Questions
Jordi Honey-Rosés1*, Isabelle Anguelovski2,3, Josep Bohigas4, Vincent Chireh5, Carolyn Daher6, Cecil
Konijnendijk7 , Jill Litt,6 Vrushti Mawani1, Michael McCall8, Arturo Orellana9, Emilia Oscilowicz1,
Ulises Sánchez10, Maged Senbel1, Xueqi Tan11, Erick Villagomez1, Oscar Zapata12, Mark
1School of Community and Regional Planning University of British Columbia. 1933 West Mall, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z2 Canada.
2 Institute of Environmental Science and Technology, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (ICTA-UAB) Bellaterra, Spain.
3 Institució Catalana de Recerca i Estudis Avançats (ICREA), Barcelona, Spain.
4 Barcelona Regional, C/ 60, 25-27. Edifici Z. Sector A. Zona Franca, 08040 Barcelona, Spain.
5 Institute for Resources, Environment, and Sustainability, University of British Columbia. 2202 Main Mall, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4 Canada.
6 IS Global, Institute for Global Health, Doctor Aiguader 88, Barcelona 08003 Spain.
7 Faculty of Forestry, University of British Columbia. 2424 Main Mall, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4, Canada.
8 Centro de Investigaciones en Geografía Ambiental, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Morelia, Mexico.
9 Instituto de Estudios Urbanos y Territoriales, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, Chile.
10 Independent Consultant, Morelia, Mexico.
11 School of Humanities, Southeast University. No. 2, Southeast University Road, Jiangning District, Nanjing, 211189, China.
12 Department of Economics, University of Regina. 3737 Wascana Parkway, Regina, SK S4S 0A2 Canada.
*Corresponding Author:
Restrictions on the use of public space and social distancing have been key policy measures to
reduce the transmission of SAR-CoV-2 and protect public health. At the time of writing, one half of
the world’s population has been asked to stay home and avoid many public places. What will be the
long term impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on public space once the restrictions have been lifted?
The depth and extent of transformation is unclear, especially as it relates to the future design, use
and perceptions of public space. This article aims to highlight emerging questions at the interface of
COVID-19 and city design. It is possible that the COVID-19 crisis may fundamentally change our
relationship with public space. In the ensuing months and years, it will be critical to study and
measure these changes in order to inform urban planning and design in a post-COVID-19 world.
Keywords: COVID-19, Design, Planning, Public space.
Honey-Roses, J., Anguelovski, I., Bohigas, J., Chireh, V., Daher, C., Konijnendijk, C., Nieuwenhuijsen, M. (2020, April 21). The Impact
of COVID-19 on Public Space: A Review of the Emerging Questions.
Restrictions on the use of public space, confinement and social distancing have been key
policy measures to reduce transmission of SAR-CoV-2 and protect public health. We are currently in
the midst of unprecedented restrictions in the use of public spaces worldwide. Half of the world’s
population has been asked to stay at home or restrict movement in public (Sandford, 2020). Most
people are complying with public health recommendations as evident in the striking images of empty
city streets, parks, beaches, plazas and promenades. Cities well-known for their active street life
such as New York, Rome or Barcelona now appear ghostly as city-dwellers stay home for the
collective public good.
In the midst of the COVID-19 crisis, we feel the sting of having lost our familiar, vibrant, social
and lively public places. We write from different locations1 where the pandemic is in different phases
and our respective cities have implemented different measures: full lockdown; recommended stay at
home measures, and one co-author is in Wuhan where public space is re-opening. While some are
us are prohibited from being in public unless performing an essential service, others are able to enjoy
some parks and green areas. Despite these different experiences, we share an uncertainty about
what lies ahead and fear that our sense of place and space may be permanently transformed. When
we venture outside our homes, we observe unfamiliar and distant social interactions, raising
questions about how social relations in public spaces may be changing.
Planners, designers, architects, landscape managers and journalists are already writing about
how this crisis will transform our relationship with public space (Alter, 2020; Florida, 2020; Null and
Smith, 2020; Roberts, 2020; van der Berg, 2020). We are still in the early stages of the crisis and it is
likely we will be adapting to an evolving global pandemic in the next eighteen months. It will still be
weeks until many of us will be able to return to our public spaces, but it is not too early to think about
how our professions may have changed or need to adapt.
There is great uncertainty about how COVID-19 will impact future public space design, use
and perceptions. How will our relationship with public space change? How long will the changes
endure? What is the relationship between public space design and disease transmission? Will the
new social behaviours we observe today remain or be ephemeral? Will people’s emotional
connections with places change? How will the benefits we derive from urban nature change? Will the
pandemic teach us new lessons to incorporate into our street designs? Is the attention devoted to
COVID-19 distracting us from the existential challenges of sustainability and climate change? Or,
optimistically, will this global experience lead us to rethink the way we develop and (re)design our
Many scholars and public observers are weighing in on these important questions (Florida,
2020; Markusen, 2020; Roberts, 2020). The contours of this debate are just beginning to emerge.
This article aims to summarize preliminary research questions, ideas and conjectures about how the
COVID-19 crisis might change our relationship with public space. We recognize the great uncertainty
associated with the ideas put forward. The author Eugene Ionesco once said “You can only predict
things after they have happened”. Nevertheless, our focus is on what the world might be like once the
pandemic has passed and the restrictions on the use of public space and social distancing policies
have been lifted. We understand that cities may go through more than one peak of the virus
outbreak, thereby producing an extended period of social distancing (Kissler et al., 2020). This paper
1 This article has been produced by co-authors located in Ahmedabad (India), Barcelona (Spain), Morelia
(Mexico), Regina (Canada), Santiago (Chile), Vancouver (Canada) and Wuhan (China).
tries to think beyond the current measures to consider which changes will stay with us once the
immediacy of the pandemic has passed.
As co-authors, we do not necessarily agree on what the future may hold, nor is consensus
our aim. Rather, we aim to raise the critical new questions that have emerged as a result of our
current global health crisis in order to guide future research and policy.
Will the impact on public space be transformational?
The size, scope and speed of the crisis make it feel like we are living through a profound
transformation. It is as if we are experiencing a tectonic shift, where the ground is moving beneath
us, changing the fundamental principles and rules that have governed our practice. Periods of
stability can be interrupted by sudden breaks with rapid change. Evolutionary biologists refer to the
theory of punctuated equilibrium, in which evolutionary changes are not cumulative and gradual, but
rather transpire in specific moments (Gould and Eldredge, 1993). Thomas Kuhn conceptualizes
these changes as paradigm shifts (Kuhn, 1962). These breaking moments are opportunities to
embark on radically new and bold projects. One might conceptualize this moment as a potential
counter shock to disaster capitalism (Klein, 2007). These moments re-define what is acceptable or
radical, shifting what policy makers call the Overton window (Crabtree, 2020; Lehman, 2019). These
periods create opportunities to carry out endeavors previously thought impossible but now are
feasible or necessary. When in the midst of this change, which lessons from the past can we still
grab onto and what previous understanding must we discard?
It is unclear if the impacts of COVID-19 on public space will be as profound as they are in
other aspects of our life (Corbera et al., 2020). In the realm of public space and design, a key
question concerns how long these impacts will be felt, and the degree to which they will be
transformational. It may take years before we are able to ascertain how the global pandemic has
changed the planning and design of public space. Will 2020 define a before and after in planning and
Perhaps such predictions are clouded by the immediacy of the moment. Rather than a
profound transformation, perhaps the pandemic will merely refine our practices, yet leave our
fundamental approaches and values unchanged. Our respective disciplines have already created a
deep body of knowledge, understanding and methods for studying public space. COVID-19 is not our
first pandemic, nor is this the first time planning and design has focused on improving public health.
Improving the sanitary conditions of cities motivated planners, architects and engineers to re-design
cities in the late 19th century (Sennett, 2018). Since the 1990s there has been a resurgent interest in
work at the nexus of health and urban planning, and the field has become a well-established area of
expertise, with an active scholarly community and focused academic journals with strong repute. This
field is nourished by scholars from diverse disciplines such as public health, environmental
psychology, planning, and landscape architecture. Seen from this perspective, we should be able to
build on existing expertise to update our practices and adapt. Better yet, COVID-19 may present an
opportunity to integrate a health perspective into planning in new ways.
