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European Journal of Social Sciences
ISSN 1450-2267 Vol. 59 No 2 April, 2020, pp. 123-137
http://www.europeanjournalofsocialsciences.com/
123
Transnationalization, Exportation, and Capitalization of
Turkish Television and its Impact on the
Audience of the Egypt and Pakistan
Musa Khan
Department of Radio, TV and Cinema, Faculty of Communication
Istanbul University, Turkey
E-mail: Musakhan_85@yahoo.com
Ulrike Rohn
Professor of Media Management and Economics
Baltic Film, Media, Arts and Communication School (BFM)
Tallinn University, Estonia
E-mail: ulrike.rohn@tlu.ee
Abstract
Television plays an effective role in cross-cultural and political communication, gaining
soft power, contributing to social revolution, and tying together nations of different
background and cultures. Over the last two decades, Turkey has adopted a strategy of
multidimensional public diplomacy whereby Turkish media (Television) exports and
capitalization have emerged as a public and commercial cultural diplomacy tool. This
article focuses on the widespread impact of Turkish television productions in the context of
social, psychological, cultural, and economic impact, covering cultural exportation through
TV serials, cultural-encounters, and capitalization—i.e., content sale, indirect
advertisement, and media-induced tourism. Empirical data has been collected from the
sample of two regions, South Asia (Pakistan) and the Middle East (Egypt). The results
denote that the majority of respondents preferred to watch historical and contemporary TV
serials. Following the social, psychological, and cultural impact, the respondents have
diverse opinions regarding its impact on their personal behavior and social lives, indicating
the existence of both active and passive audience. A large number of respondents believe
that Turkish TV serials are a source of inspiration to visit Turkey and/or buy Turkish
products. One of the main reasons for choosing Turkish TV serials among foreign contents
is "Cultural Proximity."
Keywords: Transnationalization, Turkish TV Serials, Capitalization, Cultural exportation,
Cultural encounters, Cultural proximity.
Introduction
In international encounters, countries often employ soft power resources to shape an environment for
policy, according to Pilon (2005). She further points out that this influence may take a long time to
produce the desired outcomes (Pilon, 2005). As for Olson, countries such as the USA, Britain, China,
France, Germany, Japan, South Korea, Turkey, India, and Russia spend enormous sums on media as a
tool of public diplomacy in order to acquire soft power in specific regions and around the world
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)
124
(Olson, 1999). Olson adds that behind the success of the US media abroad lie not cultural reasons but
primarily political and economic ones (Olson, 1999). As Wagnleitner (2000) states, in 1937, Britain’s
Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, realized that in regards to the new communications, “It is perfectly
true, of course, that good cultural propaganda cannot remedy the damage caused by a bad foreign
policy, but it is no exaggeration to say that even the best of diplomatic policies may fail if it neglects
the task of interpretation and persuasion which modern conditions impose.”
Since the middle of the twentieth century, this development has only accelerated with the
expansion of transportation and communication. As Smyth (2001) states, before the Cold War,
American corporate leaders, advertising executives, and heads of Hollywood studios were selling not
only their products but also America’s culture and values, the secrets of its success, to the rest of the
world. As some scholars suggest, a successful film or TV show can be helpful in developing a positive
image of a location and its socio-cultural and economic situations, a phenomenon that can lead to film-
induced tourism (Can, Necmettin, & Ozcan, 2016a). Researchers have found a number of cases in
which depicted images helped to attract audiences and increase the number of tourist visits to the
shown locations. Graziano (2015) states that films such as Braveheart (1995), The Sea Inside (2004),
and Troy (2004) have strongly impacted the flow of tourists to Scotland, Spain, and Turkey,
respectively.
Gurzel (2014) points out that Turkey's reforms and modernization efforts, throughout the
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk era, inspired other Muslim countries such as Pakistan, Tunisia, and Iran (until
the 1979 Islamic Revolution) and helped Turkey gain its current status as an emerging power playing
an important role as a regional leader and international player. According to Kalin (2011), in order to
obtain soft power, Turkey has adopted a strategy of multidimensional public diplomacy through
humanitarian assistance, developmental aid, mediation efforts, and various cultural initiatives. Eksi
states that it also extended its strategic, political, and economic relations to both Eastern and Western
parts of the world (Eksi, 2018). For Machin and Leeuwen (2007), Turkey is aiming for standardization
as its cultural production turns into an industry, just as America once did on the way to producing
standardized products. Expansion of Turkish culture to the region and to the world through media is
remarkable, including forms such as music, art, cinema, television, as well as the implicit cultural
attributes and soft power that come with them. As Cevik (2014) points out, for the last two decades,
Turkish media exports have evolved from a non-governmental cultural diplomacy tool into a
government-supported tool of soft power and economic development (TRT World, 2014).
