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RICHARD HODGES
GROMA | documenting archaeology
ISSN: 1825-411X | Vol. 4-2019
DOI: 10.12977/groma20 | pp. 1-16
Published on: 10/02/2020 | Section: Article
License: CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International
The Roman Suburb on the Vrina Plain
Outside Butrint, Albania
Luigi Maria Ugolini identied the suburb at Phoinike but not at Butrint. This short essay in honour
of Sandro De Maria summarizes the early Roman archaeological sequence of the suburb identied and
excavated by the Butrint Foundation between 2000-7. The unfortied suburb grew up around a multi-
arched bridge over the Vivari channel. It was initially a settlement of small dwellings and shops, before
it was aggregated to become a substantial channelside villa (like those within the walled enclosure of
Butrint).
To Sandro De Maria with esteem and aection.
I rst met Sandro De Maria at Phoinike where he excavated on the hilltop and in its
suburb at the bottom of the hill. We both shared a great admiration for the work of Luigi
Maria Ugolini whose Italian Archaeological Mission rst excavated at Phoinike before
transferring its focus to Butrint in 1928. Curiously, Ugolini recognized the suburb at
Phoinike, but not at Butrint. This brief essay describes the beginnings of Butrint’s suburb
as a bridgehead in Roman times, part of a study that owes much to the stimulating con-
versations between the Butrint Foundation team with Sandro and his colleagues from the
University of Bologna.
The stratied archaeology of the early Imperial settlement on the Vrina Plain out-
side the ancient city of Butrint, Buthrotum, is intriguing, begging many new que-
stions. Following a eld survey (1995-96) reaching back to the villages outside of
Butrint, Mursi and Xarra, a large-scale geophysical survey and an equally extensive
assessment excavation, as well as four large excavations (aggregated in three areas)
have been undertaken on the Vrina Plain1. Excavations by the Butrint Foundation
in collaboration with the Institute of Archaeology of Tirana between 2002-7 fo-
cused upon (1) the northern terminus of the road crossing the plain and certain
of the areas either side of it, in one case extending as far east as the early Imperial
1 See a review of the eld surveys between 1994-2009 in Hodges et alii 2016.
RICHARD HODGES 2
aqueduct running parallel to the road; (2) the large occupied area to the west of the
road occupying a low hill beside a palaeo-channel leading into the Vivari Channel;
(3) discrete areas to the east of the aqueduct where a solitary residence and several
mausolea have been found. Given the large scale of these excavations, it will be
some years before their full importance is grasped in relation to the archaeology
of the early Roman period within the town of Butrint2. Nevertheless, some criti-
cal elements pertinent to the evolving topographical history are already apparent.
Perhaps the most striking outcome is the absence of evidence of the Roman colony
at Butrint, apparently established by Julius Caesar and re-established after the bat-
tle of Actium during the early years of Augustus’s long reign.3 On the other hand,
the archaeology does chart the steady growth of the suburban settlement during
the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, when, conned by its location on a promontory
reaching into the south side of the Vivari channel, this formed a substantial appen-
dage to the fast expanding town of Butrint on the south side of the major bridge
leading to the town4.
The colony
There can be little doubt that a colony of some form was created at Butrint in
the later 1st century BC.5 The textual evidence, especially the epigraphy, reveals
an imperial intervention that owed much to the town’s relationship to Agrippa,
Augustus’s victorious general at Actium:6 Agrippa’s rst wife was the daughter of
Titus Pomponius Atticus, a major landowner close to Butrint in late Republican
times, and an active proponent of the town. The question is what impact did the
colony have upon the pre-existing late Hellenistic town? For sure, the civic centre
of Butrint was extensively reorganized with a new paved forum being imposed
over the earlier agora, causing a tract of the sanctuary town’s Hellenistic fortica-
tions to be dismantled.7 Associated with this grand new intervention were several
major buildings as well as a number of major statues, indicative of the town’s con-
nections to the Imperial court in Rome.8 The aqueduct from Xarra and the road
bridge across the Vivari Channel are other examples of signicant investment in
infrastructure that probably date to this moment. Both, it has been argued, were
depicted on one type of Butrint’s coinage minted from the inception of the colony
2 See Hernandez 2017b.
3 Cf. Hansen 2011.
4 See Leppard 2013.
5 Cabanes, Drini and Hatzopoulos 2007, p. 249; De Maria 2007; Deniaux 1998, 2007, 2009: 17-
20; Hansen 2007, 2011; Hernandez and Çondi 2008, 2014; Giorgi 2017; Bowden 2020.
