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Crossed mobilities: the “recent wave” of Spanish migration to France after the economic crisis
Abstract
This article analyses the Spanish migration to France that emerged following the 2008 crisis from the perspective of crossed mobilities [Oso, L., A. Sáiz López, and A. Cortés. 2017. ““Movilidades Cruzadas” en un Contexto de Crisis: Una Propuesta Teórica Para el Estudio de la Movilidad Geográfica y Social, con un Enfoque de Género, Transnacional e Intergeneracional.” Revista Española de Sociología 26 (3): 293–306. doi:10.22325/fes/res.2017.24], focusing on the cross between social class, gender and generation. It considers the connection between this recent “migration wave” and Spanish low-skilled labour migration in the 1960s and 1970s (domestic service, caretaking, cleaning, the building sector). It also analyses high-skilled migration, which stands apart from traditional emigration, revealing the key role social origins play in labour market insertion. Finally, the article considers the crossed mobility between exiled Republicans and the Marea Granate or “Maroon Wave”, who refer to themselves as “economic exiles”. The analysis is based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in Paris with migrants that arrived in the wake of the 2008 crisis and virtual ethnography (Spanish emigration’s principal websites and Facebook portals).
... Esto permite la emergencia de una gran diversidad de proyectos de movilidad que no se ajustan necesariamente a los patrones migratorios tradicionales de la época fordista (Recchi, 2015). En este caso, los/as nuevos migrantes que llegan a Bruselas se van a encontrar con españoles de los flujos migratorios de dicha época, algo que les puede permitir aprovechar redes y conocimientos para facilitar su incorporación (Oso, 2020). Pero la continuidad entre unos y otros flujos no es tan clara, existiendo diferencias entre ellos . ...
... En otros contextos europeos se han encontrado evidencias de vínculos de estos nuevos migrantes con personas de las migraciones de la etapa fordista, principalmente para llegar al país de destino y para facilitar su inserción inicial, como, por ejemplo, en el caso de Francia (Oso, 2020). En la encuesta también han aparecido casos de hijos de antiguos emigrantes que, después de haber retornado a España, vuelven a Bruselas y están en contacto con conocidos de las migraciones de dicha etapa. ...
RESUMEN Este artículo ofrece un análisis crítico de las estrategias de movilidad, laborales y políticas de las migraciones desde España hacia Bruselas a partir de la crisis económica de 2008, en contraste con los flujos del pasado. Los datos que lo sustentan son resultado del trabajo de campo realizado durante 2018-2020 con migrantes de nacionalidad española, basado principalmente en entrevistas cualitativas. Los resultados permiten describir dos perfiles de movilidad específicos: por una parte, el de quienes marcharon a Bruselas interrumpiendo su trayectoria laboral en España y, por otra, el de quienes se desplazaron hasta la capital belga en el marco de un proyecto profesional transnacional. Estos dos perfiles se proyectan en estrategias diferenciadas de movilidad, inserción laboral y participación política transnacional. Nuestro análisis complementa estudios recientes sobre nuevas movilidades intraeuropeas Sur-Norte, en este caso dirigidas a Bruselas, ciudad global dual generadora de oportunidades, pero también de precariedades para los/as nuevos migrantes.
ABSTRACT This article provides a critical analysis of the mobility, labor, and political strategies of migration from Spain to Brussels following the 2008 economic crisis, comparing it with past migration flows. The data used in this study is based on fieldwork conducted from 2018 to 2020, which involved qualitative interviews with Spanish migrants. The results allow us to identify two distinct mobility profiles: first, individuals who relocated to Brussels and interrupted their labor trajectories in Spain, and second, those who migrated as part of a transnational professional project. These two profiles exhibit different strategies in terms of mobility, labor insertion, and transnational political participation. Our analysis contributes to the existing literature on new intra-European mobilities from South to North, specifically focusing on the context of Brussels as a global city with dual characteristics, which provides opportunities as well as precarious conditions for these new migrants.