In this context, this paper addresses the impact of Turkish television on the audiences in one
Middle Eastern country (Egypt) and one South Asian country (Pakistan). It takes a look at socio-
cultural, socio-psychological, and economic impacts on audiences. It investigates these impacts
through an analysis of online-survey results from audience members in these two case countries.
Transnationalization of Turkish Television
In terms of economy, the clusters can be differentiated as local, regional, national, and international.
There are only a few industries to take place at all of these levels. Media is one of them. As media
production sometimes requires huge budgets and networks, it’s almost impossible for the scales of the
economy not to be connected. The people with comfortable seats in front of their television sets can
glimpse “others” as well as explore themselves. Thus, the media sector can almost never be only
national. Before the age of globalization and technological development, television production was
limited more to a national or domestic medium, but technological advances, economic pressure, and
policies of liberalizations have effectively transformed this medium from domestic to international
(Negrine & Papathanassopoulos, 1991). Esser and Jensen (2015) also point out the rise of the
‘internationalization of television ‘and the developing networks, produc[e] a kind of global climate in
the form of competitive transnational environment, growing demand for digital content, changing
consumer demographics and audience fragmentation (Esser & Jensen, 2015).
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)
125
Rohn (2010; 2011) introduces the “The Lacuna and Universal Model” to help understand
success and failure of content produced outside the audience’s culture. According to her, content
lacunae (content irrelevancy), capital lacunae (understanding issues with the audience), and production
lacunae (disliking of production style) are possible reasons for the international failure of content,
whereas content universals (content that appeals to cross-cultural audiences), audience-created
universals (openness to alternative readings) and company-created universal (the active role of
publishers and transmitter role in better presentation and marketing) are possible reasons for the
success of content outside its original culture. In terms of production, scheduling, and consumption, the
format of the television program is important for making it internationally successful. As Oren and
Shahaf (2012) make clear, formatted programming can be more successful in attracting audiences, on
average, than non-formatted programming. Esser (2010) also states that formatted programs allow the
broadcasters and producers to draw on creative talent from around the world, which can be produced
much more quickly than new, original programs and hence can fill gaps in the schedule at relatively
short notice.
The emergence and development of transnational television might be exemplified by Star and
Zee TV in South Asia, and MBC
1
in the Middle East having an enormous impact on broadcasting and
cultural change (Chalaby, 2005). Before the 1990s, when there were only the terrestrial networks, the
Turkish audience were unable to watch local content. Instead, Latin American TV series and their
actors became well-known figures in Turkey's social and daily life. However, with the emergence of
private TV channels, the Turkish audience started to watch local content that consequently caused the
Latin American TV series to disappear from primetime. Recently, in fact, the roles have reversed, and
Turkish TV soap operas have taken prominence in the international market, including Latin America.
In the early 2000s, Turkish TV series began being exported to international markets and rapidly found
a place in the market both in the West and East.
According to the existing data, the first exported Turkish television serial was Deli Yurek
(Crazy Heart) in 1997, purchased by Kazakhstan state television for US$30 per episode (Yesil, 2015).
By 2001, Turkey exported 65 serials, mostly purchased by TV channels in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan.
In the West, ATV’s TV series Sila was exported to Chile and gained equal viewership with the Copa
America qualifying match between Brazil and Chile (Daily Sabah, 2016). The Turkish television
industry’s international success drew the attention of government (Yigit & Fellow, 2013).
After the AKP (The Justice and Development Party) government formed in 2002, the Turkish
government changed their foreign policies like visa liberalization with several countries, including
Morocco, Tunisia, Lebanon, and Jordan, in addition to holding joint cabinet meetings with Syria (Yigit
& Fellow, 2013). This political change helped to open the path towards even greater global success for
Turkish media abroad. According to the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Turkey exported
36,000 hours of television serials to 76 countries between 2005 and 2011 (Yesil, 2015). Export of
Turkish TV serials raised to more than 75 countries, attracting approximately 400 million viewers
around the world in 2014 (Hurriyet, 2014). The Turkish serial Gumus (Arabic Name Nur) was watched
by three to five million each evening, and 85 million tuned into its final episode (Salamandra, 2012).
According to Turkish Exporters Assembly (TIM) head Mehmet Buyukeksi, Turkey is globally the
second highest exporter of TV series after the United States (Hollywood), and it is expected to reach $2
billion from exporting cultural products by 2023. According to Berk Uziyel, the Istanbul-based
managing director of SPI International
2
, “Turkey is globally the second highest exporter of TV series
after the U.S and watched by more than 400 million people in some 140 countries” (TRT World,
1
The Middle East Broadcasting Center (branded as MBC or MBC Group) is a free-to-air satellite broadcasting company in
the Arab World. It was launched in 1991 in London and later moved to its headquarters in Dubai in 2002. MBC Group
provides multiple channels of information, interaction, and entertainment.
2
SPI International is a multinational group that is headquartered in New York City; it operates a total of 16 offices around
the world, including Israel, Poland, Tokyo, and Mexico City.
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)
126
2016). According to Turkish Exporters Assembly (TIM) head Mehmet Buyukeksi, Turkey is expected
to gain $2 billion from exporting cultural products by 2023.
Political and Ideological Encounters
Due to ideological dynamics, TV production companies were sometimes criticized by political
leadership. According to Reuters the AKP party leader (president of Turkey) Rejeb Tayyip Erdogan
complained in 2012 about a serial called The Magnificent Century, as this series portrayed a 16
th
-
century Ottoman Sultan (Suleman) as a drinker and womanizer. President Erdogan called the series
“an attempt to insult our past, to treat our history with disrespect and an effort to show our history in a
negative light to the younger generations” (Rohde, 2012). Erdogan believed that Sultan Suleman had
been a proud conqueror rather than the indulgent harem-lover portrayed in the show (Toksabay, 2012).
A segment of the society also had staged a protest against the show The Magnificent Century and had
filed more than 70,000 complaints with the Turkish government television agency (Toksabay &
Villelabeitia, 2011). Consequently, the show’s producers reduced kissing scenes and toned-down
certain elements (Rohde, 2012).
Though the AKP still had concerns about the production, they could not ignore its political and
economic importance. Belge Yesil (2015) argues that, to hold the incorporation of Turkish dramas into
world markets the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government is providing financial and
logistical aid to the television industry to fulfill the aim of generating economic revenue and soft
power. According to a Turkish daily newspaper Hurriyet, Egemen, the then Minister of European
Union (EU) Affairs complimented Turkish TV producers for assuming the important mission of
projecting a positive image of the country (Temizkan, 2013). The rapid development of Turkish TV
serials in the international market with political, economic and cultural successes is a positive to
Turkey, but some nations and states consider it a threat to their local culture, industries, identity, and
political interests.
To prevent the Turkish influence on the country, Macedonia, a former Ottoman territory in the
Balkans, passed a bill in late 2012 to limit the Turkish series’ broadcasts in the country, where they
have a strong following (TRT World, 2016). Formerly an Ottoman territory for more than four hundred
years and in the current conflict with Turkey over the status of Cyprus, Greece also had thousands of
fans watching Turkish serials. Sofuoglu (2016) mentions Greek Orthodox Bishop Anthimos criticizing
local fans of Turkish soap operas with the argument that “watching Turkish soaps is equal to telling
them we have surrendered” (Sofuoglu, 2016).
Religion is another reason for criticizing the Turkish soap opera, Reuters and Hurriyet
Newspaper (Turkey) reported in 2008, when a Saudi religious clerk held a seminar declaring Arabic
television channels airing the soaps to be un-Islamic. He described a popular Turkish soap opera,
Gumus, (Noor) as an anti-Islamic program and stated that television channels broadcasting the show
are “the enemies of God and his prophet” (Hurriyet, 2008). Keeping in view the enormous popularity
of Turkish TV serials on local Pakistani screens, the local artists and politicians considered it as a
threat to the local TV industry and the country's conservative Islamic values (News, 2013).
Egypt, on the other hand, was one of the main consumers of Turkish TV serials up to the date
of the outbreak of political crises between Cairo and Ankara due to a military coup against the
democratic government in Egypt in 2013. Consequently, several Egyptian TV channels stopped
showing the Turkish drama series as a protest against the then Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan’s stance over the military coup (Hurriyet, 2013). Therefore, Egyptian satellite channels turned
to Indian productions to fill the gap left by the absence of Turkish soap operas (Herald, 2015). TRT
World (2016) claims that despite these political crises the television series have motivated the fans visit
Turkey and to explore more of the country instead of just watching the series on their screens.
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)
127
Social, Cultural Encounters and Proximity
According to cognitive sociology, human beings imagine their social existence and reflect on it with
others (Taylor, 2003). The universal cognitive and emotional features and the specific social and
cultural context are the reasons for integrating cognition and cultural encounters (Hinton, 2016). The
human brain instinctively learns or adopts social and cultural activities from interaction with other
humans or from stories in the media (Bondebjerg et al., 2017). According to a BBC report published in
2016, the audience of Turkish serials in South America (Chile) revealed that it was easier to connect to
these series rather than US television series because Turkish shows focused more on old-fashioned
romance instead of what Chileans saw as Hollywood's over-sexualization (Tali, 2016). Turkish soaps
had an impact not only on common citizens but also on those having high-profile spectatorship.
Salamandra (2012) and Cevek (2014) argue that the popularity and acceptance of Turkish TV soap
operas across the world is due to their moderate nature, which invoke binaries of East and West, Islam
and secularism, tradition and modernity, patriarchy and feminism, and thus enable a range of
commentary on the state of Arab society in general, and on sexual relations in particular.
“Cultural Proximity” is a concept that argues that one prefers media products from one’s own
culture or the most similar possible culture (Straubhaar, 2003). It developed in response to cultural
imperialism and economic theories that predicted one-way flows of culture, from richer to poorer
countries, based on superior production quality (Ksiazek & Webster, 2008). Cultural proximity is one
of the reasons for the widespread acceptance of Turkish television in the Arab world and South Asian
countries. According to Berg (2017), who conducted research on the significance of cultural proximity
on the success of Turkish drama in the Arab world, the dubbing of Turkish programs into colloquial
dialects (language), as well as ethnic, racial, cultural and religious similarities, are the reasons for the
extensive acceptance of Turkish serials by Arab audiences (Berg, 2017). After the increase of the
popularity of the serial Gumus (Noor), Arab couples started gifting each other a deluxe red velvet
collection of Noor DVDs that retailed for $275. In 2012, former Turkish president Abdullah Gul
confronted an unexpected informal request from his host in UAE, "Please tell us how the Turkish soap
operas on television will end. Otherwise, we will not be able to pry our women away from their TV
sets." (Seibert, 2012).
In addition to informing and entertaining audiences, Turkish TV serials are playing a vital role
in gaining soft power and promoting Turkish culture. Some scholars call it “media brainwashing” (al-
Buhari, 2008; Ali, 2014). The Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
3
conducted a
survey in 2011 that revealed the public sentiment of Middle Eastern countries towards Turkey. The
survey carried out by TESEV targeted 2,323 participants from UAE, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon,
Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Tunisia, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar, Yemen, and Libya. The
residents of 16 countries from the Middles East believed that Turkey has a very positive or somewhat
positive impact in the region to promote peace and development. The majority of the respondents
thought that Turkey is a "successful combination of Islam and democracy,” had a positive effect on
peace in the Middle East, and could be a possible model for the region (Akgun & Gundogar, 2012).
Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt–countries that overthrew their long-time regimes during the Arab Spring—
are top of the list in believing that Turkey is the ideal democratic country in the region (Akgun &
Gundogar, 2012).
As these results substantiate, Turkey has succeeded in cultivating its culture into Middle
Eastern societies through their dramas. Either due to political reasons or economic competition,
however, the response from some Middle Eastern countries has caused trouble within the Turkish
media sector. Instances include the ban on Turkish TV productions by Egypt TV channels in 2013 after
3
The Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV) is an independent non-governmental Istanbul based think-
tank founded in 1994 to serve as a bridge between academic research and policy-making process in Turkey. It focuses on
social, political, and economic policy issues facing Turkey.
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)
128
political crises between Ankara and Cairo as well as when the Arab world's largest satellite broadcaster
MBC cut off Turkish shows without any pre-notice or explanation. (Alreedy, 2013; El-Behry, 2018).
The expansion of Turkish Television serials plays a vital role in cultural exportation, and some
scholars appreciate it for its positive and modern role in society (al-Hallaq, 2008; Ghasib, 2008;
Yazidi, 2008). But critics believe that Turkish television plays a negative role in the moral degradation
and dissolution of other cultures (Abdi, 2010). Some give it the name of full-scale media panic, with
reports of domestic violence, divorce, and suicide and label it “cultural degradation” (Sarkin, 2008;
Diab, 2008).
Method
To analyze the transnational role of television production in general and the specific case of the impact
of Turkish television serials, we conducted an online survey in September 2018 through which we
collected data from Pakistanis and Egyptians who have access to the Internet and have watched
Turkish television serials. The questionnaire contained questions regarding demographic information,
as well as questions with answer options on a 5-point Likert scale (Wimmer & Dominick, 2011).
According to the 2017 statistics, the population of Pakistan is 200 million, while the population of
Egypt is 97.5 million (2017). According to Internet World Stats (IWS) in December 2017, then the
ratio of Internet users in Pakistan was 22% of the total population, while Egypt stands at 33%
(www.internetlivestats.com). The target audience of the survey was those 22% and 33% of the
population, respectively, who have access to the internet. Following the snowball sampling technique
(Sedgwick, 2013), we shared the link to the survey on different social media networks. Five hundred
twenty-nine audience members from Pakistan and 423 audience members from Egypt filled out the
survey. From Pakistan, survey participants were 58%male and 42% female, while Egyptian
respondents were 52% male and 48% female. Due to patriarchal society, the access of women to many
things, including education and the internet, is limited. This could be one of the reasons regarding the
imbalance in respondents’ gender ratio.
Data Analysis
Demographically the populations of Pakistan and Egypt have some fundamental differences, such as
the population of Pakistan is 200 million having diverse ethnic groups share different cultural
backgrounds and speak different languages such as Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto, Balochi, etc., while on the
other hand, the population of Egypt is 97.5 million, and about 99 percent of the Egyptian population
comes from Eastern Hamitic8 backgrounds while the remaining 1% is comprised of Greek, Nubian,
Armenian, Italian and French ethnicity (Allonsy, 2018). Almost, all of the Egyptian population speak
their official ‘Arabic’ language, unlike Pakistanis. Majority of the people of both selected countries,
Pakistan and Egypt, are practicing the same religion Islam, so there is a significant similarity in the
family norms and social values of both nations inherited from religion Islam.
Similarly, both societies are patriarchal, and polygamy is legal in both countries, though, it is
under discussion to be banned in Egypt (Jansen, 2019). Another resemblance in both countries is the
lack of democracy as both nations have witnessed a long regime of dictatorship and still passing
through the stage of (direct or indirect) military involvement in the democratic process. The socio-
economic positions of Egypt and Pakistan are not ideal as both countries have $2,573 (nominal 2018),
and $1,357 (nominal 2018) GDP per capita, respectively. When it comes to comparison, Egypt’s socio-
economic status is better than Pakistan in terms of economy, life standard, education, women liberation
and access of the citizens to the basic needs. Both of the countries are the remarkable consumers of
Turkish TV serials; thus, they were chosen as samples for the survey of the research (Allonsy, 2018;
Hali, 2018).
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)
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Media (Television) Consumption via Streaming
Multidimensional, the analysis of television audiences needs to be performed across multiple media
consumption platforms (Napoli, 2012). In our survey, a question was asked regarding the medium for
watching Turkish television serials. 46% of the respondents from Pakistan stated that they are watching
Turkish serials on television (cable /satellite network); 39% use YouTube; 5% of the respondents use
CD/DVD; and 10% use other internet sources such as Netflix. The Egyptian audience was different.
From Egypt, 37% of the respondents watch serials through television, 43% use YouTube, 7% of the
respondents use CD/DVD; and 13% use other internet sources such as Netflix.
The reasons that a higher number of audiences use online streaming is easier access to serials
because of the embargo of television channels due to the political crisis between Ankara and Cairo.
According to collected data, the majority of respondents prefer to watch romance/contemporary
and historical drama. Respondents were provided a list of more than forty drama serials broadcast by
TV channels in Pakistan and Egypt. 69% and 64% of the total respondents have watched the historical
drama The Magnificent Century (2011), respectively. Answering the questions regarding the historical
drama, audiences have diverse opinion about its portrayal of history and information. Another
historical adventure Dirilis: Ertugrul (2015), which is still being broadcast, has been watched by 38%
of the total respondents from Pakistan and 43% from Egypt. From the list of counterparty dramas, the
audience has selected multiple serials, and the majority of the audience from Pakistan have watched or
are watching the serials Ishq-e-Memnu (46%), Adini Fariha Koydum (39%), Ask laftan anlamaz (35%),
and Gumus (25%). From Egypt, the majority of the audience have watched or are watching Gumus
(Arabic Name ‘Noor’) 49%, Ishq-e-Memnu (47%), and Fatma Gul (43%).
The questionnaire contained detailed questions about audience reaction towards Turkish TV
dramas displayed on their local screens. Here the analysis of data related to cultural, social, and
economic impact are presented.
Socio-Cultural Impact of Turkish TV Serials
Assessment of audience opinion regarding their interest in the furniture, crockery, decoration pieces, or
other accessories that are presented in Turkish homes in the TV serials. The audience members were
asked whether they have interest in, desire for, or have already purchased the furniture, crockery,
decoration pieces or other accessories shown in the Turkish TV serials? (See Table 1)
Table 1: Audience interest in the purchase of home accessories shown in the TV series
Egyptian Audience Pakistani Audience
Gender Mean Numbers Std. Deviation Mean Numbers Std. Deviation
Male 2.23 180 .760 2.69 307 1.131
Female 2.30 243 .861 2.64 222 1.151
Total 2.65 423 .841 2.67 529 1.139
Minimum= 1(strongly agree), Maximum= 5 (Strongly disagree)
Following the social and cultural impact of Turkish TV serials, a question was fixed to know the
audience’s opinion regarding Turkish cuisine. The respondents were asked if they ever wondered about,
searched recipes for, or tried to prepare Turkish food after seeing them in TV serials? (See Table 2).
Table 2: Audience curiosity in Turkish cuisine shown in the TV series
Egyptian Audience Pakistani Audience
Gender Mean Numbers Std. Deviation Mean Numbers Std. Deviation
Male 2.17 180 .977 3.13 307 .958
Female 2.23 243 .915 3.14 222 .996
Total 2.21 423 .940 3.24 529 .982
Minimum= 1(strongly agree), Maximum= 5 (Strongly disagree)
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)
130
Another question tried to assess the off-screen existence of Turkish TV serials in the audience’s
private lives or daily conversations among family members or friends. It was asked whether they chat about
Turkish TV serials with friends, colleagues, or family members in their daily chitchat. (See Table 3).
