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Traditional lranian Women: How They Cope
Abstract
of an article by Mary Elaine Hegland, based onpersonal and other anthropologic fieldworks in Iran between 1975 and 1980, published in The Middle East Journal, Vol. 36, no. 4, Autumn 1982.
... Generally, Iranian women's attitudes and beliefs vary based on their socioeconomic background. According to Arasteh (1964), andHegland (1982), most Iranian women are very traditional. Arasteh (1964) also states that women from upper socioeconomic background compose a small percentage of Iran's total population. ...
... In the Iranian culture, traditional women have been responsible for maintaining social interaction with friends, relatives, and in-laws (Hegland, 1982). These interactions were readily achievable, due to the fact that women were at home, with plenty of spare time for active social interaction and mutuality. ...
... Traditionally, Iranian women have been responsible for the proper observance of life-cycle events such as marriage, pregnancy and birth. With this responsibility and participation, they have often led social lives quite independence of their husbands (Hegland, 1982). Therefore, it is understandable that they are occupied with what other women think of them, rather than with their relationship with men. ...
... It has been interpreted from Islamic doctrines that for the sake of marital stability, the proper place of a woman is at home (Ghvamshahidi, 1995). Even if a woman decides to work, there are several restrictions on her behavior and activities in relation to other men (Hegland, 1982). To prevent this problem, in many workplaces men and women are segregated. ...
... Many Iranian men do not accept the idea of autonomy and economic independence for their wives. The great majority of Iranian women are economically dependent on men; this is one of the significant reasons why the women have to comply with the wishes of their husbands (Hegland, 1982). ...
... 10. For more information about Aliabad women and their lives in 1978-1979, see Hegland (1982). ...
... 3. For additional publications resulting from my fieldwork in Aliabad, see Hegland (1982Hegland ( , 1983Hegland ( , 1991Hegland ( , 1998Hegland ( , 1999Hegland ( , 2003). 4. Accurate statistical information is not available. ...
Anthropological participant observation, in-depth, open-ended interviewing and oral history reveal aspects of social change and modernisation that have taken place in Aliabad, Iran, over more than half a century. These developments have transpired in interplay with economic, political
and cultural processes. As a result of economic transformation from sharecropping and trading to urban-style jobs, and due to outside influences as a consequence of advances in transportation, communication, education and travel, villagers have been able to make other choices. Through bottom-up
social and political change, relationships in all areas of life have become less authoritarian and hierarchical and more egalitarian and subject to negotiation and individuation.
This article is a feminist history of Al-Raida, a Lebanese feminist journal launched in 1976 by the Institute for Women’s Studies in the Arab World at the Lebanese American University. The article outlines the journal’s role in the foundation of modern Lebanese feminist discourse, and in particular traces the dominant strand of discourse on development during the journal’s first decade. By situating this strand within both dominant and local historical contexts, the article analyzes the ways in which the journal positioned arguments for development, presented research studies, and employed methodologies in order to forge solutions to Arab women’s issues while maintaining international visibility through the use of normative and transnational language.
Anthropological field research in Iran, mainly in the village of Aliabad and in nearby Shiraz in south-west Iran, has documented radical social, cultural, religious and economic change over the last 28 years. Increasing emphasis on the nuclear rather than the extended family and pressures for geographic and social mobility have profoundly influenced the lives of the elderly. The traditional family system of support for elders - with regard to emotional and social needs, as well as financial assistance and physical care - is breaking down. Social scientists, social workers and health personnel must focus on adequately addressing the needs and concerns of the Iranian elderly in the twenty-first century and on developing alternative systems to deal with key elderly issues of health, well-being and social incorporation.
This study examines factors influencing men's attitudes toward women's roles in Libya. Interviews were conducted during the summer of 1979 with 200 males in the city of Tripoli. Bivariate and multivariate analyses examined respondents' attitudes toward women's roles in the division of labor in the home, family decision making, labor force participation, and political participation. Men's age, education, and type of family of orientation (nuclear or extended) were important in both types of analysis. Social status, while unimportant in bivariate relationships, became significant in the multivariate framework. Whether the respondent's mother worked outside the home was important in the bivariate matrix but contributed nothing significant in the multivariate analysis. The results indicate that nontraditional attitudes are being displayed among the young and the educated. Attitudes toward the status of women in Libya appear to be changing from those characterized as traditional to those viewed as more modern or egalitarian. Attitude-behavior inconsistencies are noted and discussed.
PIP
This study examined the nature and extent of acculturation of Iranian women into the American culture of Los Angeles, California, their attitude toward the role of women, and their attitude toward intimate relationships. It was expected that acculturation level would be related negatively to participants' age at migration and positively related to the length of time away from Iran. Data were obtained from a sample of 77 Iranian women aged 17-32 years living in Los Angeles. Acculturation level was measured by a modified version of one designed by Cuellar, Harris, and Jasso (1980). The Sexual and Premarital Attitude Inventory designed by Schofield (1965) was used to gauge attitudes about intimate relationships. The short version of the Attitude Toward Women Scale designed by Spence, Helmreich, and Staff (1973) was used to assess differences in ideology about the role of women in society and the family. Findings indicate that acculturation level was positively associated with premarital sexual attitudes, a sex role attitude, and sex role attitudes specific to Iranians. Greater acculturation was associated with more liberal sex roles. The age at which Iranian women left Iran was negatively correlated with acculturation. Younger age was associated with a higher score. The number of years away from Iran was associated with a higher acculturation score. Educational level was not significantly related to acculturation. The author proposes that conflict between the pressure to assimilate and attachment to cultural identity may be an adaptive solution in itself. One caveat was the higher socioeconomic status of this sample population.
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