... A second important theme that has attracted attention is that of social networks in the receiving society. Oso (2020) focuses on the city of Paris, which has been a popular destination for Spanish migrants in different historic and political contexts. The author identifies intergenerational connections between labour migrants who had moved to France in the 1960s and 1970s (sometimes escaping Franco), and the more recent arrivals in the context of the economic crisis. ...
... For these informants, who were mainly from working class backgrounds, these contacts in the 'traditional migratory networks' paved the way out of a precarious situation at home. Oso (2020) reconstructs the family connections of individual informants who moved to Paris to live with (and in some cases work for) their aunts and uncles who had settled there decades earlier. ...
Since the beginning of the economic crisis of 2008, Spain, like other southern European countries, has witnessed a mass departure of mostly young people looking for opportunities abroad. Leaving Spain is based on 58 autobiographical narrative interviews with recent Spanish migrants who went to the UK and Germany, and sometimes returned. By presenting a combination of in-depth case studies and comparative analyses, the author demonstrates the potential of biographical research and narrative analysis in studying contemporary Europe, including its overlapping crises. The scope of the sociological study is not limited to examining how those who left Spain experienced single phases of their migration. Instead, it focuses on the significance of migration projects in the context of their life histories and how they make sense of these experiences in retrospect. This book will not only be of great interest to social scientists and students in different disciplines and interdisciplinary studies such as sociology, anthropology, human geography, European studies, education, and social work, but also to professionals, European and national policy makers, and those interested in learning more about migrants’ experiences, perspectives, and (often invisible) contributions.
... Jóvenes cualificados/as, personas que trabajan en la academia y que tradicionalmente han tenido que moverse, trabajadores/as expatriados, y personas "escupidas" por la crisis de la "burbuja del pelotazo" (Pérez-Caramés, 2017, p. 105), con menor cualificación y, en numerosas ocasiones, con familias a su cargo. Otro ejemplo es el de las mujeres españolas que se emplean en París en el servicio doméstico u otros empleos de baja cualificación (Oso, 2017(Oso, , 2020 o el de aquellas personas que han encontrado una salida en otros destinos del Sur global, como el caso de Argelia (Cabezón-Fernández y Sempere Souvannavong, 2021), ejemplo de economía emergente que ofrecía alternativas de negocio a los mercados colapsados en regiones del Norte global, como es el caso de España. Argelia, que recibido a expatriados cualificados durante los años 2005 a 2008 se convirtió en una salida para empresas de la construcción e infraestructuras, así como para pequeños empresarios del sector. ...
En las últimas décadas, el campo de los estudios migratorios, tanto en España como a nivel internacional, había constatado el poder de la movilidad como agente de estratificación social en el contexto global. Sin embargo, la situación de pandemia provocada por la COVID-19, apunta al rol que está cobrando la (in)movilidad como agente de desigualdad en las sociedades de la “nueva normalidad”. En este trabajo, llevamos a cabo una revisión de diez años de producción científica española (2009-2021), con el objetivo de analizar el tratamiento de la literatura sobre los cambios que se han producido en los fenómenos migratorios en un decenio marcado por las crisis económicas y sociales, que ahora se acrecientan debido a la tercera crisis provocada por la pandemia. Todo ello, desde la óptica de la estratificación social producida por la movilidad e (in)movilidad.
... And whilst, as we shall see in Chap. 3, many young Europeans experienced dequalification and deskilling, especially in the initial period of movement, those with recognized cultural capital, and often from a solidly middle class background, are able to enter more smoothly into skilled occupations, for example, as with Spanish migrants in France (Oso, 2020). In this way gender, racialization, class and age have stratified the outcomes of their migratory projects. ...