Many disciplines are likely to refocus their attention on how they interface with public health.
But how will these new ideas be integrated into practice? And how might we leverage the crisis to
build more just, healthier and greener cities? Below we review the key dimensions of this debate as it
refers to public space which we define as a geographical dimension in which there exists free, legal,
unbiased access for all (Benn and Gauss, 1983; Carr et al., 1992; Lawrence, 2001).
While there are many potential impacts of COVID-19 on land use, urban density, telecommuting,
energy, transportation, retail, and so forth, our focus is on how the current pandemic may change
public space. Our list of emerging questions is extensive but not exhaustive. We also anticipate
circumstances to change between the time of writing and reading. Things are moving fast.
Table 1. Summary of the emerging questions about how the COVID-19 episode may change the
design, use, behaviours and perceptions in public space.
1. Will streets be re-designed?
2. Will the pandemic accelerate the mainstreaming of health criteria into the design of public
3. Will green space planning need new designs, uses and practices?
4. What is the future of large public spaces?
5. Do we need a new typology for public space?
6. Will the temporary transformations seen during the crisis inspire more permanent changes?
7. What will happen to micro-mobility and mobility sharing?
8. What will be the impacts on public transit?
Perceptions, Use and Behaviour
9. Will we observe fewer people in public?
10. Will we change what we do in public?
11. Will our intuitive carrying capacity for public spaces decrease?
12. Will we observe changes in the use and regulation of interior public spaces?
13. Will we experience infringements on civil liberties?
14. Will our perceptions of public space change?
Inequities and Exclusions
15. How will the needs of vulnerable groups such as women, racial minorities, immigrants,
low-income residents, the elderly, children and the homeless be accounted for in future public
space designs, practices, and rules?
16. Will cities in the Global South attempt to constrain or regulate the informal street
17. Will the pandemic permanently disrupt the interconnected global settlement system?
Emerging questions on the impact of COVID-19 on public space
Impacts on the Design of Public Space
1. Will streets be re-designed?
Optimists argue that COVID-19 is an opportunity for city planners to liberate more street
space for pedestrians and cyclists, moving us closer to greener cities and a low carbon economy
(Nieuwenhuijsen, 2020; Roberts, 2020). In the early days of the crisis there was considerable
discussion about the need to widen sidewalks and re-design pedestrian crossings in order to meet
social distancing recommendations (Alter, 2020). Famously, New York City was talking about making
such a move (Bliss, 2020), however Milan appears to be the first to announce permanent changes,
with the widening of sidewalks, 35 km of new bike lanes and the removal of lanes for vehicles (EFE,
2020). Other cities such as Boston, London, Portland and Vancouver have begun reconfiguring
streets to accommodate for more cyclists and pedestrians over longer distances (Hawkins, 2020;
Topham, 2020).
Sidewalks in the Global South tend to be crowded, irregular, if they exist at all. Sidewalks are
occupied by street vendors, pavement dwellers and a range of informal activities. In India, the social
distancing measures announced have meant ‘jugaad’2 style appropriations of streets. In efforts to
direct social distancing while queuing, sidewalks leading to shops have been marked with yellow
circles a meter and a half apart. Cities in both the Global North and South may need to consider
adding more space to accommodate for new queuing norms at the entrances of shops, services and
public facilities.
It now appears that an extended phase of social distancing will be put into effect once the
stay at home measures have been lifted. This period may invite cities to implement low cost and
temporary street calming and pedestrianization projects, potentially following principles of tactical
urbanism (Lydon and Garcia, 2015). Cities might revisit Barcelona’s superblock model, in which
vehicular traffic is redirected in and out of the neighbourhood in a U-turn preventing non-residents
from traversing a neighbourhood but still allowing local access (Rueda, 2019; Speranza, 2018).
Barcelona has already developed several superblocks and has made plans to expand them over the
city grid (Zografos et al., 2020).
Streets might need to be re-designed to meet other emerging needs besides social
distancing. Online shopping and home food delivery have taken off, creating a huge demand for drop
off and delivery space. This increase demand for curb space may force us to re-visit our ideas about
curbside street parking, not only to meet new delivery needs, but also to free space for pedestrians.
Any future changes to street design will be politically fraught. Re-designs are contentious and
likely to remain so. It also is unclear which cities will be able to act on the re-design ideas being
proposed, and if so, how quickly. The space restrictions will not change, and there will still be a
competition for right of way. The redesign and repurposing will also still depend on broader
challenges such as individual transportation choices and regional transit funding.
2. Will the pandemic accelerate the mainstreaming of health criteria into the design of public
Including health considerations in the design of public space is not new, yet it is far from
mainstream (Nieuwenhuijsen and Khreis, 2019; Nieuwenhuijsen, 2016). Other perspectives have had
a greater acceptance amongst urban planners and designers, especially participatory approaches
(Blancafort and Reus, 2015; Rowe, 2004) and feminist planning (Ortiz Escalante and Gutiérrez
Valdivia, 2015). The inclusion of health criteria in public space design is still incipient, even if several
authors have worked on tools that may assist planners and designers to conceptualize, design and
build with a health perspective (Bird et al., 2018; Public Health Scotland, 2019). It remains to be seen
how these ideas are mainstreamed and what physical form they will take.
2 Roughly translated in English as a resourceful, innovative approach of “making do” given the emergent needs
and multiple constraints shaping any context. For more on this, see (Roy, 2011)
Street re-designs that free space for pedestrians and active mobility can help meet several
public health objectives, notably through physical activity and the reduction of pollution exposure. The
health arguments for active mobility have existed for years (Nieuwenhuijsen et al., 2019; Saelens et
al., 2003), but have not always received the attention they deserve. In a post-COVID-19 world, will
stakeholders take the health arguments in planning more seriously? And most importantly, will they
succeed in transforming streets to become healthier, safer, greener and more livable?
3. Will green space planning need new designs, uses and practices?
A pivot toward healthy cities is likely to be accompanied by a more serious effort to make cities
greener. Yet the pandemic may change the type and distribution of green spaces we want, as well as
our expectations about what green spaces should provide. We foresee a greater demand for smaller
green spaces or neighbourhood parks which serve as places of refuge from the louder and bustling
city. These places of refuge might be preferred whether or not they are green or grey, a small park or
an alley.
Our changing preferences and expectations about green spaces may lead to new designs,
uses and practices in green space planning. For example, green space designers might need to
create more spaces for individualized and introspective use over team sports. Running trails and
paths might be widened. And new expectations regarding social distancing may require re-assessing
where individuals might be able to exercise within green spaces. We also might need new or
expanded exercise infrastructure given that existing green spaces may not be able to absorb the
influx of people at the revised levels of appropriate density.
In cities with stay at home orders, we have observed more use of green spaces, especially
the small neighbourhood parks, which seem to be undergoing a renaissance (van der Berg, 2020).
Will planners begin to prioritize the design of smaller local, neighbourhood green spaces? Cities with
an existing decentralized network of small green spaces such as Valencia (Spain) or Nantes (France)
will be better prepared to provide easily accessible opportunities for the enjoyment of nature. From a
biodiversity perspective, continuous networks of green spaces will still be more valuable than isolated
patches (Forman, 1995). Yet a decentralized network of smaller green spaces will make it easier for
residents to have their 'daily dose' of nature. Even visual access to nature has been shown to have
important physical and mental health benefits (Velarde et al., 2007).
Ample scientific literature has documented the health benefits of green spaces, although
there is still work being done to understand the mechanisms and pathways that explain improved
health outcomes (Gascon et al., 2015; Rojas-Rueda et al., 2019; van den Bosch and Ode Sang,
2017). Social interactions have been identified as a major pathway in which greenspaces improve
health (De Vries et al., 2013; Litt et al., 2015). The degree to which the social pathway is able to
generate health benefits in green spaces in the future may need re-consideration or nuancing.
In the aftermath of the crisis, cities may revisit the potential of unused spaces such as
brownfield sites and building rooftops. Cities have a staggering amount of rooftops that are
underused, poorly equipped and not meeting their full potential. Chicago has led the way (DiNardo,
2019; Francis and Jensen, 2017), and Barcelona has identified thousands of grey rooftops, of which
only a few have been converted into rooftop gardens (Sanyé-Mengual et al., 2016). Community
gardens also provide an alternative to public parks, and may develop rules on safe distancing. These
spaces, whether in the sky or on the ground, are likely to receive renewed attention as open air
refuges for stress relief, recreation, cultural activities and socialization among tight networks.
4. What is the future of large public spaces?
An obvious potential consequence of COVID-19 is a generalized aversion to large crowds.
Concerts, cultural events, sporting events, ceremonies, markets and political protests all bring
together many people, often in public squares and plazas. In the immediate future, these gatherings
will be restricted. But will the public develop a permanent aversion to large public gatherings?
Such a shift could have implications for how we design our cities but also have important
cultural and political consequences. Large public spaces have provided citizens with a space to
organize, form groups, come together and voice political dissent throughout human history. Consider
the Zócalo in Mexico City, Tienanmen in Beijing, Madan in Kiev, Tahrir in Cairo, Gezi Park in
Istanbul, among others (Luisa Martin, 2014; Özgen, 2014). Turning our backs to these spaces would
debilitate our notion of public space as 'agora' and threaten to restrict opportunities for coming
together. Will the social, civic and recreational uses of the public realm need to be rediscovered and
A permanent aversion to large public gatherings might change how cities are designed. Most
cities have at least one large space to accommodate for large gatherings. Designers often
intentionally avoid placing benches, fountains or other permanent infrastructure in large squares to
allow for these gatherings, even if infrequent. This practice could be reversed, premised on other
urban needs, and go largely unnoticed.
On the other hand, a post-COVID-19 world might value these large flexible spaces as assets.
Public spaces are a key feature of a resilient city, in part because of their ability to be transformed for
emergency health purposes (Polko, 2010). Our current public health emergency has demonstrated
the value of flex spaces. Large green spaces and convention centres have been converted into
emergency field hospitals in Vancouver, New York, and London (Booth et al., 2020). In India, empty
malls are being turned into shelters for migrant workers who are unable to return to their villages. The
value of large public spaces may push us toward modular and decentralized designs that permit this
How urbanites will respond to large gatherings is likely to depend on contexts, as well as the
expectations about future outbreaks. The perceived risks associated with large gatherings are likely
to be highly sensitive to cultural norms and heterogeneous across cities and regions. In many cities
and cultures, large gatherings are simply too important for a city's identity, culture or economy. Many
religious and cultural celebrations have been celebrated for centuries, having survived countless
disruptions, droughts, war and unrest. While it might be possible to postpone or delay celebrations
and events temporarily, in many circumstances it will be impossible to halt significant religious or
cultural gatherings and ceremonies altogether.
5. Do we need a new typology for public space?
The pandemic could force planners and designers to create a new vocabulary or typology to
describe places in terms of social density, distances, crowding, or public health risks. The pandemic
will create a new lens through which to think about public space, and this new conversation will need
a new vocabulary to help organize our ideas and analyze spaces.
For green spaces specifically, the pandemic might force us to revisit our existing green space
typologies (Cvejić et al., 2015), with local neighbourhood parks, pocket parks, avenues, and informal
green spaces getting greater focus (Rupprecht and Byrne, 2014), as larger parks may take on a
different function and use. During the pandemic the role of some green spaces clearly changed
(Samuelsson et al., 2020). This also implies that typologies should not only focus on the level of the
individual green/public space. Ways should be found to include consideration of how individual
spaces are part of public space networks with their own specific functionalities. New public space
typologies should also consider the temporary uses of green space as illustrated by the temporary
hospitals in New York’s Central Park.
6. Will the temporary transformations seen in cities inspire more permanent changes?
Cities such as Vienna, Boston, Oakland, Philadelphia and Minneapolis have closed roads to
give more space to pedestrians and cyclists (Laker, 2020). These temporary road closures and other
short-term measures are serving as testing grounds for changes that may eventually become
permanent (Bliss, 2020). Bogotá has widened bike lanes and added 76 km of additional temporary
bike lanes in an effort to halt the spread of the virus, and Mexico City has a plan for something similar
(Armario, 2020; Null and Smith, 2020; Wray, 2020). Researchers in the United States are building a
database of cities that have implemented cycling and pedestrianization projects in response to
COVID-19 (Combs, 2020). Some argue that the temporary road closures will serve as a catalyst for
embarking on more ambitious projects in pedestrianization and public space enhancement that
citizens have demanded for years (Bliss, 2020).
In cities that have been entirely locked down, residents have noticed major reductions in
noise and air pollution, and even a return of wildlife (Millan Lombrana and Roston, 2020). Satellite
data show massive reductions in air pollution across China as restrictions took effect (NASA, 2020).
Given the connection between urban air pollution and early death, the change in air quality might
have far-reaching positive effects on health at both ends of the age scale (Null and Smith, 2020).
These temporary changes have allowed residents to re-imagine their city as a place that smells
better, sounds more peaceful, and permits better sleep.
The urban experiments in pedestrianization and traffic reduction provide a valuable
precedent. Yet permanent transformations will still require changes in personal habits, policies,
incentives, and infrastructures. Researchers may consider tracking how these experiments have
influenced the views and opinions of residents or changed the perceived political feasibility of these
initiatives among decision makers. Following up on the long-term impact of the COVID-19 street
closures will also help us learn about where and why some of the changes have become adopted.
This may also provide a critical learning opportunity for theory development in tactical urbanism
(Lydon and Garcia, 2015).
7. What will happen to micro-mobility and sharing?
Micro-mobility and sharing activities were booming prior to the pandemic, and their
widespread adoption was also leading to major disputes over space on sidewalks, curbs, parks and
other urban places (Abend, 2019). Micro-mobility devices have been struggling for space on the
streets, competing with pedestrians, bikes and motorized vehicles. As individualized transport, these
smaller devices might be welcome in a post-pandemic world and could benefit from street re-designs
that allow for wider sidewalks or enlarged cycling lanes. The affordability of these devices may also
make them attractive when the economy is in a downturn.
At the same time, the sharing model is likely to be hurt by the pandemic due to the perceived
health risk of sharing vehicles with an unknown community. All mobility sharing models (car, bike,
scooter) will probably need to invest in regular hygiene and vehicle cleaning. These additional costs
may make the financial model unviable for the service provider or generate costs passed onto users.
On the other hand, it is possible that users are not dissuaded, and that sharing rebounds after the
pandemic as a preferred alternative to public transit.
8. What will be the impacts on public transit?
There is serious concern that the public will reject public transportation in favour of private
motor vehicles. People are afraid, with good reason, to travel by public transport. A study in Hubei
showed COVID-19 spread from one person to nine over the course of a single long-distance bus
journey (Null and Smith, 2020). Where there will be a choice, people will prefer to use their own cars,
or taxis that are regulated with virus-free drivers and deep cleaning. It would be naïve to predict that
people will happily return to public mass transit without major adjustments to vehicle design and
operations, as well as infrastructure in public spaces to help prevent the next spread. Busses and
trains should carry fewer and more dispersed passengers, public space is needed to disperse the
ingress and egress at stations and bus terminals, and installations will need frequent disinfection and
cleaning. Steps in this direction can already be seen Wuhan, Kigali, Rome, Milan, Washington DC,
Hong Kong, Istanbul and elsewhere (EFE, 2020; Null and Smith, 2020; TUMI, 2020).
The worst case scenarios are that public transit systems bankrupt, they will get little public
money support in the near future, more of them are privatized, and the impact on public city space
will be deleterious an increase in private vehicle traffic, congestion, pollution and more social
Impacts on Use of Public Space
9. Will we observe fewer people in public?
When the pandemic is over, will people flee from public spaces or flock to them? In terms of
total use of public space, what spatial and temporal patterns might we observe? One would expect
very different responses in each city, space or context. Public life studies often count people in
streets, parks or squares in order to assess use patterns and evaluate how the site is functioning
(Akaltin et al., 2019; Anderson et al., 2018; City of Vancouver, 2018). The Gehl Institute has
developed a detailed protocol for counting people staying or moving through public places (Gehl
Institute, 2017) and cities compare themselves based on these metrics as they can also be indicators
of a space’s success (Gehl, 2013; Gehl and Svarre, 2013). Often, the presence of people in a space
is interpreted as indicative that a public space is functioning and healthy (Sadik-Kahn and
Solomonow, 2017). Professional planners speak of “sticky streets” where people stay and linger
(Toderian, 2014). Downtown associations and retailers count pedestrian traffic in order to estimate
potential rents for commercial real estate or to project retail revenue. The scholarly work on
pedestrian measurement and modelling (Hankey et al., 2012; Ryus et al., 2016) may undergo a
major upheaval following the pandemic. In some cities, the pandemic may show a break from the
past, and pedestrian models that rely on past data might need re-calibration. In a post-COVID-19
world, how might we change how we interpret data on public life?
We might also expect changes in the temporal patterns and spacing of users over the day, as
people try to avoid peak hours. Once again, it is unclear if the short term changes observed in recent
days will persist, implying that we are experiencing a fundamental shift in the patterns of public use.
To answer this question researchers might rely on digital data sources collected by mobile devices
and sensors in the built environment which are “always on” and capture ongoing changes (Salganik,
2019). Such data collection devices may be used for a variety of purposes including government
surveillance, raising legal and ethical questions.
The pandemic may also reinforce social and class differences in the use of public space.
Lower income households are more likely to be travelling in the city or attending to the public
because of employment obligations. In the United States, geospatial data has shown that lower-
income workers continued to move around in the midst of the pandemic, while higher income workers
were more likely to work from home (Valentino-DeVries et al., 2020). Skilled workers in the
knowledge economy can more easily shift to online and distance working, thereby minimizing
exposure. Lower income workers may not have this choice.
If this tele-working model becomes more entrenched, it could change who is using which
public spaces and further exacerbate social divisions. Knowledge economy workers will make more
use of parks, promenades and green spaces, whilst those who cannot work from home will be more
exposed working in public spaces, streets, public transit, etc. Some public spaces may cease to be
places for social mixing by class, education level or income. The structural production of spatial
segregation in public spaces creates political and moral dilemmas for future design and investment in
urban space. Judging from the history of public urban investment allocations, it is easy to imagine
where future improvements will be made.
10. Will we change what we do in public?
The modern notion of public space was born in the 19th century when city dwellers strolled
the boulevards of Paris, London, or Barcelona (Solà-Morales, 2008). Those who walked the wide
streets were captivated by the beautiful window displays, as the emerging consumer culture
contributed to the development of public space. At the same time, early window shoppers were
aware of each other. They came outside to see and be seen (Sennett, 2018). These two early
activities in public space, shopping and socializing, are precisely the activities that are most likely to
be impacted by COVID-19. In other words, COVID-19 is challenging the two activities that brought
people out into the city the first place, when the very idea of public space was born.
The concern that online shopping may decimate brick and mortar stores is a topic that will
receive ample attention by other authors, and they will do more justice to this issue than we can.
Here we merely emphasize that COVID-19 is likely to produce a drop in pedestrian traffic associated
with commercial activity, and that this reduced pedestrian traffic will have negative multiplier effects
on many local stores, coffee shops and retailers, which ultimately will threaten to change
Our social behavior in public may also change. The pandemic may limit our ability to develop
new relationships, especially among strangers. Public space might still be a place for social
interaction, but it may be more difficult for the spontaneous and informal. These forms of exchange
are often needed to build community. To understand the impacts of COVID-19 on socialization and
informal social interactions, we will need observational and qualitative field work once the restrictions
have been raised. It may also be useful to re-visit past public life studies that collected data on
average group size in public to document any changes.
Cities that rely on tourism are likely to notice significant reconfiguration of street activities,
especially near major attractions or on streets that rely on foot traffic from visitors. The look and feel
of these highly visited cities will change, at least for a while. In China there are signs that in some
cases, tourism can rebound. During the Qingming Holiday in early April 2020, an estimated 20,000
tourists wearing protective face masks crowded the mountain trails of Huangshan (Hardiman, 2020).
11. Will our intuitive carrying capacity for public spaces decrease?
The esteemed observer of public life William Whyte proposed that spaces appear to have a
natural carrying capacity (Whyte, 1980). He observed that individuals would cluster on the steps
outside of office buildings in New York City, and the total number of people would hover around a
certain maximum, not necessarily at capacity, but close. He hypothesized that each space had a
carrying capacity, and individuals would intuitively not stay in the space if the area was close to
capacity. He suggested that each of us have an intuitive feeling about what “too many” looks. This
hypothesis suggests that the COVID-19 crisis may alter our intuitive sense of what the “right” number
of people is for a particular space.
12. Will we observe changes in the use and regulation of interior public spaces?
Interior spaces, exterior spaces and public space are closely related. Many older cities invest
heavily in public space precisely because the living quarters in homes are more cramped, smaller,
and darker. How will the pandemic change the relationship between interior and exterior spaces?
The stay at home measures, and lockdowns in particular, have already shattered traditional use
designations inside our homes. Those of us confined to small apartments, especially with young
children, have entirely transformed our home interiors. A kitchen is no longer merely a place for
cooking and a bedroom is no longer a place for resting. We have discovered new corners and
functions for small spaces, walls, ceilings, windows and balconies. Confinement has led to
multifunctionality, creativity, fluidity and adaptation (Rosel, 2020).
Fears of contagion in closed indoor spaces may increase demand for more exterior spaces
and improved ventilation. COVID-19 may provide particular challenges for the design of libraries,
government office buildings, waiting rooms, schools, or other public services, which might need more
exterior spaces and more ventilation. Service industries and restaurants might need to reorganize
themselves to accommodate for more outdoor spaces where the risk of transmission is lower, or
locate fewer tables located further apart.
Interior spaces are heavily regulated by many codes and laws, and like all regulatory
systems, the rules are contextual and value-laden. To date, interiors have been largely shaped by
minimum distances. Common minimum distances include those for residential hallways, corridors, or
distances between urinals, and dimensions between seats in classrooms. Most of these are
significantly smaller than the recommended COVID-19 “social distances”. As such, any radical
changes to interior environments over the short term seems unlikely.
If, over the long-term, there was a decision to enact changes to regulations governing
interiors that are more in line with recommended “social distances”, the consequences would be
much larger than envisioned at first sight. The dimensions of buildings and their associated footprints
would grow considerably, since regulatory minimums are typically used for the most common
everyday spaces within buildings. The effects of this would be heavily felt across the urban
landscape space, as urban densities will have to raise to accommodate an additional 2.5 billion urban
dwellers by 2050 (van den Berg 2020) . For example, one can easily foresee city-scale regulations
responding to the additional space requirements for higher interior minimums with higher floor space
allowances, meaning higher buildings. As such, any changes to regulatory minimums required for
interiors must ultimately be weighed against its systemic impacts on city building and design across
13. Will we experience infringements on civil liberties?
Surveillance systems, tracking technology and restrictions in movement were essential
strategies that have allowed governments to slow down the outbreak (WHO, 2020). Surveillance
technologies may also play a role in the deconfinement process, and provide health officials with our
digital traces to identify contacts among individuals who have tested positive for COVID-19.
China is implementing sophisticated tracking methods, and the post-lockdown procedures in
Wuhan may be a preview for what is to come. The current strategy has prioritized tracking potential
infections, and this has come with control measures and health checkpoints at the entrances and
exits of most public places including subway stations, parks, and markets. Officials check for the
mandatory use of face masks, conduct a body temperature check and verify an individualized QR
health code. The QR health code is obtained online from the health authorities following a
background check and verification. The code serves as an electronic voucher for individuals to enter
and exit buildings, spaces or city areas. Citizens are also required to scan a QR code upon their
arrival and departure from large indoor shopping malls, supermarkets and subway stations.
Private companies and governments in the UK, United States, Germany, Ireland, and
Singapore are also building apps to track infections. These systems may produce interactive maps
with government health data showing the locations where infected people have visited and who they
have contacted. A more intrusive systems being developed by an Apple-Google collaboration
geolocates all its users nothing new here , but when a user has developed symptoms or tested
positive for COVID-19, then that user’s location is Bluetooth’ed to all app-enabled phones (c. 9 m
range) for a number of days (The Economist, 2020). South Korea has a very effective tracking
system which does not yet use phone apps but relies on intensive detective follow up on people
identified as infected. It involves data from in-depth interviews, CCTV, credit card expenditures, etc.
All the spatial data on people’s movements in public spaces are then publicly released to help identify
potential contactees (Kim, 2020).
However it is notable that there seems to be user-resistance to this monitoring. Even in
Singapore, only 1/6th of a normally compliant population had taken up the Government’s contact-
tracing app, TraceTogether after a month; and only 40% of Icelanders were using Ranking C-19, the
most extensive contact-tracing app in the world (The Economist, 2020).
The crisis may be used to crackdown on a range of civil liberties of Freedom of Peaceful
Assembly (Article 20, Universal Declaration of Human Rights; also the European Convention on
Human Rights), as well as the freedom of movement by preventing large gatherings. The restriction
of movement may be an effective strategy to reduce disease transmission, however these controls
may also be used to deny opportunities for mass gatherings and suppress political opposition, as
recently seen in oppressive actions in Spain, Hungary, Brazil, Hong Kong and elsewhere (Amnesty
International, 2019; Brannen, 2020; CELAG, 2020; UNOHCR, 2020).
Our awareness of surveillance and tracking efforts might itself contribute to changes in
mobility patterns, - a type of spatial-Hawthorne effect for movement in public space. To avoid being
tracked, some might choose to leave their devices at home. For racialized minorities and immigrants,
the use of surveillance methods might create new fears of control, restrictions, and arrests, thus
discouraging their presence in public.
14. Will our perceptions of public spaces change?
Urban designers aim to create places where people feel welcome, comfortable and safe.
Perceptions of public space are an important field of research (Heffernan et al., 2014; Pugalis, 2009)
and public perceptions may dictate what is designed and how. However the current pandemic
threatens to profoundly change our relationship with these spaces, especially when other people are
There are questions concerning the effect of lockdown and stay at home measures on
children and youth, and how this experience may change their sense of attachment and intimacy with
public places. Not generic public space, but the city places previously associated with their emotions
and feelings, such as squares, parks, alleys, river fronts - places where people may have had
romantic or cultural experiences. Youth might become less attached to these places as a result of the
prolonged absences, or might grow more accustomed to online isolation.
More optimistically, those who have lived through severe confinement or lockdown may have
a renewed appreciation of parks and plazas, although this may not be the case for everyone. There
are likely to be heterogeneous effects by individuals, and perhaps gender and age, and other
dimensions. We can also expect large variation by city, country or region. It is also possible that the
changes in perceptions will correlate with the severity in which COVID-19 impacted a city, the
severity of the lockdown measures during the crisis, the economic impact on the household, among
other correlates.
COVID-19 has motivated health authorities in Latin America to restrict access to large
shopping areas and malls. For high-income families, this has forced a change in consumption habits
and obliged some consumers to venture into less familiar neighbourhoods. The pandemic may
generate new patterns and configurations of use, potentially reshaping public space in Latin
American cities. While certain public spaces might become more valued, the restrictions may also
increase perceptions of insecurity, - an issue that strongly dictates use (or lack thereof) of public
space in Latin America.
Inequities and Exclusions
15. How will the needs of vulnerable groups such as women, racial minorities, immigrants,
low-income residents, children, youth, the elderly, and the homeless be accounted for in
future public space designs, practices, and rules?
COVID-19 is already exacerbating existing inequalities (Kluth, 2020). Racial minorities, the
homeless, and poorer neighbourhoods are being harder hit by COVID-19 because they have less
access to health care and more difficulties self-isolating (Du et al., 2020). These racial, class and
neighbourhood inequities may bleed over into the public realm. For instance, vulnerable groups tend
to have less access to green spaces, public or private. Furthermore, green spaces in lower-income
neighborhoods are often smaller, under-maintained, and less numerous than those in wealthier
neighborhoods (Dahmann et al., 2010; Heynen et al., 2006). COVID-19 may also accelerate the
privatization of public space, either through the physical closure of streets or parks, thereby
producing more gated communities and neighborhoods.
Public spaces serve a variety of purposes for different demographics and are particularly
important for socially vulnerable residents (Anguelovski, 2020). Public spaces are often the only
recreational outdoor spaces for low-income residents and can provide relief from cramped living
conditions. Public spaces are particularly important for children and youth (Christian et. al. 2015). For
seniors living alone, public spaces provide social interactions that mitigate isolation and loneliness.
Women have been impacted by lockdowns and stay at home orders. In the UK, phone calls to
domestic abuse helplines have jumped 700%; in Spain, domestic abuse reports went up 18% in the
first two weeks of COVID-19 lockdown; with similar patterns seen in Italy, France, China, Mexico, and
the United States (Felbab-Brown, 2020; Townsend, 2020). Women and others in abusive
relationships are forced to spend time with their abusers, unable to take refuge in community spaces.
Undocumented immigrants and racialized minorities might avoid public spaces in the future if
they are more controlled, patrolled and “securitized”. Homeless residents may feel the same
pressures. On the other hand, if public spaces become more secured by the police and other public
agents, criminal activities might decrease, allowing others to use those spaces again.
The neoliberal urban policies in Latin America have produced segregated and fragmented
cities (Carrión and Dammert-Guardia, 2019), with important differences in the quantity and quality of
public spaces between high and low income neighbourhoods (Vicuña et al., 2019). The limited quality
of public spaces in lower income neighborhoods is compounded by the absence of safety and
security, as criminal groups have taken functional control of these spaces. In Chile, Venezuela,
Turkey, Iran, Hungary and elsewhere, the pandemic has led authorities to re-assert control of the
streets to enforce the quarantine and restrict movement, thereby making these spaces safer for
health workers or essential services, but unusable for the general public, especially for protest. This
raises new questions with regard to the advisability of police-based, militarized and surveillance
approaches to ensuring safety in city spaces (Luneke, 2015). Our current condition is creating a
powerful precedent, and public opinion is likely to be divided on how much of a police-state we are
willing to accept in exchange for safer cities. The risk is that the formulation of new surveillance-
based and policed spaces will deepen patterns of segregation and fragmentation of the Latin
American city.
Religious minorities may experience further discrimination in public space as associations are
made between class, religion, and the spread of disease. In India, for instance, the media linked the
spread of COVID-19 to a Muslim gathering in New Delhi. As a result, Muslims in public spaces, as
well as Muslim public spaces are viewed even more suspiciously than before (Ellis-Petersen and
Rahman, 2020).
16. Will cities in the Global South aim to constrain or regulate the informal street economy?
The hum and shouts of street vendors is a vital part of the economic and social life of many
cities and towns in the Global South (Brown et al., 2010; Janoschka and Sequera, 2016). Millions of
households depend on the informal economy that unfolds in public space (International Labour
Organisation, 2018). In Mexico alone, 31.3 million people work in the informal sector, representing
over half of its working population (INEGI, 2020). How will these informal sellers adapt to any long
term changes in public space, regulations, restrictions, or changing cultural norms? In the short term,
many street vendors are already forced to decide between the risk of illness or the risk not being able
to provide for their families. What response, resistance or re-organization might we see in street
vendor communities in the Global South?
The pandemic is likely to push street vendors and other informal workers into a long term
economic recession. In Bangkok, for example, earnings of street vendors are down 80% since
implementation of a mandatory lockdown by the Thai government (Taylor et. al. 2020). Consumers
may increasingly walk away, as bustling outdoor street markets may be seen as hazards or sources
of contamination (Wertheim-Heck, 2020).
The state of emergency in Latin American countries is severely impacting the informal
economy, where this sector represents between 30 and 40% of the workforce. The situation is
especially difficult in Colombia, Peru, Chile, and Ecuador that have received a large influx of
undocumented workers, many from Venezuela, who are a large proportion of informal street workers.
With a weak welfare state, workers are unprotected, ignored and vulnerable to sanctions or unfair
treatment (Schlack Fuhrmann et al., 2018; Vaccotti, 2017). The situation risks generating a situation
of profound humanitarian crisis and massive political unrest (Kluth, 2020).
How will governments engage with the informal sector working in the streets? How feasible is it to
restrict these activities when so many families rely on street trade for their livelihoods? For now, the
regulation of the informal economy in public space appears to face the same challenges as before
COVID-19 -- the system is complex, poorly documented and with little data to understand its true
dimensions. As a result, it may be impossible to regulate or restrict regulations or improve the
economic situation for such vulnerable informal workers, even after the pandemic mandates have
been lifted.
17. Will the pandemic permanently disrupt the interconnected global settlement system?
While other disciplines have developed global regulatory systems, work at such scale has not
been seriously considered in urbanism. Does this crisis open the door for regulating the movement of
individuals based on city or region of origin? Will the decisions of cities ripple out with global
consequences faster than even before? In a time of global interconnection where a relatively
localized regulatory decision can have global ramifications, is it necessary to start thinking about
urban-scale regulations at a global scale? Until now, this idea has hardly been taken seriously by
urbanists, with a few exceptions.
Constantinos Doxiadis predicted this conundrum 50 years ago with his writing on the
Ecumenopolis, which he believed was the inevitable trajectory of the human settlements given
technological and socio-economic evolution (Doxiadēs et al., 1974; Villagomez, 2018). Many thought
this idea of a global city was a far flung idea at the time. Yet, five decades later, we are now dealing
with what he foresaw: an interconnected global settlement system so intimately connected that it is
virtually impossible to draw clear boundaries between settlements around the world.
We review how our current COVID-19 public health crisis may change public space design,
perceptions and use and management. The impacts are likely to vary by city and within them. Rather
than taking strong positions on these questions, we see this as the time to identify the uncertainties
and range of outcomes.
It has become cliché to claim that this crisis is an opportunity, and yet never before has so
much attention been devoted to cities and health, making this is an unprecedented opportunity to
examine the links between urban planning, public space and wellbeing. Our future city is not pre-
ordained, but will be the result of specific decisions about public space. We hope public spaces will
remain a valued place for socialization, community building, and identity formation in a post-COVID
world. Given the transformation we are witnessing, in the ensuing months it will be critical to measure
the changes in use and perceptions of public spaces in order to inform urban planning and design.
Addressing the COVID-19 crisis will also require rethinking how public space design can
protect and promote planetary health. This can only be achieved with active communities of practice.
Planning and public health professionals must come together to build healthier cities during this crisis
and beyond.
JHR would like to thank Sara, Lila and Maia for allowing this paper to be written during our lockdown
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... On the other hand, it will also reduce demand and pressure on the public transport system and the road network (Department of Transportation of the United Kingdom Government, 2020; Oliveira & Silva, 2021). Active mobility can also help meet public health objectives through physical activity (Honey-Rosés et al., 2020). Some cities, such as London, made temporary road changes, stimulating active travel as a measure to allow local people to take daily exercise while maintaining social distance (Transport for London, 2022). ...
... These results suggest that those who walk and cycle perceive active mobility as safe or even important to maintain one's health during the pandemic. In fact, walking and cycling are being encouraged in different cities during the pandemic, in order to reduce public transportation demand and social crowding (Department of Transportation of the United Kingdom Government, 2020; Transformative Urban Mobility Initiative, 2020), and also to promote physical activity and daily exercise (Honey-Rosés et al., 2020;Transport for London, 2022). ...
The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted people's daily life in several ways, especially given that social distancing appears to be the most effective way to reduce the spread of the virus till date. Analyzing longitudinal data from a group of residents in the Federal District of Brazil, we verified the impact of physical distancing recommendations in April of 2020. Of 351 respondents of a 2017 survey regarding healthy urban mobility, 77 answered the second survey in 2020. Considering leaving home behavior, were found significant reduction in commuting to work, making social visits, leisure activities and taking care of health. On the other hand, the use of active transportation modes (walking and cycling) did not change significantly, while the use of motorized transportation modes was reduced significantly. We conclude that during the pandemic and post-pandemic periods, special attention should be given to stimulating active mobility and to reduce the use of motorized transportation modes.
... One of the biggest problems was lack of motivation, reluctance to exercise at home, and limited space and equipment (Farah et al., 2021;López-Bueno et al., 2020;Marashi et al., 2021). Not insignificant was the fear of contracting a virus (Roche et al., 2022), the lack of an exercise partner (Farah et al., 2021), and, of course, the lack of accessibility to outdoor sports venues (Honey-Roses et al., 2020). These barriers were particularly acute for those with limited opportunities to leave the house or difficult access to sports and recreation facilities, or for those less likely to benefit from healthy lifestyle information. ...
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The ongoing study of factors that hinder physical activity (PA) supports the adaptation of intervention strategies to changing conditions and the creation of a more conducive environment for active lifestyles. The aim of the study was to analyze the barriers to Polish participation in sports and recreational activities (SRA) before and after the pandemic. Face-to-face interviews were conducted twice with a representative sample of Poles (in 2016 N=12183 household members, in 2021 N=8351). Descriptive statistical analysis was conducted using frequency and relative frequency (%). A Chi-square test of independence was used to analyze relationships between perceived barriers of non-participation in sports or physical recreation in 2016 and 2021 and the gender and age of respondents. In 2021, 38.8% (36.7% of women and 41.0% of men) declared participation in SRA (regularly or occasionally), with a 7.6 % point decrease in the number of those active compared to 2016. 20.6% of respondents participated in sports and recreation regularly in 2021. Compared to 2016, (21.7%) the difference was not statistically significant. Men declared regular participation more often than women (23.1% vs. 18.1% – 2021). Four main barriers were identified: (1) lack of free time – especially among 30 to 39-year-olds, 40 to 49-year-olds and men; (2) lack of interest, willingness or preference for passive leisure activities – especially among 15 to 19-year-olds; (3) having a medical condition and doctor’s contraindications – among 50 to 59-year-olds and 60 and older; and (4) age – especially among 60-year-olds. These barriers have not been overcome over time, and persisted or even gained in importance during the COVID-19 pandemic in addition to medical condition and doctor’s contraindications. We therefore turn our attention to eliminating these barriers, taking into account their importance in specific populations. It is essential to motivate people to overcome internal barriers through social support, health care, and government actions.
... Countries across the world have introduced policies such as stay-at home-lockdowns, restrictions on public events, social gatherings and public transport, the closure of schools and workplaces, and public COVID-19 information campaigns (Honey-Roses et al. 2020;Ritchie et al. 2020). In Slovakia, tourism sector has been influenced most by the pandemic. ...
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The aim of the thesis is to define the level of employee motivation and its development in public administration sector of the Slovak Republic in the years 2017-2023 in terms of gender. The research sample consisted of 3571 respondents. Relational and financial factors are the most significant for public administration employees in Slovakia, given the fact that they are statistically at the same level of importance each year. In 2020 and 2022, there is a significant preference for relational factors over financial factors. Based on the ANOVA test results, the test identified significant changes for the group of relational, financial career and social factors at the 5% significance level. The Eta-squared test results indicate that in the case of the financial group of factors, these changes are of negligible significance and in the case of relational factors, there is a low substantive significance of these changes. Based on the results, it is possible to conclude that the needs of public administration employees are stable in the long run. By further analysing the results, it is possible to define the motivational factors influencing the needs of public administration employees in the form of an incentive programme.
... Entendendo a noção de justiça territorial como aquela que corresponde à aplicação dos princípios de justiça social às unidades territoriais, como, por exemplo, a aplicação das políticas territoriais justas e que atenda distintos grupos sociais(LEE, 2000), seu oposto, como no caso supracitado, forma -pela forma institucional -o que se entende por injustiça ambiental, privilegiando certas classes sociais em detrimento de outras. Durante a COVID-19, o que se pode ver, não apenas no Brasil, mas também outras partes do planeta, foi a exacerbação de processos desiguais de acesso a bens e serviços (HAASE, A, 2020), bem como espaços de lazer e benefícios associados à natureza (HONEY-ROSES,ANGUELOVSKI, BOHIGAS et al. 2020). Expor e iluminar essa forma de gestão pública é fundamental para dar voz às comunidades mais afetadas por políticas públicas desiguais e que privilegiam grupos de elites nas cidades.Por outro lado, o artigo contribui para a formação de uma memória da pandemia no front dos acontecimentos. ...
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The pandemic crisis of COVID-19 that we have recently endured, and that to some extent we are still experiencing, abruptly changed the way in which we conceive of the interaction between inner and outer space. Specifically, during the most difficult times caused by the two severe lockdowns, this limitation came complete with a total lack of spatial mobility. This article will explore the impact that this had upon the creative process of writing and making performance work for the female subject and how the return to the domestic space as the only possibility, affected their writing and creativity. Using the concept of the “nomadic subject” developed by Rosi Braidotti in 1996 and revised in 2011 in her book Nomadic Subjects: Embodiment and Sexual Difference in Contemporary Feminist Theory, this article aims to explore these questions from the intersection of body and language through the symbol of the spiral as a source of creation.
Religious places are imbued with meaning and can promote social support, belonging, and shared identity among those who access them. In conjunction with their spiritual role, churches are places where processes such as attachment and meaning-making are explored, nurtured, and maintained. In many developing nations, churches also serve as contexts where collective activities are practiced and social cohesion is cultivated. The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted the social and economic arrangements of church officials and members worldwide. However, the challenges and impacts experienced by religious congregations during the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly Christian churches, have not been widely explored or comprehensively understood. This chapter draws on in-depth interviews with members and leaders of different church organizations in Ghana to explore the spatial, spiritual, financial, and social impacts of displacement and fragmentation of religious activities in Christian congregations, especially for older adults and church leaders. Our findings add to existing knowledge about the impacts of displacement and fragmentation within the context of religious place making.
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Background and Aim: Urban outdoor space is an area of social interactions and face-to-face encounters due to the high power of certain spaces in various exchanges, such as information. The COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound effect on these relationships, resulting in numerous shifts in human mobility and interaction patterns, especially in cities. However, urban outdoor spaces have the potential to play a major role in the disease's transmission and prevention. The current research uses a qualitative and quantitative approach to determine how the relation between urban outdoor spaces and COVID-19 disease has been established. Method: First, similar studies were listed, and the categories explained in them were coded after reviewing their content. Then The codes were given to 30 elites and academic experts in urban planning and management in the next level. The Shannon entropy approach was used to calculate the significance coefficient of each criterion and sub-criterion. Findings: Results revealed that urban outdoor space through four resilient urban design metrics with a value of WJ 0.2357, urban green space planning with a value of WJ0.0974, smart city with a value of WJ0.06277, and transportation with a value of WJ 0.0549, respectively, plays a part in the overcoming COVID-19 infection. Conclusion: The impact of the COVID-19 infectious disease on urban outdoor design can be analyzed from three perspectives: first, straegies that prevent the disease's transmission and spread in such environments with the least harm to ordinary people's lives. Second, solutions in urban open space design that increase the level of body immunity, Finally, social interactions should be built so people can communicate properly visually, verbally, and in other ways even when they are beside one another. Ultimately, these factors are effective in connecting public space during the COVID-19 epidemic crisis: cleanliness, accessibility, attraction, convenience, vitality and dynamism, performance, safety and security, and strength and health.
Inner-city megaprojects have become a typical element in the neoliberal city and are associated with multiple conflicts such as undemocratic planning, cost explosions and (green) gentrification. This chapter analyzes two neighboring megaprojects (Cabo-Llanos Plan and Santa Cruz Verde 2030) in Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Spain) and explores if there are learning processes of primary and secondary stakeholders between the two projects. I conducted 18 qualitative interviews with the town hall, architects, neighborhood associations and real estate experts. The results indicate how each stakeholder group learned particularly in the area that affects them most, for example with regard to urbanism, housing, and public spaces. The project’s initiators show a clear learning process, as the new megaproject (Santa Cruz Verde 2030) takes up several deficits revealed by the former megaproject (Cabo-Llanos Plan). However, this chapter questions the motivation behind this learning, as the apparently sustainable mask of the project rather conceals the entrepreneurial logics. Hence, this study reveals the potential of integrating stakeholders into planning processes, but it also shows how spatial injustices are reproduced.KeywordsMegaprojectsPlanningLocal stakeholdersLearning processSanta Cruz de Tenerife
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A referência do título deste artigo antecipa a face sombria e os caminhos tortuosos da forma em que a Covid-19 foi gerida pelas autoridades públicas no Brasil. O Dr. Jekyll e Mr. Hyde, o médico e o monstro nos trópicos, simbolizam o negacionismo científico, a politização do vírus e de seus tratamentos. O presente artigo busca colaborar com pesquisas em formação, com métodos mistos e abordagem que une teoria social crítica, justiça e racismo ambiental, para o debate específico brasileiro, e tem como caso ilustrativo das desigualdades o território da cidade de São Paulo. O ponto de partida é o entendimento de que a opção por uma governança disruptiva por parte do poder público tem método e atinge de forma prejudicial com mais intensidade as classes mais despossuídas.
Conference Paper
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The Covid-19 pandemic has led to changes in the way humans interact, which affects preferences for the use of urban spaces. Public spaces must be part of the response to the pandemic, prevent the spread of the virus, and provide facilities for daily activities. The concept of public space needs to be redefined to accommodate public life in adapting to pandemic conditions. This study aims to explore people's preferences for public spaces to reformulate the characteristics as a means of adapting public life during a pandemic. The study was conducted using a google form questionnaire addressed to residents of Jakarta and its surroundings. The results show that during the pandemic, there’s an increasing interest in public open spaces and a constant need for commercial spaces. The characteristics of preferred public spaces are compatibility, openness, accessibility, and diversity. People are becoming more pragmatic in choosing public space to fulfill their primary and secondary needs with awareness of pandemic risks. Factors that influence people's preferences on public space are openness, ease of access, and variety of activities. They also consider the flexibility to maintain physical distancing and the availability of facilities to implement health protocols. Those are characteristics to redefine public spaces to adapt to public life during pandemic covid-19
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The global COVID-19 pandemic is affecting people’s work-life balance across the world. For academics, confinement policies enacted by most countries have implied a sudden switch to home-work, a transition to online teaching and mentoring, and an adjustment of research activities. In this article we discuss how the COVID-19 crisis is affecting our profession and how it may change it in the future. We argue that academia must foster a culture of care, help us refocus on what is most important, and redefine excellence in teaching and research. Such re-orientation can make academic practice more respectful and sustainable, now during confinement but also once the pandemic has passed. We conclude providing practical suggestions on how to renew our practice, which inevitably entails re-assessing the social-psychological, political, and environmental implications of academic activities and our value systems.
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The 2020 coronavirus pandemic caused countries across the world to implement measures of social distancing to curb spreading of COVID-19. The large and sudden disruptions to everyday life that result from this are likely to impact well-being, particularly among urban populations that live in dense settings with limited public space. In this paper, we argue that during these extraordinary circumstances, urban nature offers resilience for maintaining well-being in urban populations, while enabling social distancing. We discuss more generally the critical role of urban nature in times of crisis. Cities around the world need to take the step into the 21st century by accepting crises as a new reality and finding ways to function during these disturbances. Thus, maintaining or increasing space for nature in cities and keeping it accessible to the public should be part of the sustainability agenda, aiming simultaneously to strive towards SDG 3 (good health and well-being), and SDG 11 (sustainable and resilient cities).
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Introduction Half the world population lives in cities and this is likely to increase to 70% over the next 20 years. Suboptimal urban and transport planning has led to e.g. high levels of air pollution and noise, heat island effects and lack of green space and physical activity and thereby an increase in morbidity and premature mortality. How can better urban and transport planning improve public health? Methods A narrative meta-review around a number of cutting edge and visionary studies and practices on how to improve public health through better urban and transport planning reported in the literature and from meetings over the past few years. Results We describe the latest quantitative evidence of how cities can become healthier through better urban and transport planning. It focuses and provides evidence for important interventions, policies and actions that can improve public health, including the need for land use changes, reduce car dependency and move towards public and active transportation, greening of cities, visioning, citizen involvement, collaboration, leadership and investment and systemic approaches. Health impact assessment studies have recently provided new powerful quantitative evidence on how to make cities healthier and will be used as examples. At the same time these measures make also our cities more sustainable (i.e. carbon neutral) and liveable creating multiple benefits. Conclusion Better urban and transport planning can lead to carbon neutral, more liveable and healthier cities, particularly through land use changes, a move from private motorised transportation to public and active transportation and greening of cities.
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What happens next? Four months into the severe acute respiratory syndrome–coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) outbreak, we still do not know enough about postrecovery immune protection and environmental and seasonal influences on transmission to predict transmission dynamics accurately. However, we do know that humans are seasonally afflicted by other, less severe coronaviruses. Kissler et al. used existing data to build a deterministic model of multiyear interactions between existing coronaviruses, with a focus on the United States, and used this to project the potential epidemic dynamics and pressures on critical care capacity over the next 5 years. The long-term dynamics of SARS-CoV-2 strongly depends on immune responses and immune cross-reactions between the coronaviruses, as well as the timing of introduction of the new virus into a population. One scenario is that a resurgence in SARS-CoV-2 could occur as far into the future as 2025. Science , this issue p. 860
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Background: Green spaces have been proposed to be a health determinant, improving health and wellbeing through different mechanisms. We aimed to systematically review the epidemiological evidence from longitudinal studies that have investigated green spaces and their association with all-cause mortality. We aimed to evaluate this evidence with a meta-analysis, to determine exposure-response functions for future quantitative health impact assessments. Methods: We did a systematic review and meta-analysis of cohort studies on green spaces and all-cause mortality. We searched for studies published and indexed in MEDLINE before Aug 20, 2019, which we complemented with an additional search of cited literature. We included studies if their design was longitudinal; the exposure of interest was measured green space; the endpoint of interest was all-cause mortality; they provided a risk estimate (ie, a hazard ratio [HR]) and the corresponding 95% CI for the association between green space exposure and all-cause mortality; and they used normalised difference vegetation index (NDVI) as their green space exposure definition. Two investigators (DR-R and DP-L) independently screened the full-text articles for inclusion. We used a random-effects model to obtain pooled HRs. This study is registered with PROSPERO, CRD42018090315. Findings: We identified 9298 studies in MEDLINE and 13 studies that were reported in the literature but not indexed in MEDLINE, of which 9234 (99%) studies were excluded after screening the titles and abstracts and 68 (88%) of 77 remaining studies were excluded after assessment of the full texts. We included nine (12%) studies in our quantitative evaluation, which comprised 8 324 652 individuals from seven countries. Seven (78%) of the nine studies found a significant inverse relationship between an increase in surrounding greenness per 0·1 NDVI in a buffer zone of 500 m or less and the risk of all-cause mortality, but two studies found no association. The pooled HR for all-cause mortality per increment of 0·1 NDVI within a buffer of 500 m or less of a participant's residence was 0·96 (95% CI 0·94-0·97; I2, 95%). Interpretation: We found evidence of an inverse association between surrounding greenness and all-cause mortality. Interventions to increase and manage green spaces should therefore be considered as a strategic public health intervention. Funding: World Health Organization.
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This work explores the extent to which urban integration is related to a better quality of life in the metropolitan areas of Santiago, Valparaíso and Concepción. This challenge has not been addressed so far as a result of its methodological and interpretation complexities. Through the comparative analysis of the Urban Life Quality Index (ICVU) and Urban Integration indices raised from the System of Urban Development Indicators and Standards (SIEDU), three key dimensions are addressed: sociocultural conditions, connectivity and mobility, and housing and environment. The results confirm in the case of the three metropolitan areas of Chile that urban integration is not necessarily expressed as the result. of a better quality of life, opening an important question about the scope that a good endowment of public and private goods and services may have in order to guarantee a greater degree of integration in neighborhoods and municipalities, at least at the metropolitan level. Additionally, the importance of the geography of the metropolitan areas is revealed, due to some conflicting results obtained, generating a significant contribution for the design of public policies before their next examination in Chile.
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Uno de los rasgos más relevantes en las últimas décadas en América Latina es el posicionamiento del derecho a la ciudad como categoría analítica, de movilización política, de debate público y de principio normativo o jurídico. Lo que Lefebvre (1968) propuso como un concepto para discutir el sistema capitalista y el rol de lo urbano en el proceso de acumulación de capital a fines de los sesenta, hoy forma parte del discurso de un conjunto bastante amplio de organismos internacionales, académicos, tecnócratas y movimientos sociales urbanos bajo distintos significados y matices. El derecho a la ciudad ha logrado situarse como marco de referencia de distintos ámbitos, pero con la consecuencia de convertirse en un slogan general, y un discurso en disputa, una categoría polisémica. La tarea, en este escenario, parece ser doble. Por un lado, avanzar en el debate académico sobre el derecho a la ciudad como marco de referencia analítica para comprender la actual coyuntura urbana, así como sus implicancias políticas. Y, por otro lado, resituar los procesos centrales de reconfiguración de la coyuntura urbana. En este contexto se ubica este libro, en tanto se inscribe en los debates en América Latina -en los dos caminos indicados-, al incorporar tanto una discusión sobre el derecho a la ciudad en sí mismo, como de aquellos procesos que son relevantes para el estudio de las ciudades de nuestra región.
Supported by a large body of scholarship, it is increasingly orthodox practice for cities to deploy urban greening interventions to address diverse socioenvironmental challenges, from protecting urban ecosystems to enhancing built environments and climate resilience or improving health outcomes. In this article, we expand the theoretical boundaries used to challenge this growing orthodoxy by laying out a nuanced framework that advances critical urban environmental justice scholarship. Beginning from the now well-supported assumption that urban greening is a deeply political project often framed by technocratic principles and promotional claims that this project will result in more just and prosperous cities, we identify existing contributions and limits when examining urban green inequities through the traditional lenses of distributional, recognition, and procedural justice. We then advocate for and lay out a different analytical framework for analyzing justice in urban greening. We argue that new research must uncover how persistent domination and subordination prevent green interventions from becoming an emancipatory antisubordination, intersectional, and relational project that considers the needs, identities, and everyday lives of marginalized groups. Finally, we illustrate our framework’s usefulness by applying it to the analysis of urban residents’ (lack of) access to urban greening and by operationalizing it for two different planning and policy domains: (1) greening for well-being, care, and health and (2) greening for recreation and play. This final analysis serves to provide critical questions and strategies that can hopefully guide new urban green planning and practice approaches.
As the vulnerability of cities to the effects of climate change increases, so does the urgency of and interest in urban transformational adaptation. To date, however, research has not looked empirically at how "everyday" urban politics shape the multi-scalar political constraints that prevent municipalities from implementing transformational adaptation. We analyze the Poblenou superblock project in Barcelona, Spain as an effort to enact transformational land use planning linked with climate adaptation efforts. We find that the key driver behind opposition is the everyday political struggle for municipal authority, which materializes in clashing visions for the future city -- and who has the political clout to define and own them. We show that urban transformation is at least as much about competitive urbanism and related short-term political gains as it is about the importance of environmental and quality-of-life benefits that are ostensibly the target of interventions. We also highlight how civic and political contestation over the authority of ‘climate champions’ can jeopardize not only transformational adaptation achievements, but also the political survival of champions themselves. We conclude that transformational adaptation can be obstructed not only out of fear for the material and political effects of transformation per se, but also because of the message it conveys as concerns of who has the authority to decide for “the common good”.