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Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis

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Abstract

It is convenient, if overly schematic, to view the development of the medieval medical faculty at Montpellier in terms of generations, each represented by a writer or writers: an unsophisticated first generation, in which glosses on standard texts become commentaries (i.e., Henry of Winchester, ca. 1220); a second generation in which the comment- ary form blossoms (i.e., Cardinalis, ca. 1250); a third generation in which authors begin to compose independent medical treatises (Arnau de Vilanova and Bernard de Gordon, ca. 1300); and even perhaps a fourth and a fifth generation in the fourteenth century in which learning and scholastic elaboration attain new heights (Gérard de Solo, ca. 1330, and Joan de Tornamira, ca. 1370). Of these five generations, the third has received the most attention from historians because of the unusual number of compositions left by Arnau and Bernard. So prolific were these two authors, in fact, that it becomes all too easy to concentrate on their work and to forget their lesser-known contemporaries who may also be able to add to our knowledge of university life. At least three other figures from the medical school in this 'third generation' left behind medical works that illuminate their thought: Pierre de Capestang, Bernard de Angrara, and Guillem de Béziers, the figure who will concern us here.1 Guillem is of particular interest first because he moved away from the commentary frame- work when he composed for his students his unpublished Informatio scolaribus suis (which appears in an edition below); second, because recent research in the Catalan archives—some results of which are appended to this article—provides details about Guillem's early career that place his achievement in a better biographical context.
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio
scolaribus suis
Michael McVaugh, José Martínez Gázquez,
and Luis García Ballester
It is convenient, if overly schematic, to view the development of the
medieval medical faculty at Montpellier in terms of generations, each
represented by a writer or writers: an unsophisticated first generation,
in which glosses on standard texts become commentaries (i.e., Henry
of Winchester, ca. 1220); a second generation in which the comment-
ary form blossoms (i.e., Cardinalis, ca. 1250); a third generation in
which authors begin to compose independent medical treatises
(Arnau de Vilanova and Bernard de Gordon, ca. 1300); and even
perhaps a fourth and a fifth generation in the fourteenth century in
which learning and scholastic elaboration attain new heights (Gérard
de Solo, ca. 1330, and Joan de Tornamira, ca. 1370). Of these five
generations, the third has received the most attention from historians
because of the unusual number of compositions left by Arnau and
Bernard. So prolific were these two authors, in fact, that it becomes all
too easy to concentrate on their work and to forget their lesser-known
contemporaries who may also be able to add to our knowledge of
university life. At least three other figures from the medical school in
this ‘third generation’ left behind medical works that illuminate their
thought: Pierre de Capestang, Bernard de Angrara, and Guillem de
Béziers, the figure who will concern us here.
1
Guillem is of particular
interest first because he moved away from the commentary frame-
work when he composed for his students his unpublished Informatio
scolaribus suis (which appears in an edition below); second, because
recent research in the Catalan archives—some results of which are
appended to this article—provides details about Guillem’s early
career that place his achievement in a better biographical context.
2History of Universities
Guillem’s Career: Between Court and University
In some documents Guillem is referred to as Guillem Gaubert of
Béziers, but he himself did not use this name consistently, so it is
easiest to think of him as his contemporaries did, as simply Guillem de
Béziers. He first appears in the documentary record in November
1301, ‘regens in medicina in generali studio Ilerdensi,’
2
when he seems
to have been appointed the first medical master in the school that
King Jaume II of Aragón-Catalunya had founded at Lleida the year
before.
3
He had probably arrived at the start of the 1301/2 academic
year, coming from Montpellier, where he had a wife and a house.
4
Presumably, he had been trained at Montpellier in the 1290s, in which
case he could well have studied with Arnau de Vilanova and could
even have been recommended by Arnau for the chair at Lleida.
Guillem’s brief stay at Lleida was not notably successful, however.
The town council failed to fulfill immediately the terms of the contract
under which he had come,
5
and he found the medical books available
for study there so defective that he sought the king’s help in correcting
the situation. In September 1302, with the second year’s course about
to begin, Jaume II commanded his officials to collect Arabic-language
medical literature so that Guillem could have it translated by Jews and
then use it to emend the Lleidan texts.
6
Little could have come of
this project, for the studium was closed in 1304 and remained so for
six years.
Although Guillem had come to Lleida to teach, he soon began also
to serve as one of the king’s principal physicians. Initially, Jaume II
had been cautious about making demands on Guillem’s time and
respectful of the needs of the studium. Nevertheless, his intent seems to
have been to make use of Guillem as his principal physician from the
moment of his arrival in Lleida. That first document of November
1301 summoned Guillem south to Valencia to care for the queen,
Blancha, who was pregnant with their second daughter (also Blancha);
but subsequent letters indicate that the king doubted whether the
new medical master would come, since ‘ad presens . . . legat actu in
generali studio Ilerdensi’.
7
In June 1302, however, Guillem was called
to Jaca to treat the king;
8
in August, he was commanded to send a
good physician to the three-year-old infante Alfons in Teruel, while
he himself traveled to meet Jaume in Barcelona pro quibusdam
negociis.
9
Finally, in the summer of 1303 Jaume attached Guillem to
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 3
his court during its sojourn in Castile and in Aragón,
10
both paying his
expenses and settling on him a pension of 1500 sous annually from
the revenues of Bell-Lloch
11
—an easily collectable source, thirteen
kilometers east of the school at Lleida. An earlier plan, to have
Guillem settle in Valencia—and be paid a yearly 500 sous by the city
and an equal sum by the cathedral chapter, on top of the 1500 sous
from the king’s own purse—had not worked out; when the king first
proposed the Valencian arrangement to Guillem, he seemed particu-
larly eager to assure his physician that the latter would be comfortable
there (‘comedere poteris vivere et honorifice’), so it may well be that
Guillem had been reluctant to relocate so far from his familiar
Montpellier.
12
Having granted him a pension, Jaume now began to increase his
claims on Guillem’s attention in a way that must have conflicted with
his teaching in 1303/4. Guillem was called away to treat the king and
queen in Tortosa in October 1303.
13
The following February he was
sent back to Montpellier to buy medicines for Jaume; the Lleidan
councillors protested at this new absence from the school, and only
under royal pressure did they continue to pay his salary.
14
Guillem
lingered for a month in Montpellier; meanwhile Jaume experienced a
recurrence of old symptoms and demanded that his physician return
immediately as well as send a substitute on ahead of him.
15
Guillem
recommended another Lleidan physician, Jacobus, who came to
the king in Calatayud by the end of March.
16
Guillem also ordered
medicines to be made for royal use by the Barcelona apothecary Pere
Jutge, and late that month managed himself to get to Calatayud by
way of Lleida to attend the king.
17
Just three months later he was
summoned back to Jaume’s side once more, this time in Tortosa.
18
When the Lleidan studium did not reopen in the fall of 1304,
Guillem was left without teaching responsibilities or salary, and sub-
sequently he appears to have tried to arrange his life so that he could
be away from the Crown from fall to spring (presumably back teach-
ing at Montpellier), returning to look after the king in the unhealthy
hot season. Guillem’s wife certainly went back to Montpellier in April
1305 pro quibusdam negociis,
19
and at some point Guillem appears
to have done the same.
20
In November 1305 he wrote the king from
Béziers, apologizing for his having been prevented by ‘occultis pas-
sionibusfrom returning to look after the health of Jaume and
Blancha during the summer, and assuring the monarch that he would
be on hand in future summers.
21
4History of Universities
In fact, Guillem did return to Spain in the summer of 1306 to follow
the Court for a few days.
22
But spending so much time out of the
country made it difficult for him to collect his yearly stipend; in
October 1305,
23
and again in September 1306,
24
he complained that
it was still unpaid. Evidently he was growing to feel that his service
to the king was more trouble than it was worth, especially since
from 1305 onward Jaume II had begun to depend heavily on two
other physicians—Joan Amell and Martí de Calça Roja—who were
virtually always at Court.
25
In any case, in October 1306 Guillem
obtained a laissez-passer from the king to leave the Crown, with
vague promises to return,
26
but he never did. Nor did he try there-
after to collect his lifetime pension; he simply severed his ties with
Aragon-Catalunya.
For nearly fifteen years Guillem de Béziers disappears from our
sight;
27
then documents of 1320–21 establish him simultaneously in
the Montpellier medical faculty and at the Avignonese court of Pope
John XXII.
28
His Montpellier title, cancellarius universitatis medico-
rum, indicates the continued progress of his academic career, though
his colleagues’ reported opinion of him—‘quod nec pro cancellario . . .
quantum pro uno ansere facerent’—hints that some, at least, believed
he should now bring it to an end.
29
At the same time, the benefices
given to his sons Guillem and Raymond in 1320 suggest some previ-
ous service to the pope.
30
It is plausible that, as had earlier occurred in
the Crown of Aragon, Guillem had combined an academic life with
medical service to an eminent patron—and, perhaps, that in 1321
he was contemplating retirement. This would help explain why the
pope’s nephew, Petrus de Via, wrote to Jaume II in the spring of 1321,
expressing surprise that Guillem’s stipend from the Crown had been
discontinued. The king replied defensively—‘quia dictus magister
Guillelmus per modicum temporis spacium hic remansit et ad propria
remeavit, istud siquidem causa fuit quare dictum violarium accepit’—
but nevertheless commanded that the annua pensio be reinstated.
31
Guillem’s letter of humble thanks, dispatched from Avignon, has
been preserved.
32
The money for the first year of the renewed stipend
was collected in the spring of 1322 by a procurator sent from Béziers,
whose expenses seem to have been covered by Jaume as well.
33
But
Guillem received nothing more during his lifetime; he died on 8
December 1322, and it fell to his heirs to claim the final 8 months and
8 days of his grant.
34
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 5
Guillem’s Practice and Teaching
We know that Guillem’s medical skills were valued very highly
both by his patients and by observers. The king’s obvious interest in
keeping him close at hand for medical care attests to his perceived
competence, but more direct testimony comes from two letters that
survive in the royal archive. The letters, sent to Jaume and to his queen
by Teresa d’Urrea, prioress of the Hospitaller convent at Sigena,
report the recovery of the infantes Jaume and Alfons from severe
fevers. The fevers had lasted a frighteningly long time, without abate-
ment, said the prioress, but then master Guillem arrived to care for
them and the children began immediately to improve. Joyfully, she
wrote, they were now out of danger ‘thanks to the great effort he has
made and that he continues to make’.
35
What kind of care did he offer? Guillem’s more famous contem-
poraries are best known for their writings on medical theory, which
reveal next to nothing about the details of the treatments they pro-
vided. But Guillem is unusual among the Montpellier masters of
his generation for leaving some hints of his practice. We know, for
example, that when his patron Jaume II complained of a weak
stomach in the autumn of 1305, Guillem instructed a Montpellier
apothecary to make up a diazinziberos—a compound medicine based
on ginger—to be sent to the king in Barcelona.
36
Guillem’s famous
contemporary at Montpellier, Arnau de Vilanova, who occasionally
attended Jaume II during these same years, recommended in his
Antidotarium a recipe for diazinziberos based on secacul, honey, and
ginger—together with a number of other spices—that he took from a
standard reference work for many apothecaries, the Antidotarium
Nicolai. Arnau then went on to describe a second recipe that the
Antidotarium Nicolai did not give:
A preparation can [also] be made up from cloves, nutmeg, galangale, pepper,
and such like (or from piretrum, which has been found to be very good for
epilepsy); and you should know that when you want to strengthen the
stomach with this, it should be made up with dried ginger and administered
with an infusion of the same in wine.
37
Guillem’s prescription was surely something very similar to one or the
other, if not identical.
6History of Universities
But the fullest introduction to the kind of medicine Guillem prac-
ticed is found in the Informatio scolaribus suis that survives in four
manuscripts.
