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Neoliberal Institutionalism: A Perspective on World Politics

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... Lo anterior más la ayuda económica condicionada desde entonces ha generado resultados relativos, ya que las cifras muestran la persistencia del problema: cultivos, plantaciones, violencia y corrupción. Nuestra aproximación analítica se soporta en los lineamientos del institucionalismo neoliberal, corriente que se ocupa de los efectos de las instituciones en el comportamiento y preferencias de los Estados (Keohane, 1989). Dichas instituciones se definen como complejos de reglas y normas que operan en tiempo y espacio (Keohane, 1988), las cuales incentivan las acciones de actores públicos y privados y afectan la agenda de toma de decisiones (Stein, 2008), siendo favorables para los actores débiles, permitiéndoles vincular a los actores poderosos en temas que son de su interés (Keohane y Nye, 1988). ...
... Tal y como hemos visto en las casos de este capítulo, y siendo un país más pequeño (406 752 km²), también el problema de la desigualdad y concentración de la tierra son factores que incidieron en el problema de las drogas. Durante la dictadura de Alfredo Stroessner (1954-1989, se adjudicaron aproximadamente tres millones de hectáreas a amigos del Gobierno, a los que se suma la extranjerización de la tierra (el 19 % del territorio), lo cual ha tenido implicaciones sociales en el sector rural (Caputo, 2013, citado por Garat, 2016. ...
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En este capítulo, analizaremos, en perspectiva comparada, la guerra contra las drogas en cinco países de América Latina. Identificaremos y compararemos similitudes, diferencias y el nivel de éxito o fracaso de las estrategias contras las drogas de Colombia y Perú con las adelantadas por México, Guatemala y Paraguay. Mediremos los impactos sociopolíticos y económicos del narcotráfico y del crimen organizado en dichos países, asimismo, su posición en foros internacionales en cuanto a enfoques sobre este flagelo. Finalmente, se formularán recomendaciones para la reducción de esta problemática y sus efectos.
... What objects of governance have traditionally been identified and given weight in IR? States were of course considered the pre-eminent subjects of international relations, across the theoretical landscape of IR. This is the case from modern day structural realists (Waltz, 1979; Mearsheimer, 2001), over liberal and English School writers interested in institutions (Keohane, 1989; Bull, 1977; Buzan, 2004), to constructivists focusing on the 'cultures of anarchy' that emerge in the interaction between states (Wendt, 1999). With states identified as the key subjects, 'nations' or other forms of domestic society, were for a long time assumed to be the governance-objects that states focussed on governing – so much so that in political science governing them became synonymous with government itself. ...
... Correspondingly, relations between states became known as 'international' politics. With the question of the subjects and objects bracketed, realists focused on the number and relative strength of great powers, liberal institutionalists focused on the formation of state interests (Moravcsik, 2008), the distribution of information and settings for strategic state agency (Keohane, 1989), and constructivists focused on states' subjectivities: for example, do they view each other as friends, competitors or enemies (Wendt, 1999)? ...
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International Relations has traditionally been subject-centric, ignoring how the targets or objects of governance emerge or transform with different structuring effects. This chapter uses an object-oriented approach to explore how the Arctic is being constituted as a global governance-object within an emerging ‘global polity’, partly through geoengineering imaginaries. It suggests that governance-objects—the socially constructed targets of political operations and contestations—are not simple ‘issues’ or ‘problems’ exogenously given to actors to deal with. Governance-objects emerge and are constructed and rather than slot neatly into existing structures, but with their own structuring effects on world politics. The emergence of the Arctic climate as a potential target of governance with the help of geoengineering techniques provides a case in point.
... Institutions, generally defined as "persistent and connected sets of rules and practices that prescribe behavioral roles, constrain activity, and shape expectations" (Keohane 1989: 3), can be conceptualized as agencies that have been created by governments or other public actors with some degree of permanence and coherence and beyond formal direct control of single national governments (cf. Biermann 2012: 28). ...
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The Rio Conventions stand at the centerpiece of international cooperation within the governance area of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification. Due to substantial environmental and political linkages, there are interrelations between the three regimes. This study seeks to examine the inter-institutional relationship between the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification by analyzing and assessing their horizontal interplay activities from the starting point of their genesis at Earth Summit in 1992 until today. In this research, I address the connections between the three conventions and identify the conflicting, cooperative, and synergetic aspects of inter-institutional relationship. While the overall empirical analysis suggests weak indications of a conflictive type, this research asserts that the interplay activities have thus far led to a cooperative relationship between the Rio Conventions. Moreover, increasing coordination and collaboration between the conventions’ treaty secretariats signals characteristics of a synergetic relationship, which could open up a potential window of opportunity for these actors to further engage and progress in institutional management in the future. In a conclusion, this study explores the possibility of the formation of an overarching environmental institution as a result of joint institutional management within the complex of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification.