Table 3: Off-screen chitchat about Turkish TV serials
Egyptian Audience Pakistani Audience
Gender Mean Numbers Std. Deviation Mean Numbers Std. Deviation
Male 2.11 180 .990 2.37 307 1.018
Female 2.17 243 1.112 2.51 222 .983
Total 2.15 423 1.063 2.43 529 1.031
Minimum= 1(strongly agree), Maximum= 5 (Strongly disagree)
Tables 1 and 2 represent audience opinion regarding their curiosity towards home decoration
(household items) and food (Turkish cuisine) they have observed in Turkish TV serials. Table 3
indicates the off-screen existence of Turkish TV serials, and the majority of respondents agreed with
the statement that the viewed serials are one of the public sphere topics they do debate with colleagues,
friends, and family members. Cultivation theory (Gerbner & Gross, 1976) argues that media is the key
member of every family, the one who tells most of the stories most of the time (Severin & Jr., 2000).
Human beings naturally desire personal liberty, but social, cultural norms, and religious values restrict
them from many things they want to practice. The media products make them feel more deeply about
those restrictions, especially dramas produced by comparatively liberal and modern industries.
As compared to the rest of the world, the Arab and South Asian societies are conservative due
to religious beliefs, social norms, and strong taboos. For instance, from 1990 onward in the Arab
world, Arab comics have become more religious and less American in form and content (Machin &
Leeuwen, 2007). Data proves that majority of the audience is seeking a new fashion and modernism in
which the foreign media such as Hollywood or Turkish TV dramas are the sources for inspiration to
follow the lifestyle or fashion exhibited in the films/dramas. Despite this fact, the Middle East is a
complex region having differences in historical and contemporary political, social, and cultural context
(McMillin, 2007).
A previous study asked Egyptians questions regarding Egyptian presidential candidates, and the
respondents didn’t know half of them, but the majority of them had passed a similar test identifying
some of the famous characters in Turkish TV Soaps (Masry, 2013). Culture is not only as lived and
shared through experience, but it is as mediated symbolic communication through media which helps
us to shape our view of the world and our deepest moral values (Flew, 2007). The process of
acculturation also takes place through media and in communication with people of different origins
(Han, 2013; Socio-Cultural Approach). The data shows that the audiences in both regions have strong
appealing attraction towards products shown in the Turkish serials. In response to the following
question in the survey, 19% and 25% of Pakistan and Egypt respondents, respectively, agreed that they
had searched for the products and brands shown in Turkish serials in their local markets.
Socio-Psychological Impact of Turkish TV Serials
It is a bitter truth that, in low-income and conservative countries, women have limited personal
liberation regarding decisions about their dress, marriage, education, and health care (Osamor &
Grady, 2016). The television serials from comparatively liberal societies are one of the vital sources
that inform and educate the women about their personal liberation. A question was asked of each
audience member: do you agree or to what extent do you agree with the statement that the appearance
of female characters in Turkish TV serials seems independent, empowered, and bold as compared to
their own personal lives, or the lives of the women in their country? (see Table 4)
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131
Table 4: Depiction of comparatively more independent, empowered and bold women characters in TV serials
Egyptian Audience Pakistani Audience
Gender Mean Numbers Std. Deviation Mean Numbers Std. Deviation
Male 2.14 180 .977 2.29 307 .884
Female 2.07 243 .915 2.38 222 1.069
Total 2.10 423 .940 2.33 529 .966
Minimum= 1(strongly agree), Maximum= 5 (Strongly disagree)
To assess the reaction of the audience regarding the adoption of the lifestyles of the characters
shown in the TV serials, a question was posed about how much they agree that they have adopted
lifestyle traits such as the way of talking, eating manners, etc. of the icons of Turkish TV serials. (see
Table 5)
Table 5: Audience members adopting the lifestyle of Turkish TV icons
Egyptian Audience Pakistani Audience
Gender Mean Numbers Std. Deviation Mean Numbers Std. Deviation
Male 2.22 180 .758 3.06 307 1.051
Female 2.18 243 .852 3.33 222 1.062
Total 2.20 423 .821 3.17 529 1.064
Minimum= 1(strongly agree), Maximum= 5 (Strongly disagree)
Besides having revolutionarily positive effects, media has negative impacts on the behavior of
people. Those who spend more time with media may experience not only social impacts but also
psychological issues. Internet Addiction Disorder
4
(IAD) is one of the examples of such effects
(Luskin, 2012). According to cultivation theory (Severin & Tankard, 2001), in some cases,
5
The media
can easily change human behavior, living style, and moral thoughts. Sometimes it plays an active role
in bringing social changes to passive audiences and thereby causing the social progress. People must be
active in this regard to understand the negative impacts and not take it seriously in their real lives
(Poorvikamr, 2012).
Tables 4 and 5 show that some of the audience agreed that they are following the lifestyle of the
characters in the drama serials. According to Storti (2009), cultural differences aren’t the problem; it’s
how you react to them. If you react constructively, you will derive great benefit but, in other cases, it
can be a reason of destructiveness (Storti, 2009). The majority of our respondents believe that the
depiction of women in the Turkish TV serials shows them as independent and powerful. This could be
one of the reasons that Arab women, compare their real-life with television content and expect the
same manner and romantic reaction from their life partners — confronting taboos difficult in
conservative and religious communities in the region. Taboos like promiscuous gathering among
women and men, abortion, premarital sex, and alcohol consumption were all routine activities for soap
characters who were, paradoxically, Muslim (Reuters, 2012). Turkish soaps on one side are “provoking
the flames of cultural progression” but, on the other, are challenging the values and norms of
conservative and religious societies, especially in Arab countries.
The Turkish soap opera Gumus (Arabic name ‘Noor’) had a strong social impact in Arab
societies. For example, in 2008, Al-Arabiya News reported that Noor was sparking “a rash of divorces”
across the Middle East (Ali, 2014). According to Al-Arabia News, Arab women started to compare
their real-life husbands to the lead male character called Muhannad – played by Turkish actor Kivanç
Tatlitug – whose good looks and charms left many Arab women weak at the knees (Al Arabia News,
4
Internet addiction disorder (IAD), or pathological Internet use, is excessive Internet use that has been found by various
studies to disrupt individuals' time use and have a series of health consequences.
5
E.g., in Low-income and conservative societies, the majority of the audience is not very active in using the media for their
social and psychological satisfaction; instead, it leaves an impact on their personal behaviors and social lives.
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 59, Issue 2 April (2020)
132
2008). According to Al-Arabia News, many divorce cases were reported in Jorden, Syria, and Saudi
Arabia after the soap aired on MBC. In one case, a husband divorced his wife after they had a heated
argument about the actor while watching the series. According to a neighbor, the wife reportedly told
her husband: “I want to sleep with Muhannad (Leading role of serial Noor) for only one night and die
afterward.” On the other hand, some people believe that Turkish soaps depict women’s issues in a
proper and better way, leading to popularity among Arab women. A social worker, Layla Abu Shama,
claims that the popularity of Turkish series amongst Arab women is proof that the shows reflect their
personal issues, social issues, and aspirations (Zayed, 2013). Mihai (2016) argues that it is a
psychological case when people watch and compare the imaginary things in the real world and that, in
fact, they couldn’t distinguish fantasy from reality (Mihai, 2016). Like Noor, some shows contradict
social norms and values, provoke criticism, and tend to mislead the picture of reality. According to
Mooney (2014), the effect can be for the better, but some unfortunately for the worse.
Media-Induced Tourism and Audience reaction to Turkish Products
The following section provides an assessment of the audience’s interest in Turkish brands after seeing
them in the Turkish TV serials. This part of the survey data covers the production side of the media,
believes that media as an institution is functioning in a way that maximizes their profit and supports
ideologically the dominant and ruling classes (Siapera, 2010). To gauge the audience’s desire to use
Turkish products after seeing them in TV serials, we asked whether he/she has searched for a Turkish
product in the local market after seeing them in the TV serials? (see Table 6)
Table 6: Audience interest in Turkish products shown in Turkish TV series
Egyptian Audience Pakistani Audience
Gender Mean Numbers Std. Deviation Mean Numbers Std. Deviation
Male 2.53 180 1.064 3.16 307 1.018
Female 2.61 243 1.042 3.11 222 1.134
Total 2.58 423 1.050 3.14 529 1.067
Minimum= 1(strongly agree), Maximum= 5 (Strongly disagree)
Table 6 reveals that the majority of the audience from both countries (Egypt and Pakistan)
agreed with the statement. In addition, a few respondents from Egypt left a detailed note that they have
purposely visited Turkey for shopping on special occasions such as weddings and that their inspiration
was the TV serials they have watched. According to Guardian, the constant popularity of Turkish soap
operas in the Middle East and Arab world attracted millions of Arab tourists to Istanbul and other parts
of Turkey for vacation and shopping (Guardian, 2010). To illustrate, marketing campaigns have
employed an Ottoman narrative to boost sales with the success of The Magnificent Century
6
; as a
result, one can draw connections between the rising popularity of Turkish soap operas, the shows
becoming major cultural exports, and greater assertiveness of Turkish foreign policy (Cevik, 2014). In
an effort to further boost the sector, the Turkish cultural ministry pledged to increase its support for
television series from USD 28.5 million to a record USD 40 million in 2017 (Sofuoglu, 2016).
Television serials have undoubtedly become a source of film-induced tourism and a valuable
public relation (PR) tool for Turkey. We can see this same trend in the responses of respondents to the
question of whether they have desired, planned, or visited Turkey after seeing the locations, scenes,
and historical places shown in the serials? (See Table 7).
6
The Magnificent Century, a historical fiction series is based on the life of Ottoman Sultan, the longest-reigning Sultan of
the Ottoman Empire, and his wife Hurrem, a slave girl who became a Sultan.