38
Guillem begins the brief text by telling his students that
he will draw together for them some practical information scattered
throughout medical books, so that they may profit from it when they
themselves go out into practice. Remarkably, he makes little direct
reference to the academic world that his students would have been
immersed in for so long: he makes no allusions to, say, the books and
authorities they would have had to master. Guillem seems to have
deliberately tried to go beyond the curriculum and to give them tips
from books—perhaps from the Arabic writers about whom he was so
enthusiastic—that they would not yet have encountered. The only
source for a recipe that he identifies is the Almansor of the great
clinical authority Rhazes.
39
At just this time, other Montpellier
masters were coming to appreciate Rhazes’ value for medicine; in fact,
when in 1309 Clement V prescribed a reading list for Montpellier,
Rhazes’ writings were introduced as optional.
40
Another sign of this unexpected distancing from the theory of the
schools is the absence in the Informatio of any reference to medicine’s
overall theoretical framework. Before launching into his list of
medicines useful in treating fever, for example, Guillem explains to his
students that if they should be called to a patient with a high fever,
they should begin by seeing to the sickroom: ideally the room should
be below ground (to keep its air cool), with a northern exposure, and
if this is not possible, it should be kept artificially cool with cut flowers
and tubs of cold water. His students would have learned from the very
start of their schooling to enumerate the six non-naturals—food,
drink, sleep, waking, excretion, and exercise—that could be manipu-
lated in order to keep an individual healthy. In view of this orienta-
tion, it is not surprising to find Guillem emphasizing the practical
importance of adapting the conditions of the patient’s room to his
illness. Arnau de Vilanova made virtually the same point to his stu-
dents at just this time.
41
What is somewhat surprising is that Guillem
does not bother to couch his advice in terms of the familiar system of
the non-naturals; indeed, the practical advice is stripped bare of any
theoretical rationale.
Most striking of all, perhaps, is the absence in the recipes of the
language of Galenic pathology. The medicines Guillem recommends
are organized by their form—first syrups, then clysters, pessaries,
and suppositories—rather than by the purposes for which they are
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 7
intended; even when he addresses the issue of purpose in his account
of a particular medicine, he generally uses not the academic classifica-
tion of fevers—such as ‘tertian’ or ‘quartan’ or ‘hectic’ or ‘ephemeral’
—but their symptomatic terms: ‘ardentissima’, accompanied by sleep-
lessness, by coughing, or by diarrhea. The niceties of technical lan-
guage as a tool for classification or diagnosis are ignored. Feverish
patients, he says, may require laxatives to produce exactly the right
kind of stools, neither too hard nor too soft; why their consistency
matters he does not explain. The impression we get from Guillem’s list
is not so much one of disagreement with or rejection of theory as of
a setting-aside of theory—a kind of temporary compartmentalization
of medical knowledge.
Occasionally, the practical aspects of a physician’s use of prescrip-
tions are exposed in these recommendations. Unlike most recipe col-
lections, that of Guillem contains passing reminders of the functional
interdependence of the physician and the apothecary. Guillem reminds
his students that when what they need is a fortifying medicinal base—
syrups of roses, violets, water lily, poppy, and so forth—they can usu-
ally count on finding these syrups on an apothecary’s shelf. He makes
it clear that they will sometimes need to direct the apothecary’s actions;
for example, he describes in detail the preparation of a honey-based
syrup that they should prescribe for their poorer patients, instead of a
stock syrup made with the more expensive sugar. But his instructions
also indicate that ultimately it might be the physician who made up
the actual medication to be employed; certainly, his careful descrip-
tion implies that his students themselves should be capable of making
a general syrup suited to a particular patient. He even details the mak-
ing of such things as suppositories: ‘take the lard that you find around
the spine, shape it into the form of a candle and set it in cold water to
harden; then anoint it with oil of violets and insert it’.
42
This level of
concrete instruction sets Guillem’s brief text apart from the great
mass of recipe collections, as perhaps it was meant to do.
A second, shorter, set of recipes, simply called a ‘documentum’, is
ascribed to Guillem de Béziers in a single Paris manuscript.
43
There is
certainly some overlap between the Documentum and the Informatio;
most of the recipes in the former are essentially identical in content, if
not in language, to the recipes for syrups that begin the latter. But the
Informatio’s recipes for clysters, pessaries, and suppositories are not
found in the Documentum, which in turn passes on a half dozen varied
recipes that are not in the Informatio, such as an electuary, some
8History of Universities
poultices, and a restorative medicine. Just how these two texts are
related and whether the additional recipes in the Documentum also
reveal Guillem’s practice is at present impossible to say; nevertheless,
it is worth mentioning that several of these recipes also emphasize
Guillem’s distinction betwen medicinal preparations for the rich and
those for the poor.
It is unexpected to discover that in the Informatio Guillem con-
cludes his advice to his students with an extended discussion of remedies
for feminine complaints: retention of the menses or menorrhea, a pro-
lapsed uterus, and the like. We are inclined to think that gynecolog-
ical discourse was reserved for women, and yet Monica Green has
pointed out that academic masters as early as Antonio Guainerius (d.
1448?) can be found writing on the subject.
44
The evidence for an aca-
demic gynecological practice in Guillem’s day is more indirect: Nancy
Siraisi has proposed that the many gynecological remedies included in
the Tabula de remediis of Taddeo Alderotti (teaching at Bologna
until his death ca. 1295) ‘perhaps [imply] an extensive practice among
women’ paid for by well-to-do, upper-class husbands and fathers.
45
Guillem de Béziers’s discussion is therefore unusual because it is
explicitly presented as part of his students’ practice-to-be, and passes
on very practical instruction. Nor does his instruction merely repeat
mechanically the advice of the Trotula texts that enjoyed wide circula-
tion;
46
his remedies are either original or, more likely, drawn from still
undiscovered sources. It is tempting to wonder whether Guillem was
here sharing with his students recipes that he had already tried out
at the court of Jaume II. After all, between November 1301 and the
summer of 1306, as we have seen, he was alternating between teaching
(at Lleida and Montpellier) and medical attendance on Jaume and his
queen, and during those five years Queen Blancha bore three children
(she had already borne four others before Guillem first attended her).
47
Might not, then, this concluding section of the Informatio reflect
specific aspects of his current treatment of his royal patient?
Conclusion
A relatively obscure figure like Guillem de Béziers thus can still add
something to our understanding of the medical faculties of the
early medieval universities. Certainly, his life story demonstrates how
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 9
desirable a life of medical teaching could be, even for someone who
had the option of enjoying the patronage of a king or a pope.
Similarly, Guillem exposes a side of university instruction quite dif-
ferent from any left behind by his much more famous contemporaries
in their commentaries and in their text-based learning. The content of
his Informatio implies what we might have suspected: the university
masters passed on not just the structure of authoritative medical
theory, but homely details of practical procedure and even favourite
recipes. This leads us to wonder how many other, anonymous, recipe
collections might also be the products of a university setting.
48
No
doubt Guillem’s more famous contemporaries at Montpellier, Arnau
de Vilanova and Bernard de Gordon, will always exemplify for us the
highest intellectual ambitions of the school. Nevertheless, Guillem
surely comes closer to illustrating the goals and the achievements of a
typical medical master at the beginning of the fourteenth century.
Department of History
University of North Carolina
Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3195
USA
Departamento de Ciencias de la Antiguedad y de la Edad Media
Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona
08193 Bellaterra-Barcelona
Spain
APPENDIX A
Selected Documentation concerning Guillem de Béziers from the Archivo
de la Corona de Aragón
1. Jaume II summons Guillem de Béziers from Lleida to Valencia to treat the
queen.
Valencia, 2 January 1302.
Dilecto suo magistro Guillelmo de Biterris phisico legenti in medicina in
generali studio Ilerdensi etc. Cum pro preservatione nostre salutis et illustris
10 History of Universities
domine Blanche regine Aragonie karissime consortis nostre vos in curia
nostra affectemus adesse, ideo vos affectuose rogamus quatenus ad presen-
tiam nostram visis presentibus veniatis, si hoc tamen commode facere
poteritis sine magno detrimento studii supradicti; ex hoc autem nostre com-
placebitis plurimum voluntati. Preterea nos scribimus per aliam litteram
nostram fideli nostro Bernardo de Rodera civi Ilerde ut vobis in veniendo ad
nos provideat tam de equitaturis quam aliis necessariis competenter.
Datum Valencie iiii
o
. nonas Januarii anno predicto.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 120, fol. 190. The king had written Guillem
from Teruel on 14 Nov. 1301 ‘ut incontinenti veniat apud Valenc. . . . circa
relevationem domine regine’ (ACA, Cancillería, reg. 120, fol. 142).
2. Jaume II commands that the pahers of Lleida fulfill the terms of their contract
with Guillem de Béziers, who has been induced to come to teach in the studium
there.
Jaca, 6 July 1302.
Bernardo de Ponte vicario et curie Ilerde vel eius locum tenenti etc. Cum
paciarii et probi homines civitatis Ilerde ad hoc ut discretus vir et dilectus
noster magister Guillelmus de Biterris phisicus legeret in studio generali
civitatis Ilerde predicte promiserint et obligaverint se eidem magistro tam
super salario suo quam super quibusdam aliis certas promissiones et pacta
attendere et complere, ipseque spe promissionis sibi per dictos paciarios
et probos homines facte ad dictam civitatem suum domicilium transtulerit et
legat ibidem, et promissa sibi non attendantur ad plurimum, idcirco ad sup-
licationem ipsius mandamus et dicimus vobis quatenus si predicti paciarii
et probi homines promissa non complent et in aliquo de promissis eidem
magistro defecerunt vel deficerent in futurum ipsos et bona eorum ad
servandum et complendum que promiserunt eidem compellatis, malitiis et
difugiis non admissis, taliter vos habendo ne hac de causa vobis scribi
oporteat iterato.
Datum Jacce ii. non. Julii.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 124, fol. 238v.
3. Jaume II orders that Guillem de Béziers be allowed to borrow Arabic lan-
guage medical texts belonging to the Jews in his realms, in order to correct books
at the Lleida studium.
Barcelona, 10 September 1302.
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 11
Dilectis et fidelibus suis universis et singulis officialibus ad quos presentes
pervenerint etc. Cum magister Guillelmus Guauberti de Biterris legens in
medicina in studio Ilerdensi ad opus correccionis librorum medicinalium
habeat necessarios quosdam libros arabicos medicinales quos aliqui judei
terre nostre habent, ut posset inde facere corrigi pecias que sunt in dicto
studio Ilerdensi, et nos ipsas velimus ex causa premissa comodari eidem,
idcirco vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus libros medicinales in arabico
scriptos quos prefatus magister vobis dixit esse penes aliquem sive aliquos
judeos terre nostre, faciatis tradi et acomodari sibi per ipsos judeos donec eos
translatari fecerit vel eius usus fuerit ad corrigendum libros prefatos, ipso
tamen magistro restituente ipsis judeis memoratis libros arabicos cum eis
fuerit usus, sub forma superius expresata.
Datum Barchinone, .iiii. idus Septembris anno quo supra.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 125, fol. 59.
4. Jaume II grants Guillem de Béziers 1500 sous annually on the revenues of
Bell-Lloc.
Daroca, 26 June 1303.
Nos Jacobus etc. Considerantes plura grata et accepta servicia per vos dile-
ctum phisicum nostrum magistrum Guillelmum de Biterriis nobis exhibita ex
sciencia seu arte vestra phisice et que futuris temporibus exhiberi speramus,
volumus ut sicut circa persone nostre sanitatem servandam ferventer intendi-
tis, sic doni nostri speciali gratia gaudeatis, idcirco damus et concedimus
vobis ad vitam vestram mill. et quingentos solidos Barch. quos vobis assigna-
mus habendos et percipiendos quolibet anno dum vixeritis super illis duobis
mill. solidos quos Raimundus de Bellera quondam habebat et percipiebat
super redditibus de Bello Loco ex concessione nostra que morte ipsius
Raimundi extincta sunt, mandantes per presentes baiulo nostro Ilerdensi pre-
senti et qui pro tempore fuerit quod de redditibus ipsius loci faciat solvi vobis
vel cui volueritis loco vestri dictis .MD. solidos anno quolibet dum vita fuerit
vobis comes.
Datum Daroce vi
o
. kals. Julii anno predicto.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 201, fol. 7v.
5. Jaume II summons Guillem de Béziers to Tortosa to treat him and the queen.
Tortosa, 23 October 1303.
Jacobus etc. Guillelmo de Biterris dilecto medico et familiari nostro etc. Cum
ratione infirmitatis illustris regine Aragone consortis nostre et discrassie que
12 History of Universities
nostro noviter corpori supervenit vos necessarium habeamus, et propterea
velimus vos omnino habere presentem, ideo nos rogamus attente et vobis
expresse mandamus quatenus omnibus pretermissis ad nos apud Dertusam
vel ubicumque fuerimus veniatis, et hoc non differatis aliqua ratione cum
periculum posset esse in mora.
Datum Dertuse x
o
kal. Novembris anno predicto.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 130, fol. 159v.
6. Teresa d’Urrea, prioress of Sigena, writes to Queen Blancha to describe
Guillem de Béziers’s treatment of the infantes Jaume and Alfons and explains
her return with the infanta to Sigena.
Sigena [13036?].
Alla muyt alta e muyt poderossa senora dona Blanca por la gracia de Dieus
reyna d’Aragon, jo donna Taressa d’Urrea humil prioressa de Sexena me
comando en vostra gracia besando vostras manos como de senora de qui jo
atiendo bien e merce sobre todas las del mundo por a qui cobdicio vida e salut
por muytos tiempos e buenos. Sepades senora como el senor ifant don Jayme
el senor ifat do Alfonso an avido muyt fuortment la fiebbre e muyt que les a
durado e asi senora quando maestre Gillem de Vese’ enviastes avian la fiebre
fuertment que no se les partia pont coute enseia homne con grant miedo. E
puos senora que le vino son bien milorados e fuoros de periglo con la buona
cura qu’el dito maestre Gillem i a feyto e façe todos dias el grant trevallo que
si a dado e que si da et con la gracia de Dieus seran bien guaridos aina. E
senora puos maestre Gillem cum astes [comandastes?] me ature alguos dias
alla, e puos dixo me el dito maestre qu’enlevas la senora ifanta qu’el senor
ifant aina seria guarido casi que enlevase la senora ifant, e por <aç>o senora
que me dixo enlevado la senora ifant al monesterio. E senora si el se<nor>
<ifa>nt do Alfonso m’avies avida menester ni min servicio le consolis entre
bien seria fincada, <m>as dixo me maestre Gillem que puos el dicto senor
ifant iera bien milorado que bien m’en podia yr. Senora fet me a saber de la
salut del senor Rey e de la vostra e senora si nenguna cosas vos podia fer bien
servicio vostro fuose mandat de mi como en vasalla e sierva vostra.
ACA, Cancillería, CRD Jaume II, sin fecha 290 (caja 112).
7. Teresa d’Urrea, prioress of Sigena, writes to King Jaume to describe Guillem
de Béziers’ treatment of the infantes Jaume and Alfons.
Sigena [1303–6?].
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 13
<Mu>yt alto e poderoso senyor don Jayme, por la gracia de Dieus rey de
Aragon e de Valencia e de Cerdena e de Corceda e conte de Barch[inon]a e de
la santa esglesia de Roma senalem e almirant e capitani general. Yo dona
Taressa d’Urea humil priora de Sexena me comando en vostra gracia besando
vostras manos e como de senor de qui yo atiendo bien e merçe sobre todos los
del mundo e por a qui copdicio vida e sallut por muytos tiepos e buonos. A la
vostra real magestat senyor fagos saber como el senor enfant don Jayme el
senor ifant don Alfonso an avido muyt fuorment la fiebre e muyto que les a
durado; asi senor quando maestre Gilem de Vese<>s enviastes avian la fiebre
furtment que no selles partian pont caute ensenia omne con grant miedo. E
puos senor que el vino son bien milorados e fuoras de preliglo con la buena
cuora qu’el dicto maestre Guillem i a feyto e façe todos dias el gran treballo
que si a dado e que si da e con la gracia de Dieus seran bien guaridos ayna. E
senor la senora efant e es sana la merçe de Dieus. E senor cllamo merce a Dieus
que vos mantienga por muitos tiempos e buonos.
ACA, Cancillería, CRD Jaume II, sin fecha 368 (caja 113).
8. Jaume II commands the councilors of Lleida to continue to pay Guillem
de Béziers his salary, notwithstanding his absence from the city on the king’s
business.
Valencia, 13 February 1304.
Fidelibus suis paciariis et probis hominibus civitatis Ilerde, salutem etc.
Cum nos magistrum Guillelmum de Biterris phisicum nostrum pro quibus-
dam nostris expressis negociis ad nostram curiam duxerimus evocandum
ipsumque ad partes Montispessulani pro quibusdam rebus medicinalibus pro
necessitate corporis nostri inpresenciarum providerimus transmitendum, et
intellexerimus quod vos ipsum absolvere noluistis cum de partibus Ilerde
occasione predicta dicessit nisi personaliter rediret ad civitatem Ilerde vel
quod faceret ibidem venire infra certum tempus de Montepessulano unum
bachallarium qui in eiusdem absencia lecciones suas continuaret, nosque
propter accessum eiusdem ad partes ipsas ipsum valde utilem et fructuosum
sanitati nostre disponente domino propterea reputemus, ideo vobis dicimus
et mandamus quatenus ipsum donec reversus fuerit vel ad vos miserit bachal-
larium ipsum de partibus Montispessulani predictis absolvere curetis omnino
satisfaciendo sibi salario suo non obstantibus supradictis iuxta promissionis
per vos sibi facte continenciam et tenorem.
Datum Valencie, idus Februarii anno domini M
o
.ccc
o
.iii
o
.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 235, fol. 18.
14 History of Universities
9. Jaume II tells Guillem de Béziers that his illness has recurred and asks him to
instruct a Lleidan physician in his case and to send him to him; after Guillem has
finished his business in Montpellier, he too is to come to the king immediately.
Calatayud, 11 March 1304.
Fideli phisico nostro magistro Guillelmo de Biterris etc. Scire vos volumus
nos recidivisse in infirmitate qua Valencie ut scitis detinebamur propter quod
volumus ac vobis expresse dicimus et mandamus quatenus medicum illum
Ilerdensem de quo nobiscum ibidem locuti fuistis, statim receptis presentibus,
omni mora et dilatione reiectis, ubicumque fuerimus, transmittere curetis
omnino, ipsumque de infirmitate plenarie certificetis, vos vero pro hiis
pro quibus accessurus estis pro nobis apud Montempessulanum celeriter
accedatis et deinde sine mora aliqua ad nos redire curetis.
Datum Calatayubii, v
o
. idus Martii.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 235, fol. 28v.
10. Jaume II asks master Jacobus of Lleida to come treat his illness, after con-
sulting with Guillem de Béziers.
Calatayud, 18 March 1304.
Jacobus etc. fideli suo magistro Jacobo fisico Ilerde salutem etc. Cum nos
audito de sciencia sufficientia et experiencia vestra vos ad servicia nostra
et persone nostre specialiter in sanitate deo propitio conservanda velimus
et ordinaverimus habere presentem, ideo vos rogamus ac vobis dicimus et
mandamus quatenus visis presentibus ad nos ubicumque fuerimus continuo
veniatis. Et quia dilecto fisico nostro magistro Guillelmo de Biterriis doctori
in medicina quedam circa hunc comisimus pro parte nostra vobis oretenus
exponenda suis propterea relatibus indubitanter credatis ac ea effectui
mancipetis.
Datum Calatayubii xv
o
kal. Aprilis anno predicto.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 235, fol. 32v.
11. Jaume II commands that Guillem de Béziers be given the money necessary
to pay for electuaries and other medicines to be prepared for the king by the
Barcelona apothecary Pere Jutge.
Calatayud, 18 March 1304.
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 15
Romeo de Marimundo baiulo Barchinone etc. Cum nos per dilectum
phisicum nostrum magistrum Guillelmum de Biterriis doctorem in medicina
providerimus ordinari et confici electuaria et quedam alia medicinalia pro
conservatione persone et salutis nostre, que siquidem fieri faciet magister
prefatus per Petrum Iudicis apothecarium Barchinone, ideo vobis expresse
dicimus et mandamus quatenus huius rei causa diligenter pensata soluatis et
satisfaciatis incontinenti de quibuscumque redditibus et juribus baiulie
predicte, quibusvis mora et accione sublatis, illas peccunie quantitates quas
dictus magister vobis dixerit necessarias ad predicta medicinalia emenda
et conficienda, que omnia prout idem magister nobis iniunxerit ad nos
ubicumque fuerimus quam citius transmittatis per personam idoneam et
securam. Et hoc non mutetis neque differatis aliqua ratione sicuti nobis
servire desideratis et sicuti potestis perspicere hec nobis utile et necessarium
imminere, recuperaturus presentem et recepturus apocham de quantitatibus
quas hac ratione duxeritis exsolvendas.
Datum Calatayubii xv
o
. kal. Aprilis anno predicto.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 258, fol. 95v.
12. Jaume II provides Ricarda Fabreza, wife of Guillem Gausbert de Béziers,
with a laissez-passer to return to Montpellier.
Barcelona, 15 April 1305.
Dilectis et fidelibus suis vicariis baiulis necnon universis aliis officialibus
presentes litteras inspicientis salutem et dilectionem. Cum Ricarda Fabreza
uxor magistri Guillelmi Gausberti de Biterris phisici nostri nunc de nostra
licencia et promissu pro quibusdam suis negociis exeat terram nostram ad
partes Montispesulani accedens, mandamus et dicimus vobis quatenus eidem
familie ac rebus suis in exeundo de terra nostra nullum examinem injuriamve
seu impedimentum vel contrarium faciatis nec fieri ab aliqua permittatis,
immo si necesse fuerit prestatis ei auxilium consilium et iuvamen.
Dat. Barch. xvii
o
kls. Madii anno predicto.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 135, fol. 9v.
13. Guillem de Béziers apologizes for having failed to attend the king and queen
during the previous summer, due to illness.
Béziers, 10 November [1305].
Serenissimo principi domino Jacobo dei gratia regi Aragonie Valentie comi-
tique Barcilone admirato sancte ecclesie seu capitaneo generali, Guillelmus
16 History of Universities
Gausberti de Biterris minimus magistrorum in medicina eius humilis servitor
et in omnibus subiectus se totum cum humili recomendatione. Illustrissime
domine noveritis et percerto quod postquam recessi a vobis et a domina
regina fui quibusdam occultis passionibus iam afflictus, quare nec vos nec
dominam reginam in estate preterita potui visitare, unde super hoc vestra
bonitas me habeat excusatum; set firmiter clementissime domine quamdiu
deus concedet vobis vitam et domine regine, intendo singulis estatibus vos
videre et de arte mea servire nobilibus et aliis gentibus regni vestri, cum
propter multos honores et bona plurima que vestri misericordia recepi et
recipio incessanter me vestre regali magestati sentiam obbligatum. Insuper
illustrissime domine me vestre gratie et domine regine recomendo et quod
deus det vobis bonam et longuam vitam sicut expedit terre vestre.
Datum Biterris, die mercuri ante festum sancti martini.
Domine, per confortatione stomachi vestri feci fieri meliori apothecario
Montispessullani optimum dyazinziberos quo audacter poteris uti ad confor-
tationem digestionis.
—ACA, Cartas Reales, Jaume II, apendice general 94.
14. Jaume II grants Guillem de Béziers a laissez-passer.
Tarragona, 23 October 1306.
Universis et singulis officialibus et subditis nostris ad quos presentes per-
venerint etc. Cum dilectus fisicus et familiaris noster magister Guillelmus de
Biterris presentium exhibitor per loca terre et iurisdictionis nostre habeat ire
redire etiam et morari tam pro nostris quam suis negociis peragendis, idcirco
vobis et vestrum cuilibet dicimus et expresse mandamus quatenus prefato
magistro Guillelmo familie equitaturis et rebus eorum nullam iniuriam aut
molestiam inferatis nec inferri per alios permittatis, immo provideatis ei et
familie sue ac rebus eorum si necesse fuerit et inde fueritis requisiti de securo
transitu et ducatu.
Datum Terrachone x
o
. kal. Novembris anno predicto.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 139, fol. 77v.
15. Boniface d’Aniane, nephew of Guillem de Béziers, is granted permission to
take a war horse out of the king’s realms.
Valencia, 3 December 1307.
Dilectis et fidelibus suis custodibus rerum prohibitarum necnon universis et
singulis off. nostris ad quos presentes venerint etc. Noveritis nos de speciali
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 17
gratia concessisse Bonafacio de Anyano nepoti dilecti nostri Guillelmi
Gauberti magistri in fisica quod ipse de terra nostra possit extrahere quendam
ronanum [sic] aptum ad arma. Quare volumus et vobis dicimus et mandamus
quatenus dictum roncinum dicto Bonafacio extrahere de terra nostra
sine impedimento aliquo permittatis, presentibus post duos menses minime
valituris et in exitu retinendis.
Datum Valenc. iii
o
non. Decembr. anno domini m
o
. ccc
o
. septimo.
—ACA, Cancillería, reg. 204, fol. 116.
16. Guillem de Béziers thanks King Jaume II for reinstating his pension and
offers to serve the monarch at the papal court.
Avignon, 22 June [1321].
Illustrissimo principi domino Jacobo dei gratia regi Aragonie Valentie
Sardinie et Corsice comitique Barchilone admirato sacro sancte ecclesie
ac vexillario et capitaneo generali, Guillelmus de Bitterris medicus summi
pontificis eius servitor humilis se ipsum cum omni promptitudine servicii et
honoris. Serenissime domine de gratia quam michi fecistis ad instanciam
domini Petri de Via quantum possum regracior vestre regie magestati, offer-
ens me quod pro negotiis vestris vel vestrorum si que habueritis in curia
romana fideliter laborabo et in prosecutione eorum licet parum possim non
deerit executio juxta posse. Benignissime domine sim recomendatus gratie
vestre et tota domus mea. De decimis autem prelatis regni vestri recollectis
vobis per summum pontificem concedendis, fui locutus cum domino Petro de
Via qui respondit quod in negociis vestris fideliter laboraret, unde consulerem
quod ad predictas decimas procurandas aliquem embayssatorem apud
summum pontificem mitteretis si videatur vestre prudentie et vestro concilio
expedire, inter quod judicio meo dominum Gonsalbum Garcie maxime
approbarem. Deus nobilissime domine det vobis bonam et longam vitam
sicut expedit regno vestro.
Scriptum Avinione die lune ante festum beati Johannis.
—ACA, Cancillería, CRD Jaume II, apendice general 92.
17. The royal treasurer computes the amount owed to the heirs of master
Guillem de Béziers from his royal violarium, unpaid during the last year of his
life.
Montblanc, 12 May 1333.
Hereus de Maestre G. de Besers çanrera
18 History of Universities
Jo en P. March etc. atorch als hereus de maestre G. de Besers çanrera que per
manament del dit senyor rey lus he fet compte de la rahon dius conteguda,
es a saber que per part dels dits hereus es estada mostrada a mi una carta del
senyor rey en Jacme de bona memoria dat. Daroce .vi
o
. kals. Julii del any
.M.CCC.III. en la qual atorga al dit maestre G. de Besers per rahon dels
serviis que li fahia en art de medicina .MD. sol. barch. reebedors cascun any
mentre visques sobre les rendes de Bell-loch, e daquest temps no faç negun
compte per ço con lo dit maestre G. de Besers s’en torna en sa terra e no feu lo
dit servii al dit senyor. En apres fo mostrada a mi una carta del dit senyor rey
en Jacme dat. Valencie .xvi
o
. kls. Madii del any .M.CCC.XXI. ab la qual li
atorga los dits .MD. sol. barch. cascun any per prechs del noble en P. de la Via
nabot del senyor Papa per ço con lo dit maestre G. servia al dit senyor Papa en
la dita art de medicina et ab la dita carta mana a mi lavors tresorer seu que en
les kls. de mes de Abril lavors primer vinent li donas los dits .MD. sol. e daqui
a avant cascun any en lo dit terme mentre que viurra e yo per part de la cort
pague los dits .MD. sol. per la primera paga segons que es escrit en lo dors de
la dita darrera carta del senyor rey e axi romandria a pagar als dits hereus del
dit primer dia de abril del any .M.CCC.XX.II. tro al .viii. dia del seguent mes
de Deembre del dit any quel dit maestre G. de Besers passa desta vida segons
que han mostrat per carta publica lo qual temps es .vii. meses e .viii. dies que
munten a la dita rahon de .MD. sol. per cascun any mill. triginta tres sol. et
quatuor ds. barch. los qu(a)ls ab lo present albara son deguts per la cort als
hereus desus dits per la rahon damuntdita. E Narnau Gontart procurador lur
qui per ells procura aquest compte jura que altres pagues no havien haudes.
Si empero a avant apparien retench al senyor rey ques degues abatre de
la quantitat damuntdita. E yo he cobrades les cartes de que dessus es feta
mencio. En testimoni de la qual cosa lus he fet lo present albara segellat ab lo
segell del dit meu offici. Scrit en Muntblanch .xii. dies del mes de Mayg anno
domini mill
o
. CCC
o
. XXX
o
. tercio.
—ACA, Real Patrimonio, reg. 634, fol. 73.
APPENDIX B
The Text of the Informatio scolaribus suis
Guillem de Béziers’s Informatio scolaribus suis, which we edit below, exists in
at least four manuscripts: Lübeck, Stadtsbibliothek, med. fol. 3, fols. 209v–
211v (our B); Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek 1183, fols. 209rb–210rb (L);
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 19
Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, lat. 7061, fols. 125v–126 (our P), where it is
incomplete; and Vatican City, Palatinus latinus 1229, fols. 68rb–73 (V). Our
collation of the four manuscripts suggests that BLP represents a tradition
rather different from V. Vis a manuscript of the mid-fifteenth century and is
of interest as perhaps originating at Montpellier;
49
but Lis of even greater
interest, as a late fourteenth-century manuscript that appears to have been a
deliberate attempt to collect many of the writings and recipes of recent figures
in that school. For this reason, we have tended to follow the readings of L,
although we have reported the readings of all four manuscripts.
50
<Informatio Guillelmi de Biterris scolaribus suis>
Incipit informatio quam fecit magister Guillelmus de Biterris scolaribus suis.
<Prologus>
Quia tempus est eundi ad practicam, et vos scolares novissimi ut plurimum
lucrabimini in febrium curatione, ideo ad informationem vestram volo
aliquantulum loqui de practica, quamvis illa que dicam in libris inveniantur,
disperse tamen.
<Quomodo debet patiens habere cameram>
Dico ergo quod, cum medicus vocatur ad curam febrium ardentissimarum,
quia ad illas vocatur ut plurimum, quod in principio ipse debet habere
patienti cameram subterraneam que portam et fenestras habeat versus
septentrionem, si possit. Si non possit, debet artificialiter cameram infrigidare
cum foliis vitium et salicis et rosis, que colligantur de mane ante ortum solis,
antequam aer sit supercalefactus. Et debet tenere in camera ollas sive urnas
plenas aqua dulci frigida, quia illa sunt principalia in cura et ideo bene est
miser qui eas negligit.
5
10
15
20
3 informatio . . . Biterris (Bitrenis P) scolaribus suis PL modus pratice domini Galteri
de Biterris V om. B 7 est om. VP / et om. V 8 post informationem add. V
et lucrum / vestrum V9 post dicam add. Vomnia / reperiantur V10 sed
tamen disperse V12 Nota quomodo debet patiens habere camaram in margine V
14 quod om. PB / curam: aliquam P15 ut plurimum vocatur L/ vocantur
P/ quod in principio: quia in principiis Pin primo igitur B15–16 patiens debet
habere B / patienti Vpa. L om. P 16 et om. PB / versus V aB/ ex parte septentri-
onis PL 17 si possibile sit L/ si non possit om. P, possit om. L 18 vitium L,
vitim B, vitum in margine B nucum VP / et om. P / salsacis L19 aer sit supercale-
factus PLB sit calefactus V21 eas Vista Pi’a L
20 History of Universities
<Patiens debet esse bene coopertus>
Item. Nota quod patiens debet esse bene coopertus, quia si discooperiretur,
pori opilarentur et non possent evaporari fumi et vapores.
<De sirupis>
Item. Nota quod medicus debet succurrere patienti cum sirupis, et nota quod
in apotheca communiter septem sirupi inveniuntur, quorum unus est julep,
qui fit ex aqua et pane zuccare et est multum securus in febre ardente. Alter
sirupus est violaceus. Alter est rosaceus et quartus est nenufarinus, quintus est
acetosus, sextus est oxizacra, septimus est de papavere.
Unde sciendum quod oxizacra et sirupus acetosus multum conveniunt
in febre ardentissima, eo quod isti infrigidant et aperiunt. Et hoc habet
veritatem dum tamen patiens non patiatur tussim nec fluxum ventris, quia si
tussim pateretur magis competeret sibi sirupus ro<saceus>. Unde si in istis
duobus accidentibus fuerit, audacter detur sibi oxizacra et sirupus acetosus et
misceantur usque ad quantitatem unius lib. Et infrigidabunt et aperient.
Si autem patiens non possit dormire nec stare, utimur sirupo nenufarino;
sed aliquotiens est epar inflatum, ita quod ille sirupus non infrigidat sufficien-
ter, et tunc misce succi cucurbite .iii. lib. in aqua ros<arum> cum zuccara.
Et si vis facere bonum sirupum compositum, sint aperitivum posita, sicut
radix buglosse, brusci, sparagi, graminis recentis, scariole, lactuce, sicoree,
rostri porcini, epatice, capilli veneris, ana M. .iii., seminum quatuor frigido-
rum, seminum endivie, seminum cucurbite ana unc. .ii.
5
10
15
20
25
3 Nota quod paciens debet esse bene cohopertus in margine V / coopertus bene PB / quia
om. V / est discoopertus L discooperietur B4 et
2
: nec L/ post vapores add. V et
cetera 6 Nota quot sunt sirupi. Nota quomodo fit julep in margine V 8 et
nota Lnota VP 9 in operatoria apothecarii L/ septem sirupi inveniuntur: sunt
septem V10 post aqua add. V rosarum / post et
1
add. B mele et / pane om. B /
securius L/ fe. ardente L febre ardenti Pfebribus ardentibus V/ est autem alter L
11 est
1
om. PBL / alter est: alter syrupus Pet alter L/ et om. LB / est
3
om. LB / est
4
om. L
12 est
1
om. L/ septimus Valius PL 13 post sciendum add. P est / conveniunt L
conferunt VPB 14 febribus ardentissimis P/ hoc om. B 15 patiens tr. V
post tussim / tussim pateretur tr. L 16 sibi om. V / in: sine VB 17–18
Oxizacra et sirupus acetosus non conferunt tussi nec fluxui ventris. Nota de oxizacra
et sirupo acetoso in margine V 18 et
1
LP om. VB / infrigidabunt et apperiunt P
infrigidant et asperiunt L19 Contra vigilias in margine V / utatur V20 est
epar om. L 21 succum V/ .iii. lib. tr. L / in: et PB 22 vis facere PL vis V/
compo<situ>m VPL componitum B/ sint Bsit Vsicut PL / apperitiva Papperitivam?
Laperitivum V/ posita Vapponita Bapposita Pcomposita L24 post veneris
add. V seminum, add. P etc. / ana om. V / quatuor seminum V25 cucurbi P
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 21
Item. Si patiatur tussim adde penidiarum et dyagraganti et gumi arabici
ana unc. .iii., sebesten, iuiube ana numero .xx. Et si non patiatur tussim
non imponas illa, sed impones flores viol<e> unc. .iiii., si fuerit constipatus.
Si fuerit constipatus pones flores boraginum et buglosse ana unc. .iii., san-
dalorum alborum et rubeorum ana dr. .iii., rosarum unc. .i., ordei depurati
lib. sem., prunorum bene pinguium numero .xl., aceti albi unc. .ii., dum tamen
non patiatur in pectore nec habeat fluxum ventris.
Nota tamen quod si fluxum ventris patiatur omnes flores debent amoveri et
possumus plus addere de rosis et de sandalis, panis zuccare lib. .i. et sem., fiat
sirupus.
Si tamen patiens fuerit pauper quod non possit habere panem zuccare, tu
debes esse cautus super hoc. Unde debes precipere apothecario quod habeat
unam lib. mellis albe et .ix. lib. aque dulcis et misceantur et decoquantur
quousque inspissentur ad modum sirupi et post in sirupis ponamus loco
zuccare cum multis herbis frigidis et de illo sirupo lib. .i. vel sem., forte magis
faciet quam zuccara faceret.
Item. In principio debet tenere ventrem laxum ita ut assellet bis vel ter
in die. Si non, laxatur cum sirupo: Recipe tamarindi unc. .iiii. et de violis et
de prunis et similibus equaliter. Sed de prunis si vis potes ponere in maiori
quantitate. Et cum illa aqua limpha <fiat> sirupum. Et si non laxaret bene et
creticet crisi perfecta quia reliquie in istis egritudinibus sunt grosse; tunc
debes miscere herbas frigidas et loco ordei ponatur aqua cicerum et si non
sit colerica febre et velis purgare, recipe unc. .i. de bona cassiafistula bene
mundata et de sero caprino et distempera; et si vis fortius, adde dr. .i. reubar-
bari et dr. sem. de spica nardi ad reprimendum reubarbarum, unde unc. .i.
reubarbari communiter ducit ter vel quater.
Item. Si fortius vis, recipe folliculorum sene, florum boraginum et violarum
ana unc. .ii., cassiefistule mundate dr. .i., prunorum .xx., et decoquantur
5
10
15
20
25
1 Nota contra tussim et contra constipationem in margine V / penidiarum . . . et
2
:
penidorum dragaganti V/ arabici om. V 3 impones: ponas P4 si Let si
non VPB / ponas LB / buglossa B4–5 sand. al. rubeorum Vde sand’ al. et ru.
PLB 5 unc. .ii. L6 unc.: lib. V8 Ad fluxum ventris in margine V /
tamen: tunc P/ si patiatur P/ moveri B9 zuccari VB / sem. om. L / post sem. add.
Bet 11 quod Vet Put paciens L/ zuccaram P11–12 tu debes: deb’es L
12 circa hoc PLB / habeat om. L 13 lib. unam PB / .ix. VP .i. L.ii. B/ dulci L
14 despissetur L/ post despissetur add. V sui 15 .i. om. B / vel sem. PLB et sem. V
16 zuccara faceret: de zuccara L17 Nota sirupum ad assellandum in margine V /
ponere L/ assumat vel assellet Vasselat B18 post die add. PB et / laxetur B/ post
sirupo add. B tali / thamarindus B/ de om. L 19 consimilibus B/ ponere potes L
19–20 maiorem quantitatem P20 aqua illa L21 crisim perfectam L? / per-
fectum V/ quod L/ relinqi’ L/ tunc PL tamen V22 debet V/ aqua om. P 23
colerica febre Lcolerica VP colica B24 munda V/ addere V25 et dr. sem.
PL om. V / post nardi add. L et 25–26 unde unc. .i. reubarbari PL om. V / unde
. . . quater om. B 26 communiter ducit tr. L / ter vel quater PL vel equaliter V
27 borrag’ P28 mundate Vpurgati B om. L / dr. .i. PL om. V
22 History of Universities
usque ad lib. .i. et sem. Et si times materiam esse flegmaticam adde scr. .i. de
agarico in decoctione pulverizato et sic purgabis reliquias.
Sequitur de clisteribus, pessariis et suppositoriis de quibus multum indiget
medicina.
< De clisteribus>
Clisterium vero alia sunt mollificativa, alia sunt mordificativa, alia
solidificativa, alia laxativa, alia constrictiva.
Clistere mollificativum sic fit: Recipe malvam, brancam ursinam, herbam
violariam, conquassentur et in aqua coquantur, colentur et colature addatur
oleum violarum, butirum recens et totum ad pondus unius lib. iniciatur per .i.
clistere. Singula huius clisteris habent intestina relaxare, et si sunt tota
indurata remollire et infundere in febribus continuis et interpolatis, sed non
debet in die cretico.
Mordificativum clistere sic fit: Recipe absinthium, calamentum, origanum,
rutam et mercurialem, cassentur et decoquantur in aqua salviativa vel
marina. Coletur et colature admisceatur furfur triticeum. Et iterum coletur et
colature admisceantur tres partes mellis et apponant unc. .iii. olei communis
et .ii. dr. salis gemme et iniciatur per clistere. Singula eius sunt que et predicta,
sed non debet inici nisi prius remollita sint intestina.
Deinde recipe succi citoniorum, panis zuccare ana lib. .i., aceti albi quar. .i.
et predicti pulveres ponantur in ista decoctione et fiat sirupus, unde
mirabiliter confert, id est stercora. Ubi ergo indurata sunt stercora, precedat
mollificativum et inscisivum subsequatur.
5
10
15
20
25
1 .i. et om. L / timeas PL / scr. PLB dr. V2 pulverizato PLB cribellato V
3 De clisteribus in margine V / et om. V 3–4 indiget medicina PL indigent com-
muniter V6 Nota quod clistere lenitivum secundum Avicennam fit sic: Recipe
oleum violarum, sucum foliorum sicle, vitelum ovi, zucarum rubeum, salnitrum. Fiat
clistere et valet in febribus putridis in margine V 8 clisteriorum V/ vero om.
V/ sunt
2
VP vero L om. B / mordicativa V/ post alia
3
add. L vero 9 solidativa V
consolidativa P10 Nota quomodo fit clistere mollificativum et ad quit valet in
margine V / mollificativum Vmordificativum P mundificativum L/ branquam V
10–11 herba violaria L11 conquassentur Vterantur PLB / decoquantur in aqua
PLB / coletur PL / admisceatur PLB 12 viol’ PL / butirum Pbutorum Vbutir-
icum L/ et totum B, et per totum V, et ideo P, et ro. L / unius lib. tr. PB / ingeratur B/ .i.
om. PB 13 habent Vsunt PLB / si sunt Lsunt VP / tota Lcontra VB corpora P
14 et infundere om. B / si L15 post debet add. PL fieri 16 Nota quomodo
fit clistere mordificativum in margine V / mordicativum V/ origanum calamentum V
17 et
1
om. V / concassentur V/ in aqua om. L / salviativa Psalviana Vsilviatina Lsali-
narina B18 furfur . . . coletur om. L / tri-ticeum Vcitrinum P19 admis-
ceatur VP/ apponantur (apponatur P) .iii. unc. PB 20 dr. .ii. V / per singula PLB
21 debent V/ iniciverti B22 Anum clistere purgat, pisaria vulvam, algaries
virgam, siringa convenit, auri vaso nasale fit gargarismus in ore in margine V / deinde
om. B / cotoniorum V/ panis om. P / zuccari V/ ana om. L / quartam PL 23 pre-
dictis P/ plures? V pulices? L 24 ante confert add. L valet al. / .i. stercora PL ster-
coribus induratis B om. V / ubi VLB si P25 infusivum PL
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 23
Mundificativum clistere sic fit: in aqua decoctionis lentium et ordei deco-
quatur furfur triticeus et coletur et ad pondus lib. unius. Et iniciatur per clistere.
Item. In aqua decoctionis lentium et ordei distemperetur mel dispumatum
et ad pondus lib. unius iniciatur per clistere.
Dico quod, si non iniciatur per algariam in vesicam mundificando,
mortificat fistulam in collo vesice factam. Singula istorum clisterium sunt in
dissinteria, ulcerationes et excoriationes mundificare et saniem constringere.
Post tractatum clisterium sequitur de consolidatione in dissinteriis. Vitella
ovorum distemperentur cum oleo ro<sarum> et iniciatur per clistere. Item pul-
verizentur gumi arabici, dyagraganti albi, distemperentur cum muscillagine
psillii et iniciantur per clistere. Item, bullias cepum yrcinum et inicias per clis-
tere. Singula istorum clisterium sunt post mundificationem in dissinteria
vulnera consolidare.
Sequitur de clisteribus laxativis et constrictivis. Quod autem clistere laxet
quoddam in calida, quoddam in frigida.
In calida sic fit: Recipe herbam viol<e>, brancham ursinam, absinthium et
mercuriale, cassentur et in aqua decoquantur cum furfure triticeo, colentur et
colature ponantur unc. .ii. olei viol’ et dr. .i. salis gemme, et admisceantur unc.
.iii. et sem. electuarii de succo ro<sato> et oximellis, et totum illud iniciatur
per clistere ad pondus lib. unius. Illud autem clistere fit in tertiana duplici.
Contra frigidam causam. Recipe absinthium, abrotanum, calamentum,
origanum,mercuriale et mentam. Ista decoquantur in aqua cum succo apii et
furfure triticeo, coletur et in colatura ponantur vel resoluantur dr. .iii. olei
communis et dr. .i. mellis et dr. .i. salis gemme et dr. .iii. yerapigre vel
benedicte et forti existenti natura iniciatur per clistere.
Singula et specialia huius clisteris sunt flegmaticos humores expellere ab
intestinis, yliacam et colicam passionem solvere.
5
10
15
20
25
1 Nota quomodo fit mundifficativum in margine V / clistere om. B / sic fit clistere V
2 ponatur L/ et
2
om. V / et
3
om. B / per clistere iniciatur L3–4 item . . . per
clistere om. PL 5 non om. VB / per algariam: algalia V6 mortificat VL
mundificat P mortificat B/ factam om. PLB / similia L/ clisteriorum V6–7 in
dissinteria om. P 7 saniem PL sanare V/ post constringere add. V et cetera
8 Nota ad consolidationem vulnera in dissinteriis in margine V 9 –10 pulverizetur
P10 dragraganti V/ muscillatione P11 iniciatur P12 similia L/ in
dissinteria om. P 13 vulnera Vvel ante Pvel natura L15 post calida add. P
causa / post in
2
add. PB causa 16 Nota clistere laxativum in materia calida in
margine V /post calida add. B causa / fiet B / herbam viole Vviolam et herbam solatrum
et Pviolam herbam et violatis Bviolas et herbarum violaciam et L/ branoran L/ urci-
nam P/ post ursinam add. PL et 17 mercurialem P/ concassentur V / furfura L/
tritica Ltritici B/ coletur L18 ponatur Pimponantur B / unc.: scr. Pdr. B / olei
violacei L/ et
1
om. V 19 electuarii LB de ellectuario V electuarium P/ et oximel-
lis: oximelle V20 clistere om. P 21 Contra clistere laxativum in materia
frigida in margine V / post causam add. B sic fit 22 mercuriale VL mercurialem P
mercurialis B/ coquantur L23 tritici L/ colentur P/ dr. .iii. Vdr. .i. Ldr. .ii. P
24 et
1
om. V / et
2
om. L / yerapigre Pgarapigre Vyeram Lyerapi B25 et om. P
26 clisteris om. P 26 –27 ab intestinis expellere P27 et om. V / solvere VL
expellere PHic est finis P [lat. 7061]
24 History of Universities
Constrictivum clistere sic fit contra causam calidam: Recipe succum
plantaginis, admisceatur equali pondere cum aqua pluviali decoctionis
rosarum foliorum nespuli, stribe et tornarie ru<bre> ana unc. .i. et sem.,
athanasie, totum illud iniciatur per clistere. Istius clisteris singularia sunt
dissinteriam curare et diarriam de causa calida et coleram alterare.
Contra frigidam causam sic fit. Aqua decoctionis utriusque ro<sarum>
canine, tapsi barbati, et tunc admisceatur dr. sem. athanasie vel miclate, et
totum ad pondus lib. unius iniciatur per clistere. Et singula huius clisteris sunt
lienteriam et diarriam de causa frigida curare.