... Institutions, generally defined as "persistent and connected sets of rules and practices that prescribe behavioral roles, constrain activity, and shape expectations" (Keohane 1989: 3), can be conceptualized as agencies that have been created by governments or other public actors with some degree of permanence and coherence and beyond formal direct control of single national governments (cf. Biermann 2012: 28). ...
Thesis
The Rio Conventions stand at the centerpiece of international cooperation within the governance area of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification. Due to substantial environmental and political linkages, there are interrelations between the three regimes. This study seeks to examine the inter-institutional relationship between the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification by analyzing and assessing their horizontal interplay activities from the starting point of their genesis at Earth Summit in 1992 until today. In this research, I address the connections between the three conventions and identify the conflicting, cooperative, and synergetic aspects of inter-institutional relationship. While the overall empirical analysis suggests weak indications of a conflictive type, this research asserts that the interplay activities have thus far led to a cooperative relationship between the Rio Conventions. Moreover, increasing coordination and collaboration between the conventions’ treaty secretariats signals characteristics of a synergetic relationship, which could open up a potential window of opportunity for these actors to further engage and progress in institutional management in the future. In a conclusion, this study explores the possibility of the formation of an overarching environmental institution as a result of joint institutional management within the complex of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification.
... Thus, historical domestic construction can be part of a theory of domestic politics to complement neoliberal or rationalist institutionalism by offering explanations when states have strong, weak, 42 Key neoliberal institutionalist formulations, frequently with applications to Cold War and post-Cold War European politics, include Keohane 1984;Keohane 1989;Keohane and Martin 1995;Haftendorn, Keohane, and Wallander 1999;Wallander 1999;Keohane and Martin 2003;Koremenos, Lipson, and Snidal 2004;Martin and Simmons 2001. Other significant works on international institutionalization and organization importantly informed by liberal international thought notably include Deudney and Ikenberry 1999;Ikenberry 2001;Ikenberry 2009;Ikenberry 2011. ...
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Introduction 1. Historical Domestic Construction 2. Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy 3. Out of History and Time: Neighbors with Different Routes and Pathways 4. Elements of French and German Role Constructions, 1958-1998: Core Components, Vocabulary, and Historical Reference Points 5. Impact and Implications (1): Milieu Goals and Alliance Politics 6. Impact and Implications (2): Nuclear Deterrent and Overall Force Structures 7. Impact and Implications (3): Deployment, Armament, Arms 8. Into the New Millennium: Heritages and Change Conclusion
... Salah satu bentuk dari institusi internasional tersebut adalah Organization, Rules, dan Convention. (Keohane, 1989) Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa atau United Nation adalah organisasi internasional yang didirikan pada tahun 1945. Salah satu tujuan dirikannya Perserikatan Bangsa-bangsa adalah mencapai kerjasama internasional dalam memecahkan masalah internasional dari karakter ekonomi, sosial, budaya, atau kemanusiaan, dan dalam mempromosikan dan mendorong penghormatan terhadap hak asasi manusia dan kebebasan fundamental untuk semua orang tanpa adanya perbedaan seperti ras, jenis kelamin, bahasa, atau agama. ...