6 Hansen 2007, 2009, 2011.
7 Hernandez and Çondi, 2014. Hernandez 2017b.
8 Hansen 2007, 2013.
GROMA 4 - 2019
3
through to the reign of the Emperor Nero.9 However, no such evidence exists for
either town-houses of this early Imperial period between the Hellenistic wall and
the Vivari Channel or indeed on the Vrina Plain. Nor is there yet any evidence of
landll beside the Vivari Channel, such as was found in the 11th century AD, to
facilitate the construction of channel side buildings.10 Admittedly the opportunity
to excavate down to reach Hellenistic levels beside the Vivari Channel in the lar-
ge Triconch Palace excavations was greatly inhibited by waterlogging,11 but the
absence of any diagnostic ceramics from these excavations is telling. Beyond the
Vivari channel, only beside the section of road excavated on the Vrina Plain and
in the area of the outlying residential house12 within the later cemetery zone were
small amounts of late Republican wares present, possibly associated with small-
scale domestic habitation on the plain.
It now appears that the early Imperial town was contained within the earlier for-
tied, Hellenistic area, and only as the enlarged community prospered during the
Flavian era, as illustrated by the coins found in the Vrina Plain excavations in
Phase 1, was the bridgehead settlement episodically then systematically occupied13.
Other suburban settlements probably date from this period, too (Fig. 1). For exam-
ple, there are traces of Roman period settlement beneath the Venetian Triangular
Castle discovered during the geophysical survey.14 Likewise, on Shën Delli, the hill
behind the Vrina Plain settlement, traces of Roman settlement were found in the
2008 survey.15
It is also worth noting that on the east shore of Lake Butrint, the Hellenistic and
Augustan villa at Diaporit, was extensively rebuilt on a new alignment in the pe-
riod AD 40-80 with the new substantial waterfront villa angled to look across the
lake towards Butrint, as opposed to looking out over the lake towards the village of
Ksamili to the west and Phoinike to the north.16 Elsewhere within the hinterland of
Butrint, it will be interesting to learn the chronology of the diminutive maritime
villa at the entrance to the Vivari Channel, and the settlement at the north end of
Alinura Bay.
9 Abdy 2012: 91-92.
10 Cf. Hodges 2016.
11 Cf. Bowden and Hodges 2011.
12 Gilkes and Hysa 2011.
13 Greenslade 2019a, 2019b provide the detail for much of what follows in this essay.
14 Cf. Crowson 2008: 49 (top gure).
15 Hodges et alii 2016.
16 Bowden and Përzhita 2004.
RICHARD HODGES 4
The suburb and centuriation
The road leading up to the bridgehead was a key element in the making of the
Vrina Plain settlement. Bescoby has argued that there were at least two road ali-
gnments: one that pre-dates the settlement and one, excavated17, that certainly be-
longed to the 1st century and ran across the drained plain by the most direct route
through the new Vrina Plain settlement to the embarkation point leading to the
Tower Gate in Butrint’s Hellenistic wall circuit. The early road almost certainly
had some antiquity, earlier than the rst century AD, and hypothetically may date
back to the Archaic Greek period or later prehistory. Bescoby speculates that the
original pre-Roman road followed the low hills to Shën Dimitri, then pursued the
south side of the channel to a point of embarkation close to a promontory reaching
into the Vivari Channel, and close to a pebble bar in the channel. He believes that
this early road followed a line from Çuka i Aitoit, via Mursi, anchored on a peak
of Mt. Sotirës.
The approximate direction of a major bridge across the Vivari Channel, almost
certainly dating from this time, is known from a small surviving section on the
north bank.18 Unfortunately, there is no trace of the road immediately south of the
bridge, but it was almost certainly anchored on the pebble bar described above.
17 Bescoby 2007; see now Hernandez 2017a: 241.
18 Leppard 2013.
Fig. 1. Aerial shot
of the excavations
looking west across
Butrint towards the
Straits of Corfu (pho-
to: Alket Islami)
GROMA 4 - 2019
5
Did the road running south from the bridge follow the alignment or create the
alignment for the centuriation? It is simply not possible presently to determine
this. The piers of the aqueduct appear to follow an alignment within the grid of
the proposed centuriation.19
The aqueduct almost certainly took the most direct route across the reclaimed land
on the Vrina Plain from a spring close to the modern village of Xarra to a header
tank positioned on the edge of the Vivari Channel. It was supported on brick-built
piers as far as a header tank that lay just to the north of the pebble bar described
above. From the header tank, the aqueduct was possibly piped along the road-
bridge into Butrint.20 The archaeology of the aqueduct indicates that it formed
part of the early imperial initiative in the civic centre of Butrint, bringing fresh
water to augment the water from Butrint’s wells. The excavations did not establish
how early a branch from this supplied the Vrina Plain settlement, although it is
likely to have been in Phase 2; as yet, no wells of this period have been found on
the promontory.
The Vrina Plain suburb coalesced around a road running eastwards from the brid-
gehead, just east of a north-south palaeo-channel o the Vivari Channel, which
possibly provided safe harbourage o of the Vivari Channel (Fig. 2). In the Fla-
vian period, if not before (though Julio-Claudian ceramics and coins are absent), a
series of houses of varying sizes were located within a grid of at least four insulae
separated by newly made gravelled roads. Some of these houses incorporated shops
fronting onto the roads. The angle of its grid of streets, running 6 degrees o that
of the cardinal line of the centuriation suggests that other local elements determi-
ned its precise location. As part of this expansion a new residential building with
associated bath-house was built on the channel edge c. 400 m to the east of the
suburb.21
There is little doubt that the changing relationship between the land and water
table meant that more land was accessible from the later Hellenistic period until
the later Roman period than had been the case previously.22 Much of this land, of
course, would have been seasonally marshy much as can be seen today. This was
the context for the new settlement on the Vrina Plain. It may have owed much to
the extensive clearance of the adjacent hill slopes in the later rst millennium, lea-
ding to episodic colluviums being washed down towards the plain. Certainly, the
one palynological record from close by at Lake Bu shows a sudden drop in oak
pollen in this era, suggesting extensive land clearance.23 Was there then a program-
19 See Bescoby 2007; Wilson 2013.
20 Cf. Wilson 2013: 85-86; g. 5.14. See also De Maria 2007.
21 Gilkes and Hysa 2011.
22 Morellón et al 2016.
23 Lane 2004: 42-43; see also Morellon et al 2016.
RICHARD HODGES 6
me of land reclamation, perhaps with dykes and land-ll, the latter being a pro-
minent feature of the re-making of the 11th-century Byzantine town when the
problems of the rising water-table needed to be met?24 No dykes and no evidence
of land-ll have been discovered as yet, although a possible late Republican to early
Imperial make-up level appears to underlie the outlying villa found far to the east
of the principal road.25 Such land reclamation works are well known from the Ro-
man Empire, but the evidence at Butrint remains to be indubitably demonastrated.
According to Bescoby, the Archaic and Hellenistic settlement of Çuka i Aitoit
and a peak on Mount Sotirës, north-west of Butrint, served as the cardinal line
for surveying and laying out the landscape of elds. The elds themselves were
parcelled within a 20 by 20 actus grid26 – a comparatively common formula in
Greece at this time.27 Bescoby, however, has speculated that ‘traces of another set
of land divisions following the same alignment, but conforming to units divisible
by 12 and 16 actus also was detected’ (Fig. 3).28 He proposed that this could relate
to an earlier system of division. Unfortunately, no archaeological dating exists for
either system. Ground-truthing and associated excavations of farmhouses within
the centuriated landscape is now needed to denitively ascertain its form and chro-