Chapter 10.1007/978-3-030-91971-9_3 examined the gendered nature of a migrant division of labour. In this chapter we turn to family migration, traditionally associated with women as dependents and followers of men. The term is used to categorise the international movement of people who migrate due to new or established family ties. People moving for family reasons constitute the largest group of migrants entering OECD countries, ahead of labour and humanitarian migration (OECD, 2019). To move for family reasons may encompass an array of different kinds of migration trajectories, from the adoption of a foreign child to family members accompanying migrant workers or refugees, as well as people forming new family units with host country residents or family reunification (when family members reunite with those who migrated previously).
... And whilst, as we shall see in Chap. 3, many young Europeans experienced dequalification and deskilling, especially in the initial period of movement, those with recognized cultural capital, and often from a solidly middle class background, are able to enter more smoothly into skilled occupations, for example, as with Spanish migrants in France (Oso, 2020). In this way gender, racialization, class and age have stratified the outcomes of their migratory projects. ...
While the repetitive rhetoric of ‘discovering’ women as active agents in mobility decisions, plans and the execution of such, might have had a major contribution in filling an important lacuna in migration studies literature several decades ago now (Morokvasic, 1984; Kofman, 1999), there are a number of analytical problems with continuing claims that seem to either conflate ‘gender’ with women or tend to nearly essentialise the ‘feminization of migration’ in reflecting discursive stereotypes. In the latter case, gendered migration research requires taking on board the historicity and local embeddedness of particular case studies which should clearly frame socio-political and development strategies when conducting studies to understand women migrants and female migration (Cornwall et al., 2008; Dannecker & Sieveking, 2009; Amelina & Lutz, 2019). This perspective becomes clear in the following sections and in the box included in this chapter where we include exemplifications from case studies and our own research findings.
... And whilst, as we shall see in Chap. 3, many young Europeans experienced dequalification and deskilling, especially in the initial period of movement, those with recognized cultural capital, and often from a solidly middle class background, are able to enter more smoothly into skilled occupations, for example, as with Spanish migrants in France (Oso, 2020). In this way gender, racialization, class and age have stratified the outcomes of their migratory projects. ...
By the end of 2019, 79.5 million people of concern (refugees and internally displaced) around the world had been forced from their home countries. It represents over three times the number of people of concern compared to the figure at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The major development since the peak in asylum applications in 2015 in Europe has been the large-scale emigration of Venezuelans, who as of 2019 are now among the top three nationalities in Europe, especially in Spain. On the other hand, Covid-19 has led to a significant reduction in applicants in 2020, especially among Colombians and Venezuelans arriving by air (EASO, 2021).
... And whilst, as we shall see in Chap. 3, many young Europeans experienced dequalification and deskilling, especially in the initial period of movement, those with recognized cultural capital, and often from a solidly middle class background, are able to enter more smoothly into skilled occupations, for example, as with Spanish migrants in France (Oso, 2020). In this way gender, racialization, class and age have stratified the outcomes of their migratory projects. ...
... And whilst, as we shall see in Chap. 3, many young Europeans experienced dequalification and deskilling, especially in the initial period of movement, those with recognized cultural capital, and often from a solidly middle class background, are able to enter more smoothly into skilled occupations, for example, as with Spanish migrants in France (Oso, 2020). In this way gender, racialization, class and age have stratified the outcomes of their migratory projects. ...