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p>ABSTRACT Classified as one of the minority group in the world, people with disabilites are still going through discrimination. Built in 2006 Convention on The Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) took the chance to be an international convention that established the rights for people with disabilities. Five years since CRPD stands, Indonesian Government finally ratify this convention. The measurement took by Indonesian Government forced both central government and local government to implement it thoroughly. The objective of this research is understanding how the implementation of the CRPD related to accessibility in public transportation inside DKI Jakarta. This research using qualitative method with indepth interview approach to the implementator CRPD also to the user of this program. The result of this research show that the implementation of CRPD related to accessibility in public transportation is done by establishing local regulation that corresponds with CRPD and the existence of Transjakarta Cares program, supported by PT Transjakarta in 2016. Existence of Transjakarta Cares does help person with disabilities to get their rights to acquire the accessibility of accessible transportation. Keywords: Implementation, CRPD, accessibility, public transportation facility ABSTRAK Penyandang disabilitas merupakan salah satu kelompok minoritas di dunia yang masih mengalami diskriminasi. Melihat hal tersebut, Convention on The Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) hadir di tahun 2006 dan berperan sebagai konvensi internasional penegak hak-hak penyandang disabilitas. Lima tahun sejak CRPD berlaku, Pemerintah Indonesia memutuskan untuk meratifikasi konvensi tersebut. Tindakan yang diambil oleh Pemerintah Indonesia tersebut menuntut pemerintah pusat maupun pemerintah daerah untuk mengimplementasikannya secara menyeluruh. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana implementasi Convention on The Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) dalam aspek aksesibilitas fasilitas transportasi publik di DKI Jakarta. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif, dengan wawancara mendalam pada para pelaksana CRPD dan pengguna jasa layanan tersebut. Hail penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa implementasi CRPD terkait aksesibilitas fasilitas transportasi publik di DKI Jakarta dilakukan melalui pembuatan peraturan daerah sesuai dengan CRPD dan adanya program layanan Transjakarta Cares yang diberikan oleh PT Transjakarta pada tahun 2016. Dengan adanya Transjakarta Cares ini sangat membantu para penyandang disabilitas mendapatkan hak nya untuk memperoleh aksesibilitas transportasi yang aksesibel. Kata kunci: Implementasi, CRPD, aksesibilitas, fasilitas transportasi publik</p
... Thus, historical domestic construction can be part of a theory of domestic politics to complement neoliberal or rationalist institutionalism by offering explanations when states have strong, weak, 42 Key neoliberal institutionalist formulations, frequently with applications to Cold War and post-Cold War European politics, include Keohane 1984;Keohane 1989;Keohane and Martin 1995;Haftendorn, Keohane, and Wallander 1999;Wallander 1999;Keohane and Martin 2003;Koremenos, Lipson, and Snidal 2004;Martin and Simmons 2001. Other significant works on international institutionalization and organization importantly informed by liberal international thought notably include Deudney and Ikenberry 1999;Ikenberry 2001;Ikenberry 2009;Ikenberry 2011. ...
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The differences between France and Germany’s historically rooted domestic constructions of role and purpose helped to shape frequently diverging French and German interests and policies across security issue areas. Security policy, generally, involves goals and actions in various political domains through which states seek to enhance or provide for their security in a potentially dangerous world. Policies may range from the broad and general—such as attempts to shape or influence the international milieu and its institutional and organizational form—to comparatively specific and delimited policies regarding arms production or export. In order to provide an overview of the effects of historical domestic construction on a range of security areas, this book differentiates among milieu goals and international institutional orders; alliances and alliance politics; nuclear deterrence force; overall force structures; mission definition and deployment; arms procurement, arms production, and arms industry; and arms export.
... This is, after all, a familiar theme of much liberal IR and does not distinguish global polity theory decisively from conventional institutional research on international organizations and an intensifying institutionalization of world politics. Realists doubt the independence of institutions vis-à-vis states and see them as extensions of state power or as auxiliary to a state system, rather than as modifiers of state interests as is the case in regime theory and neoliberal institutionalist scholarship (Krasner 1982, Keohane 1989, Young 1991. But even if international institutions are interpreted in their stronger sense as modifiers of state identities, it is not discernable whether a 'critical mass' of institutions has been reached that warrants a new set of global polity concepts and assumptions. ...
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The whole post-international tradition is dedicated to – even defined by – showing how the model of the international system falls short because the system is changing and becoming more complex with the addition of other actors and institutions. Meanwhile the question of an alternative model of political structure for grouping units and understanding their dynamics has been attempted surprisingly little. In criticizing the model of anarchy as incomplete or misleading, critics have often either added to it (e.g. Sørensen 2009) or questioned the use of structural models as a way of simplifying complex systems, arguing that proper systems analysis has to take not just the way the units are arranged but the character of the units themselves (and the interaction between unit and structure) into account (Buzan et al. 1993: 47). Waltz has responded on behalf of structural realism that adding to a theory does not necessarily improve it (2004). Criticizing the model of anarchy had thereby come to be viewed as the logical opposite of parsimony: either we base our theory of international relations on anarchy or we sacrifice parsimony and embrace complexity. This has left little in the way of alternative simplifying tools (more specifically: structural models) for heterodox scholars to reach for when describing global politics – hence the penchant for complexity and network metaphors and post-this and complex-that language. Even global governmentality, we saw in the previous chapter, has been framed in terms of an amendment of the international model.
... The second element of the EU's liberal perception of international relations is the importance of institutions and international regimes (Keohane, 1989). In the neoliberal stream, institutions and regimes are the guarantors of the stability of the whole international system. ...
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In this article, we reflect on analytical eclecticism as a research approach and apply it to EU-Russia relations. First, we sketch the conceptual contours of theoretical eclecticism in international relations. Next, we consider its explanatory potential, discuss some of the present criticism and conduct a brief exemplary analysis of its use. In the process, we focus on EU-Russia relations using the theoretical perspectives of both liberalism and realism. In this view, the EU's and Russia's decision makers are conceptualized as looking at their mutual relations (and international relations in general) through the lenses of both perspectives. The empirical case is "diversity management" between the EU and Russia including issues of states/territories with limited recognition (Crimea, Donetsk People's Republic and Luhansk People's Republic of Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia).