nology. Both systems, however, if they actually existed, appear to belong to the
24 Bowden and Hodges 2011; Hodges 2016.
25 Gilkes and Hysa 2011.
26 Bescoby 2007: 113.
27 Bowden 2007: 198; Romano 2003.
28 Bescoby 2007: 113.
Fig. 2. A general plan
showing Butrint, the
bridge, the exca-
vated area on the
Vrina Plain in the 1st
century AD (drawn by
Simon Greenslade)
GROMA 4 - 2019
7
mid 1st - to late 2nd -century AD management of
the Vrina Plain by a multitude of property owners
as opposed to the emergence in the late 2nd cen-
tury of a major property owner on this side of the
channel.29
With the intensication of agriculture, unsurpri-
singly the second phase of the suburb dating to
the 2nd century involved in-lling, either with
the construction of new well-appointed proper-
ties or by up-dating existing buildings (Fig. 4). By
this time a branch of the aqueduct served a cistern
in the community, indicating an investment at
the bridgehead matching that previously available
within Butrint. Contained by the extent of the pro-
montory with the palaeo-channel on the west side,
this was now a suburb in the strict sense. The eld
survey and subsequent geophysical survey suggest
that at its zenith it occupied about 1-2 hectares.30
Presumably, its cemetery lay along the shoreline
29 Cf. Hodges et alii: 2016.
30 Bescoby 2007, g. 7.7.
Fig. 3. Two periods of centuriation at Butrint based on a 1943 RAF
aerial photograph (courtesy of David Bescoby)
Fig. 4. General plan of the suburb on the Vrina Plain in the 2nd century (drawn by Simon Greenslade)
RICHARD HODGES 8
road reaching to Shën Dimitri.31 Connected to it were other outlying properties
on the exposed hilltop of Shën Delli, half a kilometre to the east of the suburb,
while the earlier residence on the shore edge in this area also continued to be
occupied and developed.32 As was noted above, traces of another putative suburb
were also found in the geophysical survey around the Venetian Triangular Castle
outside Butrint, a kilometre to the west, at a point where the river Pavlass onc o-
wed into the Vivari Channel.
The growth of Roman settlement outside Butrint is undeniable, but phases 1 and
2 of this suburb belonging to the 1st and 2nd centuries were hardly auent. Mo-
reover, their material orientation, if it has any distinctive character, looked to Italy
and Rome. The range of ceramics, mostly from the later 1st and 2nd centuries, was
limited, with local imitations, Italian wares and Pontic sigillata.The majority of
early Roman coins from the suburb are Roman Provincial issues. Only two pre-
Flavian imperial issues, two poorly preserved asses of the Julio-Claudian period
were found in the excavations. In addition, three Flavian coins can be ascribed
to the period AD 69-96. By contrast, there are more coins from the 2nd century
with 21 coins from the reign of Trajan through to Commodus (AD 98-192). It is
interesting to note that until the presence of silver radiates in the middle of the 3rd
century, all of the coins are of base metal. Asses and dupondii are dominant in the
1st century, increasingly giving way to sestertii in the 2nd century, until the sester-
tius, dominant in the 3rd century. Remarkably, all the coins were minted at Rome.
Discussion
The discovery of a small Roman gridded settlement on the Vrina Plain has altered
our perception of Butrint as a Roman town. To begin with this was not strictly a
suburb so much as a bridgehead extension of the extra-mural settlement that ex-
panded rst beyond the Hellenistic walls of Butrint to the Vivari Channel, then to
the south side of that channel. Conceived perhaps in the early years of the Augu-
stan colony, this extension – judging from the archaeological evidence - only real-
ly took shape in the Flavian period. Interestingly, Abdy tentatively proposes on the
bases of the abbreviation CCIB used on the revived Claudio-Neronian coinage
that this suburb might have been the Colonia Campestris Iulia Buthrotum, the ‘eld
colony’.33 Following this, judging principally from the ceramic-dated stratigraphi-
cal evidence the bridgehead community grew by stages over the following two
centuries to become eventually a mirror image of the large channelside dwellings
on the north side of the Vivari Channel. None of this should really surprise us.
31 Crowson and Gilkes 2007: 148-54.
32 Gilkes and Hysa 2011.
33 Abdy 2012: 93.
GROMA 4 - 2019
9
Does this mean that the new settlement and its land occupied previously public
areas, or that some elds were taken from previous late Republican landowners,
marking gradual changes in the administration of Butrint coinciding with the
Emperor Nero’s increased interest in Butrint?34 Further excavations will be requi-
red to dene such administrative changes. Abdy, however, has made the intere-
sting case for magisterial stability in the colony between Augustan and Neronian
times as the magistrate, Graecinus appears to have had a long career as a duumvir
then a duumvir quiquennalis, ‘the most prestigious civic oce when the duoviri had
to organize the ve yearly tax census. Finally, he became the duumvir quinq tert,
showing that he achieved the very top oce of duumvir quinquennalis three times’.35
Associated with the maritime villa at Diaporit by virtue of a tile stamp discovered
in the excavations,36 there is no doubting his role in creating a stable evolution of
the colony. Less certain is the impact on the settlement of the re-designation of this
northern area of Achaia to the new province of Epirus under the Emperor Trajan
at the beginning of the 2nd century.37 With this re-designation, exploitation of the
interior was systematically extended with the making of the new town of Hadria-
nopolis, near modern Gjirokastra and its own centuriated hinterland.38
On the other hand, the broad outlines of the Romanisation of Butrint’s hinterland
are not unique in this area. A similar new development at the (north-facing) base
of Phoinike (at the north end of Lake Butrint) was found by Luigi Maria Ugolini
and has been mapped by Sandro de Maria’s team in recent years.39 Like the Vrina
Plain settlement the lower Phoinike settlement was laid out in the later 1st century
AD with gravelled streets,40 and occupied until at least the 2nd century before it
became a necropolis. In this case the steep west ank of Phoinike separates the two
parts of the town whereas at Butrint it was the Vivari Channel. Further aeld, it is
exactly at this time too that the Achaian colonies of Nicopolis, Patras and Corinth
appear to have implemented intensive new farming regimes based upon centuria-
tion for their associated territories.41 The new initiative at Butrint, then, was not
exceptional; it belonged to a larger Roman programme to invest and of course tax
Achaia. As Alcock pointed out, the size of any ancient city’s demographic base
proved an important factor in their sustainability; this would have been especially
true for smaller centres such as Butrint. Knowing more about this ‘base’, not only
in terms of the chronology of the dispersed villas and farms, but also in terms of
34 Alcock 1993: 16.
35 Abdy 2012: 93.
36 Bowden and Përzhita 2004; Hansen 2009: 59.
37 Cabanes 1997: 120.
38 Giorgi and Bogdani 2012: 129. See also Vitti, Santoriello 1999, Shpuza 2016.
39 De Maria 2007: 183; Giorgi and Bogdani 2012: 118-20.
40 See Giorgi and Bogdani 2012: 120, g. 6.
41 Cf. Alcock 1993: 132-45; Romano 2003.
RICHARD HODGES 10
site histories, serves as an important variable in measuring the urban history of a
seaport like Butrint.42
There can be little doubt that Butrint’s expansion onto the Vrina Plain is an appro-
ximate measure of both an eort to boost the town’s productive population as well
as increasing prosperity. The rst dwellings were modest by any standards, but the
grid of gravel streets shows the city’s intent. In terms of prosperity, the creation of
a maritime villa at Diaporit in place of the earlier Hellenistic and Augustan arran-
gement is perhaps the most telling illustration of growing prosperity in this corner
of Epirus (Fig. 5). At some point in the period of AD 40-80 – approximately at the
time the Emperor Nero visited Greece - the Diaporit villa was rebuilt on a larger
scale, and as Bowden observes: ‘the orientation …..was completely altered in this
phase so that the buildings faced directly towards Butrint, perhaps reecting the
increasing signicance of the town in the eyes of its owner’43 (Fig. 6). Though not
grandiose, this villa like the new town housing of Butrint, best illustrated by the
property on the south-facing edge of the acropolis,44 echoed the colony’s cultural
ethos on this Grecian shore.
We should assume that the town was beneting from its seaborne commerce and
a growing population. A comparable suburb at Arelate (Arles) perhaps oers a hint
of what was to be found at this bridgehead: essentially a mixture of commercial,
public and domestic buildings as well as docks, granaries, production areas and
42 Alcock 1993: 171.
43 Bowden 2007: 205.
44 Greenslade, Leppard and Logue 2013: 53-55.
Fig. 5. The maritime
villa at Diaporit
looking across Lake
Butrint (photo: Alket
Islami)
GROMA 4 - 2019
11
portico-ed spaces associated with trades.45 Here, in other words, was an intersec-
tion of agrarian, shing, industrial and mercantile activities, all with an eye on
connections across the Adriatic Sea to Italy.
The suburb was well placed to manage the landscape to the east as well as Butrint’s
auent shing-grounds. It was a quintessential, richly endowed, Roman micro-
region in the sense described by Horden and Purcell in their book, The Corrupting
Sea.46 That this suburb altered over time, evolving into one or more moderately
auent villas before it became one large villa in the 3rd century is possibly more
intriguing. What happened, we might now wonder, to those earlier bridgehead
amenities from the generations following the colonial period? No ready answers
are yet apparent.
This was the era during which monumental tombs
were erected for the rst time on the Vrina Plain and
smaller tombs were also interred on Shën Dimitri
alongside the earlier road. Neither area had been em-
ployed as a cemetery in the later Hellenistic period,
unlike Phoinike where the new 1st-century AD lo-
wer town partly occupied an earlier Hellenistic ce-
metery.47 By Butrint standards neither cemetery –on
the Vrina plain or on Shën Dimitri - is exceptional.
Finer tombs lined the Vivari Channel west of the
town48 and outside the Hellenistic-era Lion Gate. Ri-
cher cremation graves were also found by Ugolini on
the elevated spur west of the West Gate of the town.
Butrint, of course, was not insulated from the greater
economic changes occurring in the Empire and espe-
cially in Italy. Harbingers of the 3rd-century crisis
in the port are perhaps to be found rst beyond the
bridge across the Vivari Channel. The desertion of
the villa at Diaporit in the later 2nd century following constant alterations and ag-
grandisement to the complex throughout the preceding part of the century49 – and
probably the desertion of other such properties within the hinterland of Butrint
– coincided with marked changes to the suburb. The process appears to parallel
that found to the south at Nicopolis where major villas were founded in the sha-
45 Droste 2003: 77-79.
46 Horden and Purcell 2000: 100-1.
47 De Maria 2007: 183.
48 Hernandez and Mitchell 2013.
49 Bowden and Përzhita 2004.
Fig. 6. A plan of
Diaporit in the 1st
century AD (drawn
by Simon Green-
slade)
RICHARD HODGES 12
dow of the town’s defences as the number of rural sites declined.50 Urban living, it
appears, was becoming more attractive, even if the overall economic prosperity of
the urban centres in the region was beginning to stall, before actually declining.
To document this process much more information is needed about the history of
the farms within the old centuriated landscape. Presently, at Butrint these farms
remain unknown. As for investment in pastoral activities or shing, very little
evidence exists notwithstanding the extensive scale of these excavations. Finally,
what is now clear is that the suburb belongs to the moment when the Pax Romana
appears to have extended its reach to just about every Mediterranean region and
village. At Butrint the suburb was an extension that morphed into the centuriated
landscape beyond.
The revolution that began here in Augustan times appears to have ended in the
later 2nd century when the bridgehead was transformed into a major property
that went through further iterations as an ecclesiastical complex then an aristo-
cratic central-place respectively in Late Antiquity and the Mid Byzantine periods,
and with this the attached, highly controlled landscape gradually became detached
from Butrint.
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Simon Greenslade who directed the excavations on the Vrina
Plain as well as to Sarah Leppard. Theirs was a peerless contribution to Buthrotan
studies and I am most grateful to them as I have drawn much of this essay from
their ne reports. My thanks, too, to Richard Abdy, Oliver Gilkes, David Her-
nandez, Paul Reynolds and Sam Morehead whose studies are incorporated in this
synthesis. The project was part of the Butrint Foundation’s research at Butrint in
partnership with the Packard Humanities Institute as well as the Albanian Institute
of Archaeology.
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