As we saw in Chap. 10.1007/978-3-030-91971-9_1 , the gendered transfer of labour globally and within Europe has been the focus of attention and the core of the discourse concerning the feminization of migration. Whilst gendered labour migrations are not new, their composition, extent, and how we analyse them, theoretically and methodologically, have evolved. As data show, migrants and especially females, are heavily concentrated within certain sectors producing not just a migrant division of labour (Wills et al., 2010) but a gendered migrant division of labour. Some sectors such as household services (domestic work and care) or social reproductive labour are not only predominantly female but, especially in Southern Europe, overwhelmingly filled by migrant women. Although this type of work has attracted much attention in studies of female labour migration, other sectors, both lesser skilled and more skilled, have also relied heavily on female migrant labour but have been much less studied. Mirjana Morokvasic (2011) questioned the basis of our preoccupation about migrant women as subaltern and victims, exclusively filling low skilled sectors. Thus domestic and care workers have become the emblematic figures of globalised migrations in stark contrast to the easily mobile male IT worker (Kofman, 2013). This is not to deny that domestic and care work globally employ more migrant women than any other sector, and that demand has not grown in response to the inadequacies of public provision across different welfare regimes, leading to the search for cheap solutions to fulfil reproductive needs by using migrant workers, including men. However it does raise issues around our lack of attention to other low skilled sectors such as hospitality and contract and commercial cleaning in hospitals, offices and public spaces, which also employ large numbers of migrants. Skilled labour, especially in welfare sectors, such as education, health and social work is also sourced globally to make good shortfalls in professional reproductive labour (Kofman & Raghuram, 2015). Thus at all skill levels migrant women are employed disproportionately in diverse sectors of social reproduction in sustaining the wellbeing of the household and of society more generally.
... And whilst, as we shall see in Chap. 3, many young Europeans experienced dequalification and deskilling, especially in the initial period of movement, those with recognized cultural capital, and often from a solidly middle class background, are able to enter more smoothly into skilled occupations, for example, as with Spanish migrants in France (Oso, 2020). In this way gender, racialization, class and age have stratified the outcomes of their migratory projects. ...
In this chapter we turn to issues of how migrants participate in society and especially their gendered aspects. Why is gender important in this regard? It is a consideration that is usually absent from both theoretical and policy discussions of what is commonly termed integration or the basis on which migrants are incorporated into a society, a term widely used across different societies but with different meanings (Rytter, 2019). Whilst integration policies might seem to be neutral, they may in effect target women and men differently and have different outcomes for them. Such policies may also apply primarily to certain categories of migrants, although the categories and nationalities change over time. As we shall see, concerns over what constitutes problematic integration vary, such as: lack of knowledge of the language of the country, non-participation in the labour market and traditional cultural and social practices transferred from societies of origin. These have generated demands to impose integration measures and contracts as conditionalities of immigration and, if applicable, to the different stages in the pathway to citizenship.
... And whilst, as we shall see in Chap. 3, many young Europeans experienced dequalification and deskilling, especially in the initial period of movement, those with recognized cultural capital, and often from a solidly middle class background, are able to enter more smoothly into skilled occupations, for example, as with Spanish migrants in France (Oso, 2020). In this way gender, racialization, class and age have stratified the outcomes of their migratory projects. ...
At the end of a short journey, we can attest to the flourishing production of knowledge on gender and migration that has built up over the past 30 years in particular. Though we have on the whole referred to works in English, there is an extensive literature in other major languages, such as French, German, Italian and Spanish which have emerged from different social science traditions, in recognition of the significance of gendered migrations and feminist movements. English has come to dominate writing in this field (Kofman, 2020), ironically in large part through the European funding of comparative research as well as transatlantic exchanges (Levy et al., 2020). The past 20 years have been a rapid period of intellectual exchange in this field through networks and disciplinary associations, such as the International and European Sociological Associations or IMISCOE which supported a cluster on Gender, Generation and Age (2004–2009). The IMISCOE Migration Research Hub ( https://www.migrationresearch.com/ ) demonstrates the extensive production on gender issues and their connections with other theories and fields of migration. The economic and social transformations brought about by globalisation and transnationalism, and how its unequal outcomes and identities need to be understood through an intersectional lens (Amelina & Lutz, 2019), have heavily shaped studies of gender and migration (see Chap. 10.1007/978-3-030-91971-9_2 ). Indeed intersectionality has been suggested by some as the major contribution of contemporary feminism to the social sciences, and, has certainly been a theoretical insight that has travelled widely and rapidly from the Anglo world to Europe (Davis, 2020; Lutz, 2014) since it was defined by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989). We should, however, also remember that it had antecedents in the writing of anti-racist feminists on racist ideology and sex by the French sociologist Claude Guillaumin (1995), on the trinity of gender, race and class in the UK (Anthias & Yuval-Davis, 1992; Parmar, 1982) and by scholars in Australia (Bottomley et al., 1991) and Canada (Stasiulis & Yuval-Davis, 1995).
