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'There are a Lot of Good Things that Come Out of it at the End': Voices of Resilience in Youth Formerly in Foster Care During Emerging Adulthood

Authors:

Abstract

Emerging adulthood, the developmental stage between ages 18 and 25, presents unique barriers to former foster youth, who experience higher rates of unplanned pregnancy and homelessness and poorer educational attainment than their peers during this time. This study uses interviews with 20 youth formerly in foster care who exhibit better-than-average outcomes to explore contextual aspects of resilience during emerging adulthood, elucidating how both relational and organizational support contribute to their resil-iency. Implications for social work policy and practice are discussed.
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‘ere are a Lot of Good ings that Come
Out of it at the End’: Voices of Resilience
in Youth Formerly in Foster Care During
Emerging Adulthood
Emerging adulthood, the devel-
opmental stage between ages 18
and 25, presents unique barriers
to former foster youth, who expe-
rience higher rates of unplanned
pregnancy and homelessness and
poorer educational attainment
than their peers during this time.
is study uses interviews with
20 youth formerly in foster care
who exhibit better-than-average
outcomes to explore contextual
aspects of resilience during emerging adulthood, elucidating how
both relational and organizational support contribute to their resil-
iency. Implications for social work policy and practice are discussed.
Kim Hokanson
Boston College School of Social Work
Sarah Elizabeth Neville
Boston College School of Social Work
Samantha Teixeira
Boston College School of Social Work
Erin Singer
JSI Research & Training Institute, Inc.
Stephanie Cosner Berzin
Simmons University
Acknowledgements: e authors wish to thank the program sta at program sites who supported
this project. e authors also are deeply grateful to the young adults who shared their stories and
insights with us. e authors gratefully acknowledge Dr. Scott Easton’s keen eye and encourage-
ment and Cara Antonaccio for her support and feedback. Finally, the authors would like to express
sincere and heartfelt gratitude for Dr. Samantha Teixeira’s tireless and insightful support of the
process of producing this work.
Note: is research did not receive any specic grant from funding agencies in the public, com-
mercial, or nonprot sectors.
Copyright © 2020 CWLA.
For reprints or reproductions, contact Marlene Saulsbury, publications director, at msaulsbury@cwla.org.
Child Welfare Vol. 97, No. 6
234
Young people passing into emerging adulthood face challenges
under the best of circumstances, but for the 20,000 who age out
of foster care in the United States each year, this developmental stage
can be particularly challenging (Arnett, 2004; Child Welfare Informa-
tion Gateway, 2017). While for many of their peers, making experi-
mental decisions and exploring their identities is a “normal” phase of
development, youth formerly in foster care now must either stand on
their own or lean on supports that are tenuous at best, including family
who may have abused and/or neglected them and child welfare sys-
tems that can only provide support under specic conditions. It is not
surprising, then, that outcomes in their rst few years of adulthood
are sometimes grim, with narratives of homelessness, unplanned preg-
nancy, substance use, and poverty dominating the academic literature
(Berzin, Rhodes, & Curtis, 2011; Courtney, Dworsky, Lee, & Raap,
2010; Dworsky & Courtney, 2010a; Dworsky & Courtney, 2010b;
Stewart, Kum, Barth, & Duncan, 2014).
Far less discussed is that many of these youth beat the odds and defy
these narratives. e voices of youth formerly in foster care are often
“conspicuously absent” from the dominant practice of viewing foster
youth through a decit lens (Day, Riebschleger, Dworsky, Damashek, &
Fogarty, 2012, p. 1009). Resilience theory, which posits resilience as
formed by a combination of individual traits and contextual fac-
tors (Benard, 2004; Fergus & Zimmerman, 2005), is a useful tool for
framing how successful youth formerly in foster care overcome their
adversities (Masten, 2018). Burt and Paysnick (2012) call the contex-
tual aspects, including relational and organizational support, “malleable
protective factors” (p. 500), as service providers and policy-makers have
more direct control over them than individual traits. However, many
studies of youth formerly in foster care in emerging adulthood only
examine individual and relational components of resilience (Burt &
Paysnick, 2012; Yates & Grey, 2012).
To ll these gaps, this study addresses the question: What contextual
factors do youth formerly in foster care identify that promote resilience
during emerging adulthood?
Hokanson et al. Child Welfare
235
Background
Youth formerly in foster care lag behind their non-fostered peers in
many traditional measures of success. An estimated 11% to 46% are
homeless at least once before age 26, compared to 4% of the general
population (Berzin, Rhodes, & Curtis, 2011; Dworsky & Courtney,
2010a). About half experience unplanned pregnancy by age 19, com-
pared to 20% nationwide (Dworsky & Courtney, 2010b; Oshima,
Narendorf, & McMillen, 2013). Only about 58% of youth formerly in
foster care complete high school by age 19, compared to 87% of all U.S.
youth (National Conference of State Legislatures, 2019).
Fortunately, some policy changes in recent years have led to improved
outcomes for former foster youth. e 2008 Fostering Transitions to
Success and Increasing Adoptions Act, for example, provided guide-
lines and funding for youth to continue to receive child welfare services
past age 18. Even small increases of time in care during early adulthood
are associated with improved outcomes (Child Trends, 2017; Child
Trends, 2019).
Resilience eory
Despite these challenges, many youth formerly in foster care go on to
lead successful lives. Resilience theory is an applicable framework for
discerning some of the factors involved in doing well despite challenges
(Zimerman, 2013), positing that “assets” (individual characteristics)
and “resources” (contextual resources, including relational and organi-
zational) create resilience by outweighing the impact of risk exposure
(Benard, 2004; Fergus & Zimmerman, 2005).
We identied ten studies that use resilience theory to examine
youths’ experiences of emerging adulthood. Hines, Merdinger, and
Wyatt (2005) interviewed youth formerly in foster care who were in
college, identifying resilience from internal resources (independence
and a determination to have a dierent future) and external resources
(social support and relationships). Hass, Allen, and Amoah (2014),
Child Welfare Vol. 97, No. 6
236
who also interviewed youth formerly in foster care who were in college,
similarly highlighted independence and supportive relationships as
important factors in achieving academic success in the form of attend-
ing college. ese two components were also found to be important by
Jones (2012), who tested a resilience instrument with 97 youth formerly
in foster care. Hass and Graydon (2009) surveyed 44 youth formerly
in foster care who were attending or had graduated from college and
found future orientation and supportive relationships to be sources of
resilience. Two larger quantitative studies (Greeson, Usher, & Grinstein-
Weiss, 2010; Strolin-Goltzman, Woodhouse, Suter, & Werrbach, 2016)
found relationships to be the biggest contributors to resilience.
Overall, research on emerging adulthood for youth formerly in foster
care is in its early stages (Burt & Paysnick, 2012). Few studies on this
population examine better than expected outcomes (Yates & Grey, 2012)
or available resources (Hass & Graydon, 2009). e youth voice itself
is also often overlooked (Day, Riebschleger, Dworsky, Damashek, &
Fogarty, 2012). Among the reviewed studies, the most common opera-
tionalization of resilience was educational attainment. Most mentioned
individual aspects of resilience (Hass, Allen, & Amoah, 2014; Hass &
Graydon, 2009; Hines, Merdinger, & Wyatt, 2005; Jones, 2012), all
mentioned relational support, and only one mentioned organizational
support (Batsche et al., 2014). is study addresses these gaps by asking
the youth themselves about their relational and organizational supports
and by extending the sample of “resilient” youth beyond a sole focus on
those enrolled in college.
Methods
Data Collection
A semi-structured interview protocol was designed to learn about
emerging adults’ experiences in the child welfare system (Berzin,
Singer, & Hokanson, 2014; Singer, Berzin, & Hokanson, 2013). Ques-
tions included, e.g., “How have the people in your life supported you?”
Hokanson et al. Child Welfare
237
and “Who do you feel so close to that it is hard to imagine life without
them?” Boston College’s Institutional Review Board approved the study
protocol. Participants (N = 20) were recruited from two programs serv-
ing current and former foster youth in 2011 and 2012. One supported
youth in college (n = 10) and the other youth ages 17 to 22, regardless
of their college enrollment (n = 10). Any young adult 18 years of age or
older and currently or formerly in foster care was eligible to participate.
ey were recruited through yers and their program sta, who sched-
uled the interviews at their program sites. e researchers reviewed
informed consent forms with each participant, who then signed them.
Participants received $20 gift cards for their participation. Interviews
were conducted, recorded, and transcribed verbatim.
Demographics
Fourteen participants identied as female and six as male, and they
ranged in age from 18 to 21 (mean = 19.35 years). About half (45%)
identied as Black or African American, 15% as Hispanic, 10% as
White, 15% as “mixed,” and 15% as another race (including Cape
Verdean, Haitian, and “African/Moroccan”). Of the sample, 75% had
a high school diploma or GED, 20% were in high school, and 5% (one
respondent) had a ninth grade education and was no longer in school.
e group spent an average of 8.9 years in care. Some 60% of respon-
dents reported having lived in ve or more foster homes. All were still
connected to the child welfare system, and the Massachusetts Depart-
ment of Children and Families (DCF) was providing all but one with
nancial support in the form of housing, tuition, programmatic sup-
port, and in at least ve cases, direct payments.
We label our sample as “resilient” as they exhibited better than
average outcomes for youth formerly in foster care. ey did not self-
identify as resilient. However, they attended college at higher rates; only
one had experienced homelessness in the past two years, and only one,
as compared to about 20% of former foster youth nationally by age 19
(27% by age 21) (Child Trends, 2017). One respondent had a child;
Child Welfare Vol. 97, No. 6
238
nationally, about 12% of foster youth alums have a child by age 19 (27%
by age 21) (Child Trends, 2017).
Analysis
e modied consensual qualitative research (CQR-M) analytic
approach was chosen for its rigor and for its usefulness in explor-
ing “inner experiences,” “data derived from short narrative responses
to questions,” and sample sizes above 15 (Hill, Knox, ompson,
Williams, & Hess, 2005; Bertsch et al., 2014, p. 177). After thor-
oughly reading all 20 transcripts, the rst author did rst-cycle coding
by re-reading ve transcripts and writing down words and sentences
that stood out. She then clustered these codes (Saldaña, 2013), and
nally used resilience theory’s main categories of contextual factors
(relational, organizational) to drive second-round coding (Layder,
1998; Saldaña, 2013).
Next, the rst and second authors coded a selection of interviews
separately and then met to create consensus and rene the code deni-
tions; this process was then repeated twice. By the end, they required
little dialogue to reach consensus, and both had coded all 20 interviews.
Findings
Factors contributing to resilience are broken down into two broad cat-
egories, relational support and organizational resources, below.
Relational—Families of Origin
All respondents were in touch with at least one biological family mem-
ber, and the majority (n = 14) were in contact with at least one biological
parent. Perhaps surprisingly, since the youth were removed from their
parents’ care due to abuse and/or neglect, about a third of respondents
described parental relationships as helpful. Several made comments like
Frank, who said that his mother had been the “most supportive and
Hokanson et al. Child Welfare
239
helpful” relationship in his life. “My mom always wants what’s best for
me. She knows what’s best for me.”
Other biological family members, especially aunts and uncles, also
provided emotional and social support. Several mentioned advice being
particularly helpful. Danny, 19, said:
ey been helping me keeping myself stable, like keeping me
alert, like knowing what’s right and wrong … [they] just keep me
grounded. Like, sometimes I get over-emotional and ridiculous and
they help me with that … ey just talk to me and stu. Tell me that
I am being ridiculous.
Reggie, 19, said he talks to family members “constantly.” He said,
“my aunt … is like my diary … I talk to my aunt and tell her my life
story every day. Everything that’s happened to me. She’s like my mother
pretty much.” Soa, removed from her parents’ care at 12, said I know
that my aunt is proud of me,” and that motivated her to keep striving
in school when she felt like giving up. Several expressed that they felt
unconditional love from their families.
Relational—Non-Family
Respondents identied other adults in a variety of roles as having been
helpful to them during their transition from foster care into adulthood,
including ctive kin, chosen family, mentors, teachers, therapists, social
workers, and foster parents. ese adults often lled in gaps in sup-
port from their family of origin. Soa, 20, described a former director
of a youth leadership program as “like my second mom, kind of.” She
also mentioned two mentors in her eld who encouraged her to pursue
her career and provided her with an internship. Irina, 18 and living
independently, had a mentor who “helps me on a daily, I see him every
single day. When I’m hungry and I don’t have anything, he makes sure
he comes and he feeds me. Helps me look for jobs, um, if I need some-
body to talk to when I’m having a bad day, he’s always there.” Lydia, 20,
described her adoptive parents as providing unconditional love, saying,
Child Welfare Vol. 97, No. 6
240
“they have been there for me, like, well, everything. ey never give up
on me.” And Patrice, who was removed from her parents’ care in her
teens, said of her current adult supports, “Each one of the individuals
have one or two characteristics of what a parent would do and they
kinda just ll the emptiness.”
About half of the participants described close relationships with
foster parents that involved unconditional love, permanence, and (in
some cases) people they could not imagine their lives without. Georgio,
who had been involved with DCF since he was “probably about two
or three,” said, “the only people who have been really supportive are
my foster parents.” Speaking of his foster mother, he said, “not really
because it’s her job … but because she’s come to regard me as her own
son, so she’s been super supportive. She’s always helped me out when-
ever she can.” Many also spoke of foster parents who “pushed them
to get things done. Nia, a 19 year old in her rst year of college, said,
“If I would never have met her, I probably wouldn’t be where I was
because she’s the one who, like, pushed me, like, the hardest.” Marie said:
With the guidance of [my foster parents], I’ve made it, you know,
changed my life. Um, I wasn’t planning to go to college at all, actu-
ally. Um, but they guided me, they told me I’m going to college
(small laugh) and didn’t really have a choice. So (small laugh) I took
the chance, made it come true, pretty much.
Of all the relationships mentioned, positive ones with social workers
were most abundant. Almost three-quarters of the respondents spoke
highly of their workers’ impact on their lives. More than half listed their
social workers as very important to them (in several cases, someone they
could not imagine life without). Marie, 19, had had the same worker
since she was ten, and said, “if she leaves, I wouldn’t know what to do.”
ese relationships also involved advice, emotional support, and a
feeling of being genuinely cared for, with comments like, “she actu-
ally want[s] the best for me” and “she actually care[s] about, like, my
future.” Patrice, a 20 year old in her rst year of college who spent a
quarter of her life in care, said “there are a lot of good things that come
Hokanson et al. Child Welfare
241
out of [being in care] at the end…like having a support system. Having
emotional help.” Reggie, 19, who never mentioned either parent in his
interview, said his worker helped him navigate other family relation-
ships and “helped me deal with being in foster care. And, then just being
there for me if I needed anything.” Oscar, 20, described his worker as
“laidback” and “not like a hardass DCF worker.” He highlighted that
this worker gave him “responsibility” and “freedom”; “He’s just a really
good guy. Patrice, 20, said of her worker:
My social worker, she kinda taught me that no matter where I came
from, it matters where I am headed. You know, I don’t know how
to explain it … that I can have dreams and goals, like every other
person on this planet.
Organizational—Facilitating Family Relationships
Supportive relationships are important promoters of resilience during
the transition from childhood to adulthood (Zimmerman et al., 2013).
Maintaining and strengthening these relationships builds contextual
and relational support as they transition out of the system and into
independent adulthood. Respondents were directly asked whether and
how DCF as an agency helped with their supportive relationships.
About half said DCF had been helpful with biological family relation-
ships, and many said that DCF was also useful in creating and main-
taining relationships with other caring adults like mentors and social
workers.
Frank, an 18-year-old high school senior, said that his worker
encouraged him to “work things out” with his mother. He had gone to
foster care when he was 16 or 17 due to their communication issues,
and his worker focused on getting them to “work problems out.” He
had moved back in with his mother by the time of this interview.
Marie, involved with DCF from the age of three, said that her mother
had died. Her worker had been attempting to help her make contact
with her siblings. ough they were still searching for most of them,
she said, “there’s a way I can contact one, thanks to my social worker.”
Child Welfare Vol. 97, No. 6
242
DCF supplemented Marie’s lost family with professional supports that
had come to be so close to her she could not imagine life without them.
She said her closest adult relationships were with her foster parents and
social workers.
Organizational—Instrumental
Marie also mentioned that DCF provided her with organizational
resources and support, saying,everything I need help with, espe-
cially nancial-wise for school and stu, they do help. In fact, about
three quarters of the sample said DCF had provided at least adequate
resources and support, and most participants wanted to remain involved
with DCF because of the services it provided. Lydia, 19, said she signed
back up for DCF support “because I didn’t have nobody helping me out
and stu like that, so it was the best for me to stay. e most prevalent
needed services cited by participants were housing, college tuition, and
direct payments.
Almost all respondents were in housing provided by DCF (e.g., fos-
ter care, college campus, independent living program), and about two
thirds (n = 12) were attending college, which was paid for by DCF.
Lydia, who said she had little family support, said, “having DCF help-
ing me out with school, paying for my school, that’s major because
without that, my, there is no possibility where I would be able to pay for
school. I would have probably had to get loans and stu and [it] would
be dicult for me to pay.
Discussion
In this manuscript, we aimed to understand what contextual fac-
tors that youth formerly in foster care identify as promoters of
resilience during emerging adulthood. Our ndings align with pre-
vious work that place importance on relational contributors to the
resilience of youth formerly in foster care (Courtney et al., 2014;
Hass, Allen, & Amoah, 2014; Hass & Graydon, 2009; Hines,
Hokanson et al. Child Welfare
243
Merdinger, & Wyatt, 2005; Jones, 2012; Unrau, Font, & Rawls, 2012).
We extend this literature by describing the systemic facets of the resil-
ience process, especially noting the depth and importance of respon-
dents’ relationships with their DCF workers.
All 20 of these young adults had at least one caring adult in their
lives, including those within and outside their families of origin. Results
in this study supported earlier research that found great benets from
the presence of at least one supportive adult (Avery, 2010; Greeson &
ompson, 2015; Osterling & Hines, 2006). Our research supports the
robust body of literature that prosocial adult relationships are among
the most important factors in the resilience process, especially for
youth formerly in foster care whose family relationships have been dis-
rupted (Greeson, Usher, & Grinstein-Weiss, 2010; Strolin-Goltzman,
Woodhouse, Suter, & Werrbach, 2016).
In the current study, most respondents intend to maintain relation-
ships with their families of origin. is nding is consistent with the
literature, which relates that it is not uncommon for emancipated youth
to reconnect (and sometimes live) with families of origin (Courtney &
Dworsky, 2006; Cunningham & Diversi, 2013). is, combined with
the importance of relationships in the resilience process, suggests that
child welfare systems should pay close attention to these relationships
while the youth is in care. ese relationships were arguably unhealthy
at the time of removal, so much so that it necessitated removal of the
child for the duration of childhood. Without intervention, it is unlikely
that these relationships will be signicantly healthier when the youth
turns 18 and chooses to reconnect. As such, it is incumbent upon the
child welfare system to nd better ways to support these disrupted
relationships so that youth are better able to navigate them once they
are adults.
Perhaps the most notable nding in this work was the way these
young adults spoke of their foster parents and social workers. Few studies
directly speak to youths’ perceptions of their workers (Augsberger &
Swenson, 2015; De Boer & Coady, 2007; Lane, 2016). Our ndings
echo existing studies: caring workers can make a great dierence in
Child Welfare Vol. 97, No. 6
244
the lives of youth formerly in foster care who are emerging into adult-
hood. In this study, almost three quarters of respondents said their
social workers were very important, supportive, and helpful in their
lives. ese were the relationships most often cited as sources of sup-
port. Respondents expressed feeling genuinely cared for by their social
workers, who provided not only emotional support but also resources
like therapists, services, and advice. Foster parents, too, provided uncon-
ditional love, advice, and encouragement.
Despite the fact that many of these young adults said they could not
imagine life without their workers, many states and agencies discour-
age or forbid child welfare professionals from maintaining relationships
with youth they serve after the termination of their formal relationship.
is paper is in line with a growing body of work suggesting that main-
taining those relationships is advantageous to youth formerly in foster
care (O’Leary, Tsui, & Ruch, 2012). For some respondents, their worker
had been the only stable adult in their childhood. Given the kind of
connection that is sometimes established in the worker-client relation-
ships, reevaluation of these policies may be warranted.
For now, it is generally understood that these relationships are not
meant to be permanent. However, while workers can and should be solid
supports for a “season” (Samuels, 2008), it is perhaps more vital for the
system to nurture youths’ broader network. Youth with strong relational
networks tend to have more resilience (Burt & Paysnick, 2012). Indeed,
reestablishing and maintaining relationships with support networks “is
the strongest and most positive youth development program the child
welfare system can oer, and it is imperative that child welfare profes-
sionals identify ‘promising practice’ service models that are eective at
achieving this outcome” (Avery, 2010, p. 400). is study provides some
examples: youth describe workers who helped them nd their families
and supported them in navigating these relationships.
Organizational support is generally reserved for those most likely
to do well. Respondents understood themselves to be supported by
DCF only if they were employed or in school, while those who need
it most—who cannot maintain employment or are not interested in
Hokanson et al. Child Welfare
245
pursuing college—are left without structural supports on their 18th
birthdays. is counterintuitive setup is worth reconsideration.
Limitations
We examine emerging adults who were already showing resilience; we
did not involve those who were not showing resilience. Having a control
group of respondents who were navigating emerging adulthood with-
out formal supports might have resulted in dierent ndings. Similarly,
resilient young adults no longer involved with DCF were not engaged
in this study. Our sample also had higher than typical educational levels
for youth formerly in foster care. is may be because half were in a
college-support program, but those in the community-based program
also had higher levels of educational attainment than most youth for-
merly in foster care. Using educational attainment as an indicator of
resiliency in this group may have been somewhat problematic; perhaps
resilient youth formerly in foster care who are not involved in these
formal supports also have higher than average educational attainment
due to individual characteristics and not as a result of organizational
support at all.
We cannot account for all the factors associated with risk and resil-
ience, such as types and duration of abuse and/or neglect. While the
work looks at sources of resilience, causes of resilience are beyond its
scope; instead, we aimed to qualitatively examine the experiences of a
group of resilient young people to provide insight into the sources of
their resilience.
Conclusion
Based on what these young people have told us, youth formerly in fos-
ter care can have many, often under-recognized promoters of resilience
in their lives. As they named families of origin as important contribu-
tors to their resilience, agencies and workers would do well to con-
tinue facilitating these relationships, as they are likely to happen with
Child Welfare Vol. 97, No. 6
246
or without agency support. Many also elaborated on the helpfulness of
their foster parents and social workers, who provided both instrumental
and emotional support. Reconsideration of ocial boundaries around
this relationship, though challenging, is warranted.
Youth generally report that DCF ser ves them well. Areas for improve-
ment include providing support without work or school requirements
and aording increased opportunities for independence during their
late teens. Areas of success include providing housing, tuition, nancial,
and emotional support.
e child welfare system holds a sacred duty of raising children into
adulthood when they are removed from their families. While these
youth often carry trauma and complex histories, their futures can, and
should, be bright. ough individual traits like personalities and out-
looks can be nurtured to a certain extent to tip youth towards resilience,
we know from the literature and from these youths’ stories that the
system itself can also set them up for success. e child welfare system,
though awed, is doing many things right; continuing to build on these
is an essential part of its work.
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... While there is a growing body of literature focused on factors that foster the resilience of young people during the transition to adulthood (Hokanson et al., 2019;Pessoa et al., 2018;van Breda, 2015), few of these studies look at the development of resilience of young people in care (Haddow et al., 2021). Thus, there remains a gap in research on enhancing young people's resilience while still in care. ...
... Globally, the transition of young people from alternative care to independent adulthood continues to receive attention in the literature (Frimpong-Manso, 2018;Takele & Kotecho, 2020;van Breda et al., 2020). Among the variety of topics addressed in care-leaving research, post-care outcomes are among the most researched (Dickens, 2018;Gwenzi, 2023;Hokanson et al., 2019), partly due to an acknowledgement that young people who grow up in care are likely to experience a more challenging transition to independent adulthood than young people in the general population (Arnett, 2015;Dickens & Marx, 2018). ...
... Care-leaving research increasingly focuses on the resilience of young people after leaving care (Hokanson et al., 2019;van Breda, 2018b), as opposed to their poor outcomes, which are typically associated with the process of transitioning from care to independent adulthood (Dickens & Marx, 2018). Resilience-focused care-leaving research is interested in the ability of some care-leavers to achieve better-than-expected outcomes (van Breda, 2018a), despite evidence that care-leavers generally achieve poor outcomes during the transition to adulthood (Dickens & Marx, 2018;Gwenzi, 2018). ...
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Care-leaving literature widely utilizes resilience theory. This is due to an acknowledgment that while young people who grew up in care frequently achieve poorer outcomes during their transition from care to independent adulthood, some do well despite their challenges. Resilience research is also increasingly interested in the factors that promote resilient functioning during the transition out of care. However, research on how to build young people’s resilience while in care is limited. This paper introduces the notion of “managed opportunities for independence” (MOI), which are guided activities for young people that involve them acting independently. We explore the contribution of MOI in building the resilience of young people in care. Nine care-leavers who had disengaged from various residential care centers in South Africa were purposively sampled. The study employed a qualitative approach and a grounded theory design, with semi-structured individual interviews. Findings depict the range of MOI that care-leavers experienced, the ways in which these benefited them since leaving care, the kinds of independence they currently display as a result, and their suggestions for improving MOI. Implications for practice include proceduralizing MOI and making greater use of such opportunities to prepare young people for leaving care.
... Prior research has revealed young adults formerly in foster care, with 'better than average outcomes,' identified foster parent relationships, characterized by unconditional love and permanence, as important sources of resilience and support (Hokanson et al., 2019). Because supportive foster parent-child relationships promote resilience (Hokanson et al., 2019), CSM devices in FECs demonstrated foster parent participants' beliefs about what is best for the child both short-and long-term, as well as what will happen with the foster parent-child relationship after the child's exit. ...
... Prior research has revealed young adults formerly in foster care, with 'better than average outcomes,' identified foster parent relationships, characterized by unconditional love and permanence, as important sources of resilience and support (Hokanson et al., 2019). Because supportive foster parent-child relationships promote resilience (Hokanson et al., 2019), CSM devices in FECs demonstrated foster parent participants' beliefs about what is best for the child both short-and long-term, as well as what will happen with the foster parent-child relationship after the child's exit. Within the family system, the interactions happening during FECs can help foster parents manage and clearly define relationship expectations, which can benefit the foster family as a whole (Piel et al., 2017). ...
... Additionally, how (or whether) these foster parent-child relationships continue after a child's exit from care deserves considerable attention. Former foster youth identified their State Department of Children and Families as integral to helping them maintain relationships with previous foster parents and social workers, who provide essential emotional and instrumental support (Hokanson et al., 2019). Maintaining meaningful relationships with caring adults may be critical to promoting foster youth's resilience amid transitions. ...
... Indeed, young adults identified the receipt of both formal and informal support as important resources in contributing to their readiness for transition to adulthood. Consistent with past literature (Augsberger & Swenson, 2015;Hokanson et al., 2020), they greatly appreciated the qualities such as consistency, trust, and understanding in their relationships with their foster parents and child welfare workers who helped them through the transition. Despite not feeling fully ready to deal with the expectations of independent living, these strong connections provided them with scaffolding opportunities to learn transition skills and prepare for leaving care, empowered them to make decisions for themselves, and leveraged the resources, such as financial and housing support, that were offered to them. ...
... This finding supports Propp and colleagues' (2003) conceptualization of interdependence of being able to "count on others" (p. 263) and affirms the robust body of literature that supports the significant benefits of having at least one supportive caring adult in promoting youth's smooth transition from care to adulthood (Greeson et al., 2015;Hokanson et al., 2020). Our findings add to the literature by highlighting that youth's ability to recognize their needs for support, openness ...
... Only a few qualitative studies focus on the subjective dimension of youth aging out of foster care, reporting that despite facing significant obstacles, these individuals experience positive outcomes (Anderson & Williams, 2018). In particular, resilience and optimism toward the future-considered positive factors linked with adjustment-have been reported in care leavers (Glynn, 2021;Hokanson et al., 2020;Hung & Appleton, 2016;Refaeli et al., 2019;Rome & Raskin, 2019). However, most youth aging out of foster care report being unprepared for the transition to adulthood and underline the importance of participating in programs that prepare them for adult living by supporting them in building social relations, attending school, securing employment, and other aspects pertaining to reaching the age of majority (Cudjoe et al., 2022). ...
... Hence, notwithstanding a few studies highlighting the transition outcomes of care leavers in emerging adulthood by focusing on crucial challenges (Glynn, 2021;Hokanson et al., 2020;Hung & Appleton, 2016;Refaeli et al., 2019;Rome & Raskin, 2019), research on subjective dimensions has often been neglected. Therefore, to our knowledge the current study is one of the first to explore how the subjective experience of family fostering in Italy may influence aspects of self-perception (i.e., what a person thinks of themselves) and the perception of personal history in care leavers. ...
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Research on the subjective experience of transitioning to adulthood among young people aging out of foster care is scarce. Accordingly, this study investigated 26 Italian care leavers’ self and personal history perceptions. Thematic analysis was conducted using in-depth interview data. Two major themes emerged—personal strengths that may lead to strong personal and relational adjustment, and difficulties related to a critical personal and relational functioning—suggesting that the family fostering experience may lead to different perceptions of self, others, and one’s own history that influence the development of care leavers’ identity while transitioning to adulthood, with noteworthy implications for practice.
... However, the study of the outcomes of foster care takes on a specific value for the young adult because this phase of transition towards autonomy is crucial for care leavers for the definition of their identity, of future projects and the fundamental choices in the intimate relationships that the experiences related to foster care in childhood and adolescence have challenged. Resilience framework could represent a useful tool for framing how emancipated foster youths could successfully overcome their adversities (Masten, 2018;Hokanson et al., 2020). ...
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The study aimed to investigate relational outcomes of Italian emancipated foster youth across open-ended reflections about their perceptions of their relationships with the biological and foster family, with partner and peers. A total of 26 Italian emancipated foster youth (19–25 years old) recruited by social services completed a single in-depth interview. A qualitative thematic analysis was selected for this study. The results revealed two major themes of foster care experience that emerged often simultaneously from the participants’ narration: (1) Positive Relational Outcomes including “Feeling supported,” “Sense of belonging,” “Good memories,” “Relationship with family of choice,” and “Staying in touch”; and (2) Negative Relational Outcomes referring “Devaluation,” “Refuse,” “Bad memories,” and “Isolation.” Foster care experience leads to complex relational perceptions in emerging adulthood according to different relational outcomes and ways of processing foster care experience. Professionals could work on relational outcomes and memories, especially during a critical transition like emerging adulthood, to support youth in making sense of their past experiences.
... Numerous studies document the exposure of youth with foster care experience to adolescent risk factors for poor adult outcomes (e.g., weak family connections, child abuse, exposure to violence), some of which tend to be significantly less common in the general population (Lee and Berrick 2014;Turney and Wildeman 2017;Unrau, Font, and Rawls 2012). At the same time, youth with foster care experience may benefit from adolescent protective factors that decrease the chances of poor outcomes or offset the effects of risk factors, such as formal mentors and positive expectations for the future (Hokanson et al. 2020; Thompson, Greeson, and Brunsink 2016), along with programmatic efforts designed to help offset the adverse effects of these youths' risk exposure. Therefore, questions remain about the effect of foster care on the post-secondary educational attainment of young Americans when viewed within the context of risk and ...
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A monograph exploring experiences of young adults who aged out of foster care.
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