... Thus, historical domestic construction can be part of a theory of domestic politics to complement neoliberal or rationalist institutionalism by offering explanations when states have strong, weak, 42 Key neoliberal institutionalist formulations, frequently with applications to Cold War and post-Cold War European politics, include Keohane 1984;Keohane 1989;Keohane and Martin 1995;Haftendorn, Keohane, and Wallander 1999;Wallander 1999;Keohane and Martin 2003;Koremenos, Lipson, and Snidal 2004;Martin and Simmons 2001. Other significant works on international institutionalization and organization importantly informed by liberal international thought notably include Deudney and Ikenberry 1999;Ikenberry 2001;Ikenberry 2009;Ikenberry 2011. ...
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As one distinctive factor shaping national interests and inclinations in foreign and security policy, the concept of historical domestic construction may relate to other theoretical approaches in international relations and foreign policy in a variety of ways. With respect to constructivist thought in these areas, this book emphasizes a particular kind of domestic construction that is tied to a particular source: dominant interpretations of the meaning and implications of historical experiences. This formulation of historically constructed elements of national role and purpose connects to other strands of research and theorizing about roles and national role conceptions (NRCs), but also diverges from them. Historical domestic construction is compatible with classical realism’s frequent emphasis of the importance of history and of domestic politics. With various other realist and liberal approaches, furthermore, it may be complementary or competitive, or connect with particular strands in these intellectual traditions in other ways. Its relationship with the factors, historical forces, or causal connections prominently emphasized by other intellectual perspectives in international relations and foreign policy analysis thus is not uniform, but depends on the specific research question and the particular analytic focus.
... Drawing on Krasner (1983) and Keohane (1989), we define international institutions as sets of international rules, norms and principles -be they substantive or procedural, formal, or informal -around which actors' expectations of appropriate behavior converge. International institutions include international organizations such as the WTO, international regimes such as the nuclear non-proliferation regime and international networks such as the G7. ...
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As emerging powers rise and established powers decline, international institutions come under pressure to adjust to new power realities. When and how do international institutions adapt to underlying global power shifts? We propose an (institutionalist) theory of strategic co-optation that differs from both (realist) accommodationist and (liberal) integrationist theories. Drawing on isolated treatments of strategic co-optation from other domains – domestic and international, autocratic and democratic, past and present – we develop a theory of strategic co-optation as a mode of institutional adaption to shifts in the global distribution of power. The theory specifies the concept, the conditions and the (unintended) consequences of strategic co-optation. We conceptualize co-optation as a specific form of adaptation where established powers trade institutional privileges for emerging powers' institutional support. We theorize the conditions under which emerging and established powers are (more or less) likely to strike a co-optation deal. In addition, we identify endogenous dynamics that may render co-optation precarious and thus subject to instabilities. While the ambition of this paper is primarily theoretical, we provide various empirical illustrations of how strategic co-optation is used to adapt international institutions to contemporary shifts in the global distribution of power.
... Liberal institutionalism emphasizes the cooperative possibilities in interstate relations and explains them not only in terms of common interests but also through the roles of institutions, the rule-bound surrounding, in which interaction between states takes place and the interconnectedness between actors in the international system (Keohane, 1989). Cooperation can elicit from pre-existing complementary state preferences (Keohane, 2005;Keohane and Martin, 1995). ...
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Why do we observe an increase of EU-China security cooperation over time, while at the same time, political tensions deepen? And why does cooperation emerge on some security issues but not on others? Although the main drivers of EU-China relations remain of an economic kind, meaning primarily concerns with trade, investment and intellectual property issues, the security dimension of the relationship has increased over time and has developed into a vital pillar of EU-China relations. While a lot has been written about EU-China economic affairs, their relationship in the security realm is a controversial and highly debated, yet under-researched issue. This dissertation examines the main drivers towards cooperation in EU-China security relations by applying a mixed comparison approach. Drawing on a combination of rationalist and constructivist explanatory factors it assesses the role of complex interdependence, economic interests, a convergent problem understanding and mutual perceptions in order to explain why EU-China security cooperation takes place despite deepening political tensions. A diachronic comparison investigates temporal patterns, revealing an increase of complex interdependence and a converging understanding of what constitutes security as the main drivers towards security cooperation over time. A synchronic comparison of three security issues, anti-terrorism, anti-piracy/maritime security and climate/energy security, further underlines these findings. In analyzing variation over time and between security issues, the present study provides a comprehensive assessment of EU-China security relations in the context of political tensions and shows why security cooperation takes place against all odds. It provides incentives for further in-depth process research on the roles of the EU and China in different security issues and has practical implications for the orientation of the EU’s future China policy.
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This chapter draws from Weber’s work and from the ‘second-wave’ of Weberian historical sociology to provide a perspective on the sources of structural power and international political and economic change. The chapter begins by tying together the development of a state’s power with the development of credit-money emphasising the social and political underpinnings of credit-money’s substantive validity. This is followed with critiques of what I consider to be the three most popular perspectives in IPE: neoliberalism, neorealism, and ‘new realism’. Following this critique I offer a Weberian alternative through a discussion of Weber’s view on the state, finance, and state-societal relations and by drawing from ‘second-wave’ Weberian historical sociology.
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This chapter considers how International Relations (IR) theory and organization theory (OT) have informed each other’s development to date and discusses areas of unrealized potential for future cross-fertilization in analyzing inter-organizational cooperation and conflict as well as limits of such exchange. While IR has made limited contributions to organizational studies, the flow of ideas from organizational scholarship to IR has been more influential. Organizational theories such as transaction cost economics, agency theory, and neo-institutionalist organizational sociology have significantly influenced IR theory over the past 30 years. Network analysis is increasingly employed in IR. Complexity theory has seen some application in both IR and OT. And scholars of international organizations have recently drawn upon resource dependence theory and organization culture theory. Other organizational theories—including contingency, garbage can, and organizational ecology, theories—have the potential to illuminate new puzzles in the study of inter-organizational relations in world politics.
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In this era of globalization, international relations run increasingly complex and interdependent both the actor and the issues. Economic relations, social and culture also increased territorial boundaries. Globalization which is based on liberalism has encouraged the strenghthening of the role of transnational actors in all areas of life and erodes the role of state. The increasing role of the WTO, OECD, IMF, World Bank, MNCs, and INGOs indicated the phenomenon. However, states still have an important role and needed to protect the people interest and make regulations for the liberalization can be mutually benefecial. Keyword: globalization, liberalization, the role of state
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As a variety of state and non-state organizations are involved in world politics, relations among these organizations significantly contribute to global order. In this article, we examine how inter-organizational relations can be studied by sociological approaches from the field of Organization Studies. In so doing our focus is on three accounts that have proved their merits in explaining why and under which circumstances cooperation among international organizations takes place: resource dependence, sociological neo-institutionalism, and organizational fields. These approaches see organizations as embedded in and interacting with their societal environment but have slight deficits on the level of examining all kinds of inter-organizational relations and their contribution to world order. Thus, we briefly introduce two promising alternatives: Luhmann’s systems theory and American Pragmatism.
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The 1874 UPU was meant to regulate mail and parcel flows under the "single territory" concept. Today, what proportion of international deliveries are actually covered by UPU rules (as opposed to other, non postal operators')? What is the importance of UPU norms and standards for the future? Can the UPU survive despite the development of alternative delivery routes? Should it not increase its legitimacy by including not just postal, but also express operators, be it by changing the way the organisation has been operating so far? Other economic fields provide inspiration for this. The article answers these questions.
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Evidence from earlier regime effectiveness studies and niche-oriented analysis suggests that the Arctic Council and its member-states should use the Council’s work to influence and shape action in other regional and international fora. The article highlights the need for the Arctic Council and its members to move beyond knowledge-building and norm-building to actively support regulatory advances in broader institutions by the establishment of a coordinated Arctic voice enabling Arctic states to provide collective leadership in global instruments with an Arctic agenda, such as finalizing the Polar Code. Such an approach would also be consistent with the recent Ministerial declaration of the Arctic Council. The Council’s Arctic Ocean Review recommendations will serve as the example to illustrate the opportunities for member states to provide collective leadership in addressing those recommendations in international fora.
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During the first decade of the 21st century, the EU is set to enlarge to up to ten East European countries: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. EU enlargement has been agreed because it is believed that this will ensure security and stability in Eastern Europe. Yet enlargement will fundamentally alter the Union itself: along with the creation of an Economic and Monetary Union, it is the biggest challenge facing the Union.
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Objective: To understand the macro institutional conditions of "Families in Action Program" of the municipality of Manizales, between the years 2005-2010, and the concepts of development and poverty that underlie the program. Methodology: Two sources of information were used as a way to obtain this knowledge: firstly via the stories of social and institutional actors obtained through semi-structured interviews, focus groups and participant observation, and secondly through reviewing secondary information. The development, poverty and the macro and micro realities were the analyzed categories. They emerged from the theoretical discussion and grounded the design of instruments for collecting information
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This introduction focuses on the concepts and definitions including a discussion of some of the main issues and specific features of the second wave of regionalism. It also presents the overall structure of the book and concludes with the main findings of the case studies.
