M. Lynne Murphy is a doctoral candidate in linguistics at the University of Illinois at Urbana, specializing in lexical semantics and syntax with occasional explorations in lexicography. She has collaborated with Alma Gottlieb on a dictionary of Beng, a Southern Mande language, to be published by Indiana University Press. Her dissertation presents a universal semantic model of antonymy and will be completed in 1993.
I received encouragement and useful comments from many DSNA members at the Eighth Annual Meeting of the Society held in Columbia, Missouri, August, 1991. I am most grateful to Alex Guest, Cheris Kramarae, and Robert Wachal for insights and references to materials on social group labeling. I also wish to thank Ladislav Zgusta, Allison Smith, and Zoann Branstine for comments on drafts of this paper.
1. I have not included a discussion of the phonetic descriptions of ethnonyms, as debates concerning the pronunciation of these terms have been less active in recent years. For discussion of the pronunciation of ethnonyms in dictionaries, see Lipski (1976) and Allen (1988). A more thorough discussion of capitalization conventions can be found in Wachal (in press).
2. Dictionaries may, to some extent, perpetuate dead theories such as the Caucasian-Mongoloid-Negroid division. While this particular theory of race became part of popular knowledge, other theories have remained in the academy, out of the reach of the standard desk dictionary. So, the public continues to use the outmoded theory, unaware of more recent and viable theories. The dictionaries, in turn, present the vocabulary of the outdated theory, since it is still in popular use, and often labels the racial categories "Anthropology," lending academic authority to the definitions. Thus, the dead theory is reified whenever a dictionary user, unfamiliar with the theory, learns of it through the authority of "the dictionary."
3. Rader (1989, 125) defines ethnonyms as labels that denote people "grouped by geography or political entity." He claims that under his definition American black is not an ethnonym, but African American is. However, since the two terms are used synonymously, it is difficult to see the relevance of this distinction. In this paper, ethnonym is used to denote a label for any group whose members are determined, wholly or in part, by their descent.
4. Arguments could be made that Negro also has distinctively American senses. Since this term has declined in popular use, such senses may be archaic, and thus lie outside the scope of this paper.
5. The AHD 1969 did not, however, distinguish the senses of South African and U.S. colored by their variant orthographies, although it does list a capitalized variant. It is unfortunate that AHD chose not to indicate the South African sense of colored in 1982, at the time when South African racial politics were coming into the American political consciousness.
6. It is odd that although its entry for Negro does not mention an uncapitalized variant, RHWCD does not capitalize the initial in negro in this usage note. The contrast between uncapitalized negro and capitalized African-American is apparent here, even in small caps. Another point of orthographical interest is the hyphen in African-American. Although the hyphen is present in many Euro-American dominated publications (e.g., Time, Gannett News Service), some African American authors pointedly do not use a hyphen (e.g., Geneva Smitherman and John Baugh). RHWCD does not mention an unhyphenated variant of its African-American, although both forms are enjoying widespread use.