Sequitur de suppositoriis quorum quedam sunt lenia, quedam acria,
quedam mediocria.
Lenia sic fiunt: Recipe lardum qui invenitur iuxta spinam dorsi et formetur
ad modum candele et ponatur in aqua frigida ut indurescat et demum
unguatur cum oleo viol<aceo> et supponatur.
Item potest fieri in febre continua et interpolata et in die cretico et lactante
etate.
Item aliud. Intingatur medulla caulium cum oleo violaceo vel communi
et supponatur.
Mediocria suppositoria sic fiunt: De sapone et panico formetur candela
et intingatur cum oleo et supponatur.
Item aliud. Bulliatur mel in testa usquequo incipiat denigrescere et tunc
deponatur ab igne et admisceatur salis pulverizati fortissime et tunc iniciatur
in aqua frigida et formentur candele et intingatur cum oleo communi et
supponatur.
Item aliud. Recipe unc. .i. butiri et unc. sem. aluminis de pluvia et dr. .ii.
succi mercurialis et fiat unguentum. Cum illo unguento lardus vel medulla
caulium ungatur et supponatur. Et idem potest fieri in causis predictis in die
cretico.
5
10
15
20
25
1 Nota de clisteri constrictivo contra materiam calidam in margine V / causam calidam
VB coli<c>am? L3 mespili B/ stribe V, et sbrbt .i. L, et sorberii B, <strigne> for-
tasse melius? / et tornarie V.i. cornu r L/ .i. et: lns L4 arthanasie Varthanazie B
/ et totum istud LB / singularia sunt Lest omnia super V5 et diarriam LB diarria
V/ calida et coleram om. L 6 Nota de clisteri constrictivo contra materiam
frigidam in margine V 7 barbari V/ et om. V / admisceantur L/ miclate Lmiclete
V8 ad om. V 9 curare Vremediare et mundare Ldesiccare et intercidere B
10 Nota de suppositoriis in margine V 12 quod L/ iuxta om. L 13 demum
om. L 14 inungatur L/ supponatur: sic ponatur B15 fieri potest L
15–16 lactanti etate Blactanti etati Vlactate etate L17 caulis LB 18 sup-
ponatur VB sic apponatur L19 subpositoria LB clistera V/ et panico et Bspan-
ico Vet spanice L/ ferentur L20 inungatur L/ cum: in B21 bullitis? L
22 admisceantur L/ sal pulverizatum L23 frigidissima B/ informentur L/ post
candele add. Binde / communi om. B 25 aliud recipe Valiter accipe Lrecipe aliter
B/ sem.: .i. B/ dr.: unc. B26 de succo mercurial’ L/ et om. V / ante cum add. B et
/ illo om. L 27 ungatur LB inungatur V/ illud V/ in LB et V28 post cretico
add. V et ceteris
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 25
Acria suppositoria et fortiora sic fiunt: <Recipe> Ieralogodion, ierapigra
vel aliis medicinis huiusmodi.
Item aliud. Fel taurinum desiccatum et ad ignem inferens suppositorium ut
supradictum facta inmissione cum oleo communi et supponatur.
Item aliud. Suppositorium de sale et melle cum dr. sem. scamonee et dr. .i.
aloe et ungatur cum oleo communi et supponatur.
Item. In causis frigidis similiter debet poni, unde valent yliacis, colicis et
tenasmoni de grosso flegmate et contra melancoliam et nefreticam passionem
et sciaticam.
Et nota quod ista fortiora suppositoria non sunt danda habentibus
intestina desiccata, quia magis desiccarent nisi in habentibus induratas
superfluitates prime digestionis, et hoc nisi precesserit infusivum et remollit-
ivum suppositorium.
<De suppositoriis et pessariis matricis>
De suppositoriis et pessariis matricis similiter valent ad provocandum.
Accipe ergo artemisiam, abrotanum, savinam, calendulam, de unaquaque
M. .i. Decoquantur in aqua donec tota virtus mandetur liquori, coletur et
addantur dr. .ii. salis gemme et in equali quantitate vel butiri. Iniciatur per
pessarium in matricem et debet esse longius et grossius quam clistere et usque
ad medium intromitti et iaceat mulier quamdiu poterit, sicut dictum est de
viro clisterizando; deinde obturetur orificium matricis exterius et sustineat
mulier quamdiu poterit. Hoc potenter menstrua provocat prehabente inunc-
tione circa umbilicum et regionem matricis cum oleo laurino.
Similiter fiat suppositorium de trifera magna vel theodoricon empericon ad
quantitatem minoris digiti. Si mollis sit, ponatur semina nigelle cum eo et
incorporentur ut inde possint magdaliones fieri. Sed sumatur in panno lineo
subtili et extra pendeat candela cum ligetur crus ut possit extrahi quando
voluerit mulier et teneat per quinque vel per sex horas vel quamdiu poterit. Si
forte remaneat fiat balneatio dulcis aque.
5
10
15
20
25
30
1 acria VB activa L/ sic fiunt V sunt Lsunt sic B/ yeralogo vel yaripigra B2 modis
L/ huiusmodi om. LB 3 aliud Valio modo L, add. LB recipe / taurium L/ post
desiccatum add. L desiccetur / inferens Lin formis Vet inde formes B/ ut VL et B
4 supradictum om. VB / inunctione L/ et om. B / supponitur L5 aliter L,post
aliter add. L acu.. / felle et melle L/ cum om. L 5 –6 item . . . supponatur om. B
7 Item . . . yliacis om. L / post yliacis add. B et 8 tenasmoni: huiusmodi B/ nefre-
neticam V9 post sciaticam add. V et cetera 10 non sunt danda om. L, in B
11 quia om. B / nisi in Vnec Lnisi B12 ante et hoc add. L non competit / remolli-
tur LB 17 Nota pessarium ad provocationem menstruorum in margine V
18 add. L et post calendulam 20 addatur V/ et om. L 21 et
3
om. V
24 potenter VB pacienter L24 preexistente? L26 thedoricon L
27 minori L/ et cum eo LB 28 exinde L/ fieri magdeliones L29 cum
ligetur Vtunc ligetur Lconligetur B30 volueris? L/ per
2
om. L / horis L
31 dulcis aquae tr. LB
26 History of Universities
Contra nimium fluxum menstruorum. Fiat pessarium de ypoquistidos,
acacia, cortice malagranati et gallarum, terantur et distemperentur cum succo
plantaginis, ita quod sit inter durum et molle et spissum et tenue. Et iniciatur
per pessarium ut prius dictum est.
Contra eandem causam fiat suppositorium. Supradicta omnia pistentur et
fiat cum succo plantaginis quasi pasta, ita quod fiant magdaliones et simul
cum predicto panno intromitte.
Nota tamen quod in quolibet suppositorio vel pessario debet precedere
balneum competens, si velis provocare menstrua cum calidis et si restringere
cum frigidis.
Nota quod non debent fieri adiunctoria nisi in tempore illo in quo solebant
habere menstrua.
Decoctio radicis brusci, sparagi, petrosilini, calamenti minoris, in tempore
in quo fluere solebant, menstrua optime educunt et provocant menstrua.
Nota quod nullus fluxus menstruorum debet restringi quamdiu mulier
possit tolerare.
Nota quod in nimio fluxu matricis competit medicina laxativa, sicut in
nimio fluxu ventris ad purgandum humorem corruptum, sicut sunt mirabolani,
vel flebotomia virtute forti existente si veniat ex plenitudine, cuius signum est
quod vene sunt plene.
Item. Ad provocandum menstrua, recipe acori et deinde recipe elleborum
album et pulverizentur, et postea misceantur cum pice navali et cum illa mixtione
illinietur radix acori. Hoc est expertum in retentione antiqua menstruorum.
Item. In precipitatione matricis vel ad extractionem secundine quando
remanet post partum valet sternutatio facta cum illo semine croceo quod est
inter folia lilii.
Item. Quedam mulier patiebatur fluxum menstruorum et precedente
flebotomia fuit sibi istud electuarium ministratum. Recipe pulverem trium
sandalorum, dyagraganti frigidi, ana dr. .iii., coralli rub<ri>, boli armeni,
sanguinis draconis ana dr. sem., panis zuccari lib. .i., fiat electuarium cum
decoctione sequenti: recipe plantaginis, sanguinarie ana M. .i.; balaustiarum,
5
10
15
20
25
30
1 Nota contra nimium fluxum menstruorum in margine V 2 post acacia add. V et
/ galla Lgala B5 omnia om. L 5 –7 contra . . . intromitte om. B 7
panno predicto L9 et om. L 11 nota: notandum est B/ debet L/ illo om. V
/ solebant LB consueverunt V13 sparagi om. V / calamenta L/ ante in add. L
propinari?, add. B preparata 13–14 tempore in L tempore ministrate Vtempore
B14 educunt . . . menstrua Veducit menstruam Leducunt menstrui B17
ante Nota add. L item 18 nimio om. LB / humorem om. L 19 existente forti
LB / si veniat VB conveniat L21 Nota. Ad provocandum menstrua in margine V
/ elleborum VB oleum L22 immixtione V23 illinietur VB inmitatur L/
hoc om. B / est expertum Vest preceptum Lexpertum est B/ m. Vmenstrua Lmenstrui
B24 Nota ad precipitationem matricis in margine V / ad om. L 26 inter: in
L27 menstruorum LB matricis V28 fuit sibi istud Vfuit factum i[llu]d L
dabitur istud B/ ministratum om. LB / pulm’is L28 –29 triasandal. L29–30
boli armoniaci sandalis draconis LB 30 zuccare LB 31 sequentis L/ .i. om.
L
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 27
mirtillorum, sumach ana dr. .i. et fiat decoctio cum aqua pluviali, isto utetur
et fuit curata.
Contra dolorem ex quo provenit aliquando suffocatio et etiam contra
relaxationem, ita quod aliquando exit extra. Contra dolorem post partum
recipe picis dulcis, puey, peroyna, ana dr. .i., cere dr. .i., mumie dr. .i., olibani,
masticis ana dr. sem.; fenugreci pulverizati, ana dr. .i.; zinziberis, gariofilo-
rum ana dr. .ii.; seminum nasturtii dr. sem. Pulverizentur et fiat emplastrum
et retine de seminibus et mastice, fenugreci et olibani et aspergat super
emplastrum et de emplastro ponatur super umbilicum in parva quantitate
et super anchas in maiori bene usque ad quantitatem manus. Et stet ibi usque
sit curata. Et utatur de epithimate cum festucis, ubi sit pulveris de galanga et
zinzibere et de pulveribus aliis.
Item. Ad hoc ut menstrua educantur, potes de succo de senicio ad quanti-
tatem unius unc. et statim educit.
Item. Contra dolorem et exitum matricis. Recipe timianie et decoquatur in
oleo communi et involve bombacem in illo oleo et postea pone in matrice et
statim curatur.
Et item facit contra dolorem capitis ex percussione si unguatur. Idem facit
in capite cuiuscumque animalis.
Item. Contra ydropisim vel contra inflationem matricis. Recipe foliorum
maluarum mundatarum recentium, bulliatur in vino bono et rubeo et oleo,
ana quod sufficiat, et postea exprimantur fortiter et emplastrentur recte supra
pectinem et cum infrigidatum fuerit illud emplastrum reiteretur de aliis per
eundem modum.
<Contra inflationem testiculorum>
Item. Contra inflationem testiculorum. Fiat primo subfumigium de aqua
calida ad apertionem pororum et postea immittatur agrippa, deinde fiat
emplastrum de fimo caprino et sepo arietino et thure, et ad ulti<mu>m minu-
tionem vene sophene fac aperire interiori et sic multi curati sunt.
5
10
15
20
25
30
1 dr.: unc. B/ isto utetur om. LB 2 post fuit add. V perfecte 3 ante contra
add. L et / aliquando suffocatio tr. B / suffocationem L/ etiam om. B 4 laxa-
tionem L/ ita VL uteri B/ ante contra add. LB et / Contra dolorem post partum in
margine V / post partum add. L et cetera 5 picis dulcis Vpiscis de B/ dr. Vunc. B
5–12 recipe picis . . . aliis om. L 5 ante mumie add. B et 7 dr. sem. B/ pul-
verizanda V8 sparge B10 quousque B11 galanglia B12 de
om. B 13 Ad provocandum menstrua in margine V / ut Vquod L/ potes Lpotet
V13–14 item . . . unc. om. B 14 unc. et Lamigdale V/ educet B15
timianie VL timyane B16 involute L/ post eo VB 17 curat LB 18 et
idem LB item V/ inungatur Linunguatur B/ idem Vet n
a
? L 19 cuiuslibet L
20 contra
2
om. LB 21 recentium om. L / bulliatur Vbulliantur Let buliatur B/
bono vino LB / et
1
om. L 22 quod VL prout B/ exprimatur L/ emplastretur L
23 infrigidatur L/ fuerit VB facit L/ de aliis om. L 24 modum eundem L28
Nota contra inflationem testiculorum in margine V / subfumiga
m
L29 ad VB ab
L/ inungatur L30 tere L/ et thure et om. B 30 –31 minutionem: minutio-
nis et L31 et om. B
28 History of Universities
<Ad malum appetitum convalescentium>
Si convalescentes appetant male propter discrasiam derelictam ab egritudine
competit sibi sirupus quem ponit Rasis in fine Almansoris. Recipe succi cito-
niorum, panis zuccari ana lib. .i.; aceti albi quar. .i., fiat sirupus et hoc fiat in
discrasia calida cuius signum est quia convalescens sitit.
Si autem discrasia sit frigida vel stomachus sit debilis fiat iste sirupus.
Recipe masticis, spice nardi, gariofilati ana dr. .i., pulverizentur et ponantur
in panno lineo. Deinde recipe succi citoniorum, panis zuccare ana lib. .i., aceti
albi quar. .i. Et predicti pulveres ponantur in ista decoctione et fiat sirupus et
utatur, quoniam est mirabilis iuvamenti et est expertum et cetera.
Explicit modus practice magistri Galterii [!] de Biterris. Deo gratias.
1 Ad malum apetitum convalescentium in margine V 3 post si add. B tamen
4 sibi sirupus quem VB sicut quod L4–5 sucorum B5 quar. .i. Vquar. et
L/ sirupus om. L / fiat
2
om. L 6 sitim?Lsitiret? B8 spice LB spica V
10–11 et utatur quoniam est om. LB 11–12 mirabilis . . . Deo gratias Vunde
mirabiliter confert Lvini mirabiliter confert. In secula benedictus. Amen. Explicit
informatio magistri Gheraldi de Biterris B
APPENDIX C
<Documentum magistri Guillelmi de Biterris>
(Ms. Paris BN nouv. acq. lat. 343, fol. 48va–b)
Nota documentum magistri G. de Biterris.
Recipe mellis albi cum octo partibus aque dulcis quod potest poni loco
zuccari, tam in calidis quam in frigidis morbis; bulliendo dispumetur et postea
reservetur ad usum in sirupis pauperum.
Item contra tertianam et contra calorem febrilem qui datur sine periculo
et vocatur iulep: Recipe succi cucurbite assate cum pasta in furno .iiii. lib.,
zuccari lib. iiii
or
, ponendo in cassia ad ignem factum de carbonibus sine fumo
aque ro<sate> ultimo lib. .ii., camphore unc. .i. (48vb)
Sed primo considera domum infirmi, si sit recte opposita venti
boreali; si non, potest habere talem domum habeans(?) flabellum et expelle
a domo vapores, post riga ipsam domum cum aqua dulci actualis frigiditatis.
Iterum fac colligere foliam vitium albarum et salicum et talium aerem refrig-
erantium. Sed iube ut infirmus stet bene cohopertus, ut non subintret aer
frigidus.
Item fac talem iulep levissimum quod tenetur communiter in apotheca,
quod quidem fit cum aqua dulci et panis zuccari.
5
10
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 29
Item sirupum talem acetosum: Recipe .iii. partes aque et .i. aceti clari.
Item cum visitabis infirmos, considera si sunt consueti facere flebotomias;
et si delent in partibus p<ector>alibus, flebotomabis de vena epatica, si per
totum corpus de toto corpore.
Item si habet talem febrem quod non possit dormire, administra de sirupo
papaveris albi vel de nenupharino vel de predicto cucurbitarum, que multum
confortant.
Item cum ardentibus febribus talem sirupum fac: Recipe radicis bruci,
sparagi, graminis recentis, endivie, scariole, lactuce, siccoree, rosci porcini,
epatice caprine recentis, ana .M. .ii.; iiii
or
seminum frigidorum, seminis endi-
vie, scariole, ana dr. .i. Si sit tuciculosus, adde dragagantum, gumi arabici,
ana unc. .iii.; iuiube, sebesten, ana numero .xx.; violarum dr. .iii. Si fuerit con-
stipatus, florum borraginis, buglose, ana dr. .ii., sandali albi et ru<bri> ana
unc. .iii., ro<sarum> dr. .i., ordei mundati lib. .i. et sem., prunorum pinguium
.xxx., aceti albi dr. .ii. Dum tamen in pectore non patiantur, panis zuccari
alexandrini lib. .i. et sem.; fiat sirupus.
Item quandoque remanent reliquie tamen deme herbas frigidas.
Item potest facere aquam laxativam: Recipe tamarindorum, prunorum,
violarum, iuiube, ana dr. .iii.
Item talem fac purgativum: Recipe cassie fistule dr. .i, de cero caprino ut
bene distemperetur, et propina simpliciter si sit delicatus. Si vis ut sit magis
laxa<tivu>m, adde reubarbari unc. .i., spica nardi scr. .i.
Item potest facere pulcram decoctionem: Recipe folliculorum sene,
florum boraginis, viole, ana dr. .ii., cassiefistule dr. .i., prunorum .xx., fiat
decoctio usque ad lib. .i., tamen si sit materia flegmatica, de agarico scr.
.i. adde.
Nota preparatum: Recipe mirabalanorum citrinorum dr. .i., kebulorum
et indorum ana dr. sem., istorum conterantur grossa contritione lacte
amigdalarum dulcium dr. .viii. et contempera; et adde reubarbari unc. .i. vel
de spica nardi unc. sem. Misseantur et in crastinum colabis.
Item post purgabis rustices cum reliquie curabis curare in acutis febribus
cum electuario de succo ro<sarum> unc. .iii., esule scr. .i.
Item utere in febribus ardentibus talibus epithimatibus: Recipe succi
lactuce, aque ro<sate>, ana lib. .i.; in regione epatis pones pannos infusos et
expressos in istis supradictis succis; pauperibus sufficit succum tar . . . ,
ratione pauperiei.
Item quandoque pones in pultibus de sandal<o> citri<ni> dr. .i., farina
ordei dr. .iii. (pauperibus dr. .i. succi sempervive cum oleo ro<sato>), et
farina ordei ut magis adereat.
Fac talem confortativum seu restaurativum: Recipe zuccara alexandrina,
dyabuglose, ana quar. sem., margaritarum dr. .i, limatura? auri et argenti,
osis de corde cervi, ana unc. .i., smaracdorum et saphirorum scr. sem.
divitibus.
30 History of Universities
REFERENCES
1. A convenient summary of the medieval medical faculty at Montpellier,
with lists of the faculty’s known compositions, is given in Luke E.
Demaitre, ‘Bernard de Gordon (ca. 1258–ca. 1318): A Representative
of the Montpellier Academic Tradition’, Ph.D. thesis (City University of
New York, 1973), 460–98.
2. Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Cancillería [hereafter ACA], reg. 120,
fol. 142 (see Appendix A, doc. 1).
3. On the early history of the studium at Lleida, see Ramón Gaya Massot,
‘Provision de cátedras en el estudio general de Lérida’, Analecta Sacra
Tarraconensia, 30 (1958), 233–96; on medical teaching there in that
period, see Michael McVaugh and Luis García Ballester, ‘The Medical
Faculty at Lérida in the Early Fourteenth Century’, History of
Universities, 8 (1989), 1–25.
4. A document of 8 July 1301 records the sale of half an oven in Montpellier
to ‘Ricarde filie Bernardi Fabri de Cajarlo, uxori magistri Guillelmi
Gauberti, alias cognominati de Bicterris, magistri in medicina’. L.
Guiraud, ‘Recherches topographiques sur Montpellier au Moyen Âge’,
Publications de la Société Archéologique de Montpellier, 2nd ser., no. 2,
p. 209. See also Pierre Pansier, ‘Documents pour servir à l’histoire de la
Faculté de médecine de Montpellier au Moyen Âge’, Montpellier médical,
21 (1905), 593; reprinted in Monspeliensis Hippocrates, no. 3 (1959), 9.
5. ACA, reg. 124, fol. 238v [2 docs.; 2 non. Jul. 1302] (see Appendix A, doc.
2).
6. ACA, reg. 125, fol. 59r–v (see Appendix A, doc. 3). Also published by
Antoni Rubió y Lluch, Documents per l’Història de la Cultura Catalana
Mig-eval (Barcelona, 1908–21), ii. 13–14 (doc. 16).
7. Above, n. 2. The first letter, dated 14 kls. Dec. 1301, was followed by a
second summons on 4 non. Jan. 1302 (ACA, reg. 120, fol. 190r); Guillem
made the trip and was paid 109 sous for expenses on 6 May 1302
(Eduardo González Hurtebise, Libros de tesorería de la casa real de
Aragón [Barcelona, 1911], no. 124).
8. González Hurtebise, nos. 232–33.
9. González Hurtebise, no. 269 [1 Aug. 1302]; ACA, reg. 125, fol. 35r [9 kals.
Sep. 1302]; ACA, reg. 294, fols. 70r, 75v–76r [3 id. Sep. 1302].
10. González Hurtebise, nos. 1089–90 [2 Jun. 1303]; ACA, reg. 294, fol. 127r
[1 Jul. 1303]; ACA, reg. 269, fol. 222 [17 kls. Aug. 1303].
11. ACA, reg. 201, fol. 7v [6 kls. Jul. 1303] (see Appendix A, doc. 4).
12. ACA, reg. 269, fol. 170 [12 kls. May 1303].
13. ACA, reg. 130, fol. 159v [10 kls. Nov. 1303] (see Appendix A, doc. 5);
ACA, reg. 294, fol. 145v [4 id. Nov. 1303].
14. ACA, reg. 235, fol. 18 [id. Feb. 1304] (see Appendix A, doc. 8).
15. ACA, reg. 235, fol. 28v [5 id. Mar. 1304] (see Appendix A, doc. 9).
16. ACA, reg. 235, fol. 32v [15 kls. Apr. 1304] (see Appendix A, doc. 10);
González Hurtebise, 1832 [24 Mar. 1304]; ACA, reg. 294, fol. 187v [Mar.
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 31
1304]. The king summoned Jacobus again to Tortosa in late spring of that
year (ACA, reg. 235, fol. 69r [15 kls. Jun. 1304]; reg. 294, fol. 224v [Sep.
1304], and yet again in September (ACA, reg. 235, fol. 140 [7 kls. Oct.
1304] ). Jacobus was still practicing in Lleida in August 1308 (Lleida,
Arxiu de la Paheria, reg. 771, fols. 36v, 77).
17. ACA, reg. 258, fol. 95v [15 kls. Apr. 1304] (see Appendix A, doc. 11);
ACA, reg. 294, fol. 187 [March 1304]; González Hurtebise, nos. 1818,
1822 [18 Mar. 1304].
18. ACA, reg. 294, fol. 224v [Sep. 1304]; ACA, Cartas Reales, Jaume II,
cuenta 61.
19. ACA, reg. 135, fol. 9v [17 kls. May 1305] (see Appendix A, doc. 12). The
document refers to her as ‘Ricarda Fabreza’; cf. n. 4 above.