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Table 7: Plans or wishes to visit Turkey after watching Turkish TV series (Media-Induced Tourism)
Egyptian Audience Pakistani Audience
Gender Mean Numbers Std. Deviation Mean Numbers Std. Deviation
Male 2.20 180 1.075 2.11 307 .951
Female 2.19 243 1.150 1.91 222 .939
Total 2.19 423 1.118 2.03 529 .951
Minimum= 1(strongly agree), Maximum= 5 (Strongly disagree)
Tourism that takes place as a consequence of entertainment media is called movie-induced or
film-induced tourism (Hudson & Ritchie, 2006). Turkey had seen a decline in tourists from North
America and Western Europe during the year of 2012; however, visitors from Arab countries
continued to increase significantly. Talking to local media reporters’ tourists from Egypt revealed that
Turkish TV serials were the source of their attraction to visit Turkey (Arafa, 2013).
Table 7 denotes that series fans' motivations to travel to a specific destination is the output of
entertainment media playing a role in luring the audience towards a specific area, country, location, or
spot. Tourism is one of the main sources playing a vital role in the economy of Turkey. The data
strongly support the hypothesis of media-induced tourism in which Turkish TV serials are one of the
sources attracting tourists, especially from Arab and South Asian countries.
Conclusion and Discussion
According to Cevik (2014), Turkish TV producers have exploited the socio-cultural gap with Middle
Eastern and South Asian cultures. In fact, conservative countries where human personal liberation is
limited have easily appealed to by Turkish TV production, which depicts modern lifestyles like those
in western societies. However, the question is, whether the modern lifestyle is, in fact, the reason of
attraction, and if so, then why is it Turkish television series instead of Western ones that are popular
with audiences in the Middle East and South Asia? One of the main attractions may be explained by
the notion of “Cultural Proximity” (Berg, 2017; Ksiazek & Webster, 2008; Georgiou, 2012,
Straubhaar, 1991). Furthermore, Yegit and Fellow (2013) argue that the conflicts between western
countries and countries in the Middle East, such as the Iraqi invasion, have increased anti-Western
sentiments in the region, even as cultural similarities—such as the practice of Islam, close-knit family
ties and patriarchal societies between Arabs and Turks remain and lead to an Arab preference for
Turkish series to Western ones. Content availability could also be one of the causes as Western media
is not as easily accessible as Turkish TV productions, which can be found easily with sub-titles and
voice dubbing.
Authors have also argued that the anti-Muslim discourse in the Western media (Ahmed &
Matthes, 2017) that started in 1979 with the Iranian revolution and that was further fueled by the
incident of 9/11 (Ahmed, 2012) has increased the stereotyping and negative profiling of Muslims in
Western media and that this is also one of the reasons for the divergence of the audience of the Middle
East and South Asian countries. In the case of Turkey drama serials, it doesn’t mean that the flow of
entertainment to the Middle East and South Asia is unique as these countries are also receptive to
content from the US (Machin & Leeuwen, 2007). In fact, Hollywood movies are popular in Turkish
cinemas, while Indian and Korean drama serials are present on Turkish TV screens.
According to Harari (2018) there are signs that liberal democracy and globalization are facing
challenges, obvious in the current debate about the UK’s exit from the European Union (the so-called
‘Brexit’) and US-American, especially Donald Trump’s attitude towards immigrants, as obvious, for
instance, in the suggestion to build a wall on the border of Mexico (Harari, 2018). To fix the hitches
facing the model of liberal democracy and globalization, the importance of media and communication
cannot be unnoticed as a tool of mediated culture encounter. The transnationalization of Turkish
television and its widespread acceptance around the world is a good step towards challenging the
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monopoly of the one-way flow of media from dominant industries such as Hollywood. Following the
model of co-production for co-design and co-delivery, in other words, the co-production of TV dramas
could be developed on the production and distribution level. Promoting creative co-production is
important and can overcome the existing obstacle of antagonism between the local and the global in
terms of cultural differences (Chalaby, 2009). To make the role of television production more
constructive, it is necessary to adopt the policy of co-production along with consumer societies that can
be based on political, economic, and cultural/artistic perspectives. The production, institutional,
creative, and audience/distribution levels can be adopted for a vigorous co-production policy
(Bondebjerg et al., 2017). Encountering the issues from the consumer market, for instance, MCB’s ban
of all Turkish TV production in the Middle East due to a threat to the local industry could be resolved
with the policy of co-production. Also, to encounter the issues occurring in socio-cultural or socio-
psychological approaches could be sorted out with the adoption of creative-coproduction to develop or
increase the cultural proximity of TV productions.
In our study, we conducted an online survey, and the low rate of internet penetration in both
regions was the reason for the small sample size of audiences. For future research projects, we suggest
also including the production and distribution side in order to investigate the priorities of producers for
a foreign audience and the existing obstacles in the acceptance of foreign content on local screens by
local distributors.
Acknowledgment
I would like to extend my sincere acknowledgments to Korean Foundation (KF Field Research
Fellowship 2019) and Dora Plus (Estonian government program) for providing the financial support to
carry out this research work.
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