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The chapter argues that the emergence and specific implementation of an international institution can only be understood if the institution is seen as part of a larger regime complex. It analyses the creation of the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI), a regional monetary fund in East Asia. The evolution of the Chiang Mai Initiative will be evaluated in two steps. Firstly, the paper will explain the emergence of the regime by reference to liberal and constructivist models of regime creation with reference to the influence of the international financial regime complex. Following this, it will be evaluated how institutional interplay within the financial regime complex shaped the CMI and what impact it is likely to have on the regime complex it is part of. It will be argued that four factors play a major role in the CMI’s interactions within the financial regime complex: The lack of a clean slate, forum shopping, legal inconsistencies and the politics of implementation.
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By championing certain actors over others, International Relations (IR) theory conventionally avoids questions of agency and does not, at least in theoretical terms, discuss which entities can develop capacities needed to act in world politics. Whether it is states, institutions, or individuals, we simply “locate” agency in particular entities, which then exist and act as global governors qua definition. In other words, agency is determined by a priori claims and we rarely reflect the dispositions needed to be(come) an actor in the first place. Even global governance, despite its impetus to consider agency beyond the state, has not engaged in such a discussion, at least not in theoretical terms. In order to initiate such a discussion, the paper draws on the distinction between substantialism and relationalism. After reviewing how agency has been framed in IR, the paper outlines three general dispositions of agency and relates those to the two ontological perspectives. Based on this theorization, the paper contents that IR's lack of reflection and its substantialized notions of agency, whether in rationalist or constructivist appearance, remain problematic. As such, there is potential to conceptualize agency in world politics not as an inherent disposition of entities but rather as emerging from social relations between them. Such a framework compels researchers to not just assume discrete actors but to focus on relational processes through which their agency emerges in the first place and sustains over time. Reconstructing these processes reveals their political nature and allows us to consider who should govern the world.
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Ganz überwiegend wird Herrschaft vom Gehorsam gedacht und nicht vom Widerstand, den sie erzeugt. Das führt dazu, dass in den großen Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen nur ein verkürzter Herrschaftsbegriff im Sinne legitimier Autorität oder umgekehrt als Hegemonie Eingang gefunden hat. Beide verlieren aber gerade die Vielfältigkeit von Herrschaftsverhältnissen und ihre Effekte in der internationalen Politik aus den Augen. Der Beitrag schlägt im Gegensatz dazu vor, Herrschaft über die Praxis des Widerstands zu erfassen und illustriert an zwei Beispielen, aus dem Bereich nuklearer Dissidenz und der globalisierungskritischen Bewegung die Vorteile eines solchen Verständnisses.
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The Association of Southeast Asian Nations have been working towards ‘doubling the efforts’ of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. It is strategically important to make an assessment of member countries for their “regional integration contributions” to improving the trans-boundary macroeconomic effects on achieving SDGs. In this context, this study has developed a performance measure – ‘Geo-economic Importance Index’ (GEII) – by incorporating the major components of the important subset of both the ASEAN community Vision 2025 and the UN2030 Agenda. The subset is: (i) Poverty Reduction (SDG 1) (ii) Infrastructure and Connectivity (SDG 9) (iii) Natural Resource Management (SDG 15) (iv) Sustainable Consumption and Production (SDG 12) and (v) Resilience Capacity (SDG 13). The results of the empirical analysis indicate that the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) cooperation enables more ASEAN members to accelerate their ‘doubling the efforts’ strategy by 2030. The channels through which relatively more acceleration can happen are improving labour productivity and human capital development. Political commitments not to decrease education and health expenditure will be necessary given the migration and population aging, which will increase the demand for education and healthcare services. There is potential to organize select education and healthcare services regionally to improve competency and efficiency in delivery.
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The 20th anniversary of the Arctic Council (AC) in 2016 provided an excellent opportunity for evaluating the council’s performance over its two decades in operation. Along the AC’s appraisals, various commentators – both from within and without the council’s circles – put forward proposals to reform the AC in order to, arguably, strengthen it and enhance its effectiveness vis-à-vis new challenges facing the Arctic. Interestingly, most of those accounts have only tenuous, if any, connection with the general literature on international environmental regimes and their effectiveness. As a result, they do not draw from the insights flowing from this literature and, in reverse, they miss an opportunity to contribute to the broader body of knowledge about international environmental institutions. The lack of systematic inquiry also hampers our ability to accumulate knowledge about the performance of the AC itself. To address that matter, this article draws up a basic framework through which future assessments of the AC’s effectiveness could be grounded in the general literature on international regimes. The study treats the AC as an institution or regime as these terms are used in the broader literature on international relations. It adopts the political definition of institutional effectiveness and is based on literature reviews related to international regimes and the AC as well as, whenever relevant, on the subject of Arctic governance at large. Overall, the article underlines the critical importance of systematic inquiry and transparency in producing insights regarding the AC’s effectiveness – as of any other institution – to allow for accumulation of our comprehension of what makes the AC work.
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The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development has been criticized for its institutional weakness. It assumed that governance commitments and the multilateral order would remain unchanged until 2030. The COVID-19 has challenged both assumptions. The response deployed by the countries has made international cooperation dependent on the solution of internal problems. What will be the impact of the pandemic on the 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals? What changes can be expected in the institutional design of the Agenda to face this challenge? To address these questions we have gathered and systematized 152 documents issued by the top think tanks on International Development since the outbreak of COVID-19, to identify the main design features of the Agenda that should be modified according to the functional-rationalist approach to institutional design. Our study shows that a higher level of centralization of authority and a redefinition of control and flexibility mechanisms are needed in order to improve the governance of the Agenda. Despite the temptation of focusing on a narrow set of goals, a broad scope is recommended, necessary to safeguard its holistic approach. These findings can provide insights for addressing the governance and institutional design of other international arrangements of similar nature.
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UN peacekeeping is a core pillar of the multilateral peace and security architecture and a multi-billion undertaking reshaping lives around the world. In spite of this, the engagement between the literatures on UN peacekeeping and International Relations theory has been a slow development. This has changed in recent years, and there is now a growing interest to examine UN peacekeeping from various theoretical perspectives to yield insights about how international relations are changing and developing. The volume is the first comprehensive overview of multiple theoretical perspectives on UN peacekeeping. There are two main uses of this volume. First, this volume provides the reader with insights into different theoretical lenses and how they practically can be applied to better understand UN peacekeeping. Second, through case studies in each chapter, the volume provides practical examples of how International Relations theories – such as realism, liberal institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism, feminist institutionalism, constructivism, critical security studies, practice theory, and complexity theory – can be applied to a specific policy issue. Applying these theories enhances our understanding of why UN peacekeeping, as an international institution, has evolved in a particular direction and functions the way that it does. The insights generated in the volume can also help shed light on other international institutions as well as the broader issue of international cooperation.
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This paper considers the guiding impact of private governance schemes on public authorities’ policy-making through a case study on green bond standard. Based on theoretical review of the institutional interplay and private governance scheme, two hypotheses are proposed in this paper: horizontal interplay between transnational private governance schemes can make a particular framework prevalent in given governance area; and prevalent private governance scheme can influence policy making of public authorities through vertical institutional interplay. The argument in this paper supports that internationally-accepted private governance schemes could be in a position to influence policy-making by public authorities. Horizontal interplay in the form of alignment between the Green Bond Principles (GBP) and other private green bond standards reinforces the credibility of the overlapping elements of the private standards. As for vertical level, this paper finds that public authorities at national and regional levels take advantage of the private governance scheme, especially GBP, when developing their own standards and policy frameworks. Private institution’s expertise on green bond standards effectively function to help develop coherent green bond standards globally by helping with public authorities’ policy development. GBP eventually serves as a model regulation for policy makers as public authorities regard them as market best practice. This further strengthens the credibility of GBP since private governance schemes could attract more users by making it clear that those voluntary private standards are linked with standards and policy frameworks created by public authorities.
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The East-West divide within the EU over climate policy has been frequently discussed. There is a tendency in the literature to focus on Poland and ignore the other countries in the central and eastern European region. Here it is argued that the institutionalised cooperation between the four countries in the Visegrad Group (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) provides a crucial component for an understanding of how the participating countries approach EU climate negotiations. Here it is suggested that the group is important as a bargaining coalition but also as a reference point for the development of shared ‘Visegrad’ norms in the field. This is based on a case study of the Czech Republic’s approach to the 2014 negotiations on the 2030 climate and energy framework and the country’s cooperation with the other Visegrad countries on the issue.
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In 2016, the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, a decision widely known as ‘Brexit’. This analysis compares two competing theories – institution and identity – to explain why. Four historical events, chronologically ordered from 1945 to 2016, are examined with both identity and institution analysis to explain British integration and its subsequent withdrawal from the European Union. Through this analysis, one can conclude the United Kingdom’s decision to withdraw in 2016 stemmed from a variety of reasons, but each of these can be explained by identity (a sense of nationalism), or institution (EU relationships). Nationalism around the world has increased exponentially in recent years, evolving from small grassroots factions into major political parties. This ideology has formed a sense of identity in the United Kingdom that differs from EU governance. British pride and disassociation from a European identity have also caused sociological differences that sparked and energized the Brexit movement. The relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union is complex. The United Kingdom was never institutionalized with other member states to possess the same values, norms, or legal system, and historically, they have shown diverging interests and a rocky relationship.
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This chapter provides an important theoretical–methodological basis for the analysis of the energy discourse between the EU and the RF and related issues. The first part consists of an explanation of the possibility of combining a conventional and a critical constructivist approach with the aim of creating a theoretical framework to be used as an analytical tool for exploring the EU and RF discourse on energy relations. For this purpose, the second part examines a broader constructivist approach to the matter of discourse, the actions of both parties with regard to foreign energy relations, and the issue of identity, interests, norms, and values. The third part focuses on a methodological elaboration of discourse analysis and its application and the selection of primary methods. The fourth part specifies the major actors that form the energy discourse of the EU and Russia. The fifth part deals with the question of data collection and the criteria for selecting relevant data. The final part provides a preliminary analysis of select documents and speeches, followed by the identification of several dominant energy discourses in the EU and the RF.
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The introduction describes the meaning and importance of the topic, which focuses on the discourses of the European Union and the Russian Federation regarding energy relations in the years 2004–2014, and the monograph’s difference from previous research on the issue (the EU–RF energy relations). The introduction also mentions the main goal of the monograph which is to define the approaches to the EU energy discourse in relation to Russia and vice versa and to interpret the contents of the EU and Russian discourses on their mutual energy relations. Also, a brief overview is made of the theoretical framework and the main theoretical concepts, and this is followed by the methodological framework and the main methods applied. Finally, the introduction describes the main bibliographical sources and the structure of the monograph.
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The chemical weapons prohibition regime is unique among the regimes addressing nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. It qualifies as a strong prohibition regime with a high norm density and a dedicated international organisation to verify implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention, and assist states parties with its implementation, nationally and internationally. The paper adopts a broader institutional approach and utilises elements of historical institutionalism to analyse the evolution of the regime. More specifically it addresses the norms providing guidance to states on chemical weapons disarmament, non-proliferation, national implementation, and assistance and protection against chemical weapons use before discussing Syrian accession to the Chemical Weapons Convention and its implications for evolution of the regime as it seeks to transition to a world free of chemical weapons.
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This chapter analyzes the significance of regime theory, or theory of regimes, for the field of International Relations. Specifically, it tries to reflect on theoretical affinities between the two, namely to recast regime theory as IR theory. The chapter proceeds as follows. First, it discusses existing IR theorization of regimes which has coalesced around three specific “waves” of regimes theorization: the neo-neo-convergence regime theory; cognitivism; and radical constructivism/post-structuralism. Second, it assesses heuristic utility of the three waves of regime theorization in relation to possible domains of empirical application. Finally, more general trends in relation to heuristics are discerned and flagged in the conclusion.
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The governance of natural uranium, specifically the production and trade of uranium ore concentrates (UOC), generally referred to as ‘yellowcake’, has historically been subjected to limited international controls. Over the past two decades, however, an evolving structure of international nuclear treaties has grown to include a range of security applications such as the 1987 Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Materials (CPPNM) and its 2005 Amendment, UN Security Council Resolution 1540 of 2004, and the 2005 International Convention for the Suppression of Nuclear Acts of Terrorism (ICSANT). The provisions in these international legal instruments extend to the protection of UOC in international transport, as well as in domestic use, storage and transport. At the same time, the application of safeguards has been extending upstream in the nuclear fuel cycle, capturing materials in process at conversion facilities and potentially the product at mills, with reporting obligations covering uranium mines and concentration plants. Moreover, the geographies of supply and demand are shifting, creating new trade routes, actors and costs; how to build national uranium regulatory systems from scratch; and the application of current export controls to countries outside the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT). This chapter looks to materials at the very front end of the nuclear fuel cycle and the evolving complex patchwork of national and international instruments governing their protection and trade. This patchwork rests within the larger global architecture—and the global power structure—of nuclear materials governance. It exemplifies how the three rules of real estate (location, location, location) apply to uranium, representing the mixed nature of formalised and informal mechanisms at the international level and their wide-ranging applications at the national level.
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This chapter provides a contextual framework to the research, by illustrating and addressing a set of preliminary inquiries such as “how are regional scenarios composed in Africa and Latin America? What types of institutions are present, and what is their context of creation? What are the factors that lead states to associate around ROs? Does the presence of said factors in the beginning of the processes translate into influence in the results of the interactions of the coexistence of blocs in a complex regional scenario? Are there characteristics common to these regions?”. We further develop the theoretical background on overlapping regionalisms and why it is so relevant for this study; and enter the discussion on drivers of regionalism, development and trajectory in the regional processes.