... And whilst, as we shall see in Chap. 3, many young Europeans experienced dequalification and deskilling, especially in the initial period of movement, those with recognized cultural capital, and often from a solidly middle class background, are able to enter more smoothly into skilled occupations, for example, as with Spanish migrants in France (Oso, 2020). In this way gender, racialization, class and age have stratified the outcomes of their migratory projects. ...
Why has it been important to incorporate gender relations into our understanding of migration processes and to engender migration research? The need to do so does not only stem from the fact that women globally make up just under half of international migrants. Gender is one of the key forms of differentiation within societies which interacts with other social divisions such as age, class, ethnicity, nationality, race, disability and sexual orientation. The drivers of migration impact on women and men differently. Women and men circulate distinctively, whether it be between rural and urban areas, intra-regionally or globally. Labour markets are often highly segregated and the possibility of women and men crossing borders may also be restricted or opened up through gendered discourses, practices, and regulations governing the right to move and under what conditions. Migration may in turn change gender relations within households and in the community and impact on gendered and sexual identities.
... Además, existen pocas aportaciones que comparen proyectos migratorios de los distintos perfiles que se esconden bajo el término "nueva emigración española". Por otra parte, el artículo se suma a los escasos trabajos académicos realizados sobre la emigración española contemporánea en Francia (Oso, 2017(Oso, , 2020Eremenko, El Qadim y Steichen, 2017;Thomàs Vanrell, 2018), siendo mucho más numerosas las investigaciones que han explorado estas recientes movilidades intraeuropeas desde España hacia Reino Unido y Alemania (Elgorriaga Astondoa, Arnoso Martínez e Ibabe Erostarbe, 2020; Cortés, Moncó Rebollo y Barbosa, 2020;Pérez-Caramés, 2017;Pumares, 2017;entre otras). Cabe subrayar que Francia ha sido el segundo destino en Europa, tras Alemania, de los flujos que se han venido produciendo desde que se inició la crisis económica en 2008. ...
This article analyzes the new trend of Spanish emigration to France since the economic crisis of 2008. This intra-European migration is characterized by two ideal types: native individuals and emigrants with a migratory past (onward migrants or descendants). These two groups are compared herein as regards their different migratory projects and their stages, in order to understand both the commonalities and differences in the different stages of the migratory cycle. The departure of the natives is less motivated by the economic crisis, and this group is characterized by its youth, its high level of qualification, and mainly, its temporality. The re-migration to France is justified by a greater economic precariousness caused by the economic crisis, and is characterized by their more advanced age, by an average educational level, and finally, by the adaptation of their project to the economic situation in Spain and France. The research is based on empirical data obtained during qualitative fieldwork carried out in France.
Recent intra-European mobilities can be analysed from the perspective of transformations in the European migration system, especially following the 2008 Great Recession, which requires moving beyond portrayals of such flows as problem-free mobilities resembling “liquid migration”. These include renewed “(semi)periphery–core” movements involving both natives and naturalized migrants that interlink with other migration systems reaching beyond Europe and produce more complex mobilities. Analysis of these mobilities need to consider as well the connections with changes in social protection, gender and citizenship systems, and their intersection with other factors such as class, age, race and ethnicity. The articles in this Special Issue do so by focusing on a variety of cases that encompass quantitative analysis of demographic data for Portugal and Spain as well as qualitative studies of the experiences of recent Spanish, Latin American and Romanian migrants in London, Paris and Brussels, thus providing new insights into current intra-EU mobilities.
Transitