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Framing i analiza ramowa – stan badań we współczesnym medioznawstwie. Przegląd stanowisk badawczych

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Abstract

Autor artykułu przybliża założenia framingu oraz ram medialnych. Koncepcja ta, zapoczątkowana przez Ervinga Goffmana, należy obecnie do jednych z najpopularniejszych teorii średniego zasięgu. Zakłada ona, że media nie tylko selekcjonują, które tematy zostaną przedstawione, a które zmarginalizowane. Zdaniem autorów teorii ramowej media dodatkowo podkreślają pewne aspekty poruszanych tematów, przemilczając pozostałe. W ten sposób tworzone są medialne ramy, w których dane zagadnienie lub wydarzenie jest przedstawione. Wśród czynników decydujących o ostatecznym kształcie ramy znajdują się wewnętrzne, na przykład linia polityczna danego medium czy też poglądy dziennikarzy, oraz zewnętrzne, jak oczekiwania odbiorców, klimat kulturowy itp. Można wyróżnić ramy główne (generic frames) oraz epizodyczne (episodic frames). Te pierwsze przyjmują postać ogólnych ram, uwzględniających różnoraki kontekst. Z kolei ramy epizodyczne odnoszą się do konkretnych tematów i zagadnień, będąc jednakże wpisane w ramy główne. Przywołane w artykule przykłady badań stosujących perspektywę ram medialnych wskazują, że framing jest interesującym, a co najważniejsze – skutecznym sposobem opisu funkcjonowania i zawartości mediów.

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... "rama spraw ludzkich", "ekonomii", "moralności", "silnego i słabego", etc. (zob. Palczewski 2011;Wasilewski 2018;Leśniczak 2018). To uzasadnia użycie metody ramowania także do innych tematów, w tym politycznych. ...
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This paper presents a multimethod investigation of framing in the government–media–public interaction during the so-called partial-birth abortion (PBA) debate in the U.S. Operationalizing framing as the use of the word “baby” or “fetus,” content analysis first shows that opposing political elites employed almost exclusive vocabularies in attempts to justify their views and shape attitudes. Time-series analysis then charts the path of “baby’s” discursive dominance from congressional discourse through news and editorials to citizens. Finally, experimental results support 2 microlevel hypotheses. First, uptake—exposure to articles featuring the exclusive use of “baby” or “fetus,” respectively, increased or decreased support for banning PBA. Second, emergence—participants exposed to discourse using both terms converged upon a response independent of the words’ relative proportions. In contrast to probabilistic survey response models, these findings support the idea that a kind of public reason can emerge from the interaction of citizens’ judgment processes and elite communication.
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Assuming that migration threat is multi-dimensional, this article seeks to investigate how various types of threats associated with immigration affect attitudes towards immigration and civil liberties. Through experimentation, the study unpacks the ‘securitization of migration’ discourse by disaggregating the nature of immigration threat, and its impact on policy positions and ideological patterns at the individual level. Based on framing and attitudinal analysis, we argue that physical security in distinction from cultural insecurity is enough to generate important ideological variations stemming from strategic input (such as framing and issue-linkage). We expect then that as immigration shifts from a cultural to a physical threat, immigration issues may become more politically salient but less politicized and subject to consensus. Interestingly, however, the findings reveal that the effects of threat framing are not ubiquitous, and may be conditional upon ideology. Liberals were much more susceptible to the frames than were conservatives. Potential explanations for the ideological effects of framing, as well as their implications, are explored. KeywordsImmigration–Security–Ideology–Threat–Civil liberties
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