20. It is tempting to infer Guillem’s absence in 1305 from a letter sent to
Jaume II from Perugia in June of that year by ‘G. de Biterris’—an extract
of which was published by Heinrich Finke (Acta Aragonensia [rpt. Aalen,
1968], I, 194)—announcing the election of Clement V as pope. However,
we doubt it is the same Guillem. The author of the letter (ACA, Cartas
Reales, Jaume II, apendice general 12) refers to himself only as ‘clericus’,
not as ‘medicus’ or ‘magister in medicina’, titles that our Guillem always
used in his surviving correspondence. Nor does the outline of the letter’s
seal match those of genuine Guillem letters. Besides, there is no evidence
to suggest that the physician Guillem ever traveled outside Spain and
southern France.
21. See Appendix A, doc. 13. The letter is not actually dated ‘1305’, but only
‘Wednesday before the feast of St. Martin’. However, 1302–4 and 1306
can be eliminated, since Guillem did attend the king in the summers
of those years. It remains possible that it is from 1307—and that it was
written by Guillem a year after he had left the kingdom for the last time—
but the tone and content make it more consistent with the evidentiary
record of the earlier date.
22. ACA, reg. 295, fol. 59r [Aug. 1306].
23. ACA, reg. 270, fol. 41v [10 kls. Nov. 1305].
24. ACA, reg. 270, fol. 180r–v [4 id. Sep. 1306].
25. Michael R. McVaugh, Medicine before the Plague: Practitioners and
Their Patients in the Crown of Aragon 1285–1345 (Cambridge, 1993),
13–14.
26. ACA, reg. 139, fol. 77v [10 kls. Nov. 1306] (see Appendix A, doc. 14).
27. Though at the end of 1307 his nephew Boniface d’Aniane was granted
permission to take a horse out of Jaume’s realms: ACA, reg. 204, fol. 116
[3 non. Dec. 1307] (see Appendix A, doc. 15).
28. ‘Nov. 20 [1321]. de mandato pape ex dono ipsius facto mag. Guill’o de
Biterris phisico suo 100 fl. . . .
Sept. 29 [1322]. de mandato pape tradidimus mag. Guill’o de Biterris,
phisico Montis Pessulani, ex dono, quod dominus noster mandavit sibi
fieri, cum esset recessurus, 100 fl. (quod numeravimus d. R. de Manso,
presbitero dioc. Bitteren., capellano suo)’: K. H. Schäfer, Die Ausgaben
32 History of Universities
der apostolischen Kammer unter Johann XXII (Paderborn, 1911), 426,
428. The florin in which these grants are recorded was worth about 18
sous of Barcelona (Schäfer, 900–1). Guillem was never the pope’s
primary physician; that role belonged to Geoffroi Isnard all through
John XXII’s reign.
29. A. Germain, ed., Cartulaire de l’Université de Montpellier (Montpellier,
1890), I, 249–50 (no. 39; 3 kls. Aug. 1320).
30. Ernest Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire biographique des médecins en France
au moyen âge (Geneva, 1936), 244 n. 4. Nevertheless, it should be empha-
sized that Schäfer (above, n. 28) provides no evidence of John XXII’s
indebtedness to Guillem before 1321.
31. ACA, reg. 301, fol. 123 [2 docs.; 16 kls. May 1321].
32. ACA, Cartas Reales, Jaume II, apendice general 92—‘scriptum Avinione
die lune ante festum beati Johannis’ [22 Jun. 1321] (see Appendix A,
doc. 16).
33. Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Real Patrimonio (hereafter RP), reg.
288, fol. 30v [Jul. 1322]; ACA, reg. 301, fols. 231v–232 [8 kls. Jul. 1322].
34. ACA, reg. 496, fols. 169v–170 [7 id. Aug. 1330]; reg. 500, fol. 293v [19 kls.
Jun. 1333]; RP, reg. 634, fol. 73 [12 May 1333] (see Appendix A, doc. 17).
35. See below, Appendix A, documents 6–7. It is impossible to establish
a date for this episode. Jaume and Alfons were born in 1296 and 1299,
respectively, several years before Guillem began serving the royal family.
The prioress also refers in these letters to an unnamed infanta whom she
is taking to Sigena—most likely Blancha, who was brought up at Sigena
and eventually succeeded Teresa d’Urrea as prioress. But this does not
help to date the letters either, since Blancha was born in March 1302,
shortly after Guillem arrived in the Crown of Aragon. We suspect that
they were written between 1303, when Blancha would perhaps have been
able to leave the court, and 1306, when Guillem returned to Montpellier
for good. See Michael McVaugh, ‘The Births of the Children of Jaime II’,
Medievalia, 6 (1986), 7–16.
36. See Appendix A, document 13.
37. ‘Potest fieri conditum ex gariofilis et nucis muscate galange pipere et
consimilibus (vel ex piretro quod conperitur conferre valde epilencie);
unde sciendum quod cum queritur per ipsum stomaci confortacio, fiat
cum zinzibere sicco ac detur cum vino infusionis eiusdem’: Arnau de
Vilanova, Antidotarium (Valencia, 1495; rpt. Burriana, 1985), cap. xxxiv.
38. See below, Appendix B.
39. ‘Si convalescentes appetant male propter discrasiam derelictam ab egri-
tudine competit sibi sirupus quem ponit Rasis in fine Almansoris. Recipe
succi citoniorum, panis zuccari ana libra .i.; aceti albi quar. .i., fiat siru-
pus; et hoc fiat in discrasia calida cuius signum est quia convalescens sitit’:
below, Appendix B, p. 28. Guillem is referring to Almansor X.35, which
is indeed the last chapter of that work: ‘Recipe succi citoniorum aceto-
sorum partem .i., zuchari tabarzet partem .i., aceti quartam partis unius,
Guillem de Béziers and His Informatio scolaribus suis 33
deinde hec omnia coquantur et diligenter dispumentur, et bibant ex hoc
convalescentes quibus multa dominatur caliditas’ (ed. Venice, 1497, fol.
60v). Thirst as a diagnostic sign seems, characteristically, to be Guillem’s
own contribution.
40. Arnau de Vilanova, De intentione medicorum; vol. V.1 of Arnaldi de
Villanova Opera Medica Omnia (Barcelona, 2000), 176; Demaitre,
‘Bernard de Gordon’, 856.
41. ‘Idem etiam medicus habebat quendam socium in quodam loco solemni
qui regebat quendam egrum noviter pre ira et tristitia lapsum in ethicam,
et ad evitandum elementa tristitie fecerat ipsum poni in quadam camera
pulchra et noviter edita. Deteriorabatur autem patiens de die in diem sub
regimine eius et inciderat stricturam pectoris et cephaleam. Cum ergo
illum locum iam transiret predictus medicus intuitu [ed.: in tumultu] socii
sui visitavit infirmum, cuius hystoriam per socium iam intellexerat.
Consideravit ergo inter se qualitatem et conditionem camere et invenit
parietes quod erant gipsii et solum cemen<ta>tum et structura nova; fecit
ergo mutari eum in aliam cameram congruam, et infra biduum cessavit
dolor capitis et pectoris strictura’: Arnau de Vilanova, Repetitio super
Vita brevis, in Opera Arnaldi (Lyons, 1520), fol. 281rb.
42. Below, Appendix B, p. 24.
43. Edited below, Appendix C.
44. Monica Green, ‘Women’s Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval
Europe’, Signs 14 (1989), esp. 457– 60.
45. Nancy G. Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils (Princeton, 1981), 278;
see also 27980, 282–3.
46. Professor Monica Green has confirmed this impression, formed by our
study of her book The Trotula: A Medieval Compendium of Women’s
Medicine (Philadelphia, 2001).
47. McVaugh, ‘Births’, 16.
48. For other examples of a different kind, see Michael McVaugh, ‘Two
Montpellier Recipe Collections,’ Manuscripta, 20 (1976), 17580.
49. The manuscript is described by Ludwig Schuba, Die medizinischen
Handschriften der Codices Palatini Latini in der Vatikanischen Bibliothek
(Wiesbaden, 1981), 237–45.
50. See Michael McVaugh, ‘Two Montpellier Recipe Collections’,
Manuscripta, 20 (1976), 177–8.
... Again during the Modern period the medicinal properties of these fruits were the main reason why they were imported to Western Europe (Hill 1751; Anonymous 1784). Precisely in our region, their use was prescribed by the Montpellier Doctor Guilhem de Béziers (end 13th–beginning 14th century A.D.) (Mc Vaugh et al. 2003). The two prescriptions by Guilhem de Béziers associate sebesten fruits and jujubes (Mc Vaugh et al. 2003 ). ...
... Precisely in our region, their use was prescribed by the Montpellier Doctor Guilhem de Béziers (end 13th–beginning 14th century A.D.) (Mc Vaugh et al. 2003). The two prescriptions by Guilhem de Béziers associate sebesten fruits and jujubes (Mc Vaugh et al. 2003 ). Around the end of the 18th–begin- ning of the 19th century the importation of dried sebesten fruits to France appears to have declined due to their replacement by jujubes; this species, with similar therapeutic properties, was by then cultivated in Southern France, Italy and Spain (Barbier 1837, Mouchon 1848). ...
... During the 12th– 13th centuries, the University of Montpellier is highly influenced by Jewish-Arab Medicine, partly as a result of the presence of Arab and Jewish individuals, some teaching , others translating the texts by the great Arab doctors (Harant and Vidal 1955). Guilhem de Béziers himself had a great regard for the Jewish-Arab Medicine (Mc Vaugh et al. 2003). ...
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Archaeobotanical studies carried out by rescue archaeology at Nîmes and Marseille (Southern France) provided evidence of Cordia myxa during the 2nd and 3rd centuries a.d. The fruit stones were found both waterlogged in domestic contexts and charred in a cremation grave (plant offering). Data from these finds and a survey of historical documents and archaeobotanical literature are combined here to discuss the origins and uses of these fruits in the western world. Keywords Cordia myxa –Roman period–Trade–Mediterranean
233 -96; on medical teaching there in that period, see Michael McVaugh and Luis García Ballester, 'The Medical Faculty at Lérida in the Early Fourteenth Century
On the early history of the studium at Lleida, see Ramón Gaya Massot, 'Provision de cátedras en el estudio general de Lérida', Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia, 30 (1958), 233 -96; on medical teaching there in that period, see Michael McVaugh and Luis García Ballester, 'The Medical Faculty at Lérida in the Early Fourteenth Century', History of Universities, 8 (1989), 1-25.
Ricarde filie Bernardi Fabri de Cajarlo, uxori magistri Guillelmi Gauberti, alias cognominati de Bicterris, magistri in medicina
  • L Guiraud
A document of 8 July 1301 records the sale of half an oven in Montpellier to 'Ricarde filie Bernardi Fabri de Cajarlo, uxori magistri Guillelmi Gauberti, alias cognominati de Bicterris, magistri in medicina'. L. Guiraud, 'Recherches topographiques sur Montpellier au Moyen Âge', Publications de la Société Archéologique de Montpellier, 2nd ser., no. 2, p. 209. See also Pierre Pansier, 'Documents pour servir à l'histoire de la Faculté de médecine de Montpellier au Moyen Âge', Montpellier médical, 21 (1905), 593; reprinted in Monspeliensis Hippocrates, no. 3 (1959), 9.
125, fol. 59r-v (see Appendix A, doc. 3). Also published by Antoni Rubió y Lluch, Documents per l'Història de la Cultura Catalana Mig-eval
  • Reg Aca
ACA, reg. 125, fol. 59r-v (see Appendix A, doc. 3). Also published by Antoni Rubió y Lluch, Documents per l'Història de la Cultura Catalana Mig-eval (Barcelona, 1908-21), ii. 13 -14 (doc. 16).
269, fol. 170 [12 kls
  • Reg Aca
ACA, reg. 269, fol. 170 [12 kls. May 1303].
130, fol. 159v [10 kls
  • Reg Aca
ACA, reg. 130, fol. 159v [10 kls. Nov. 1303] (see Appendix A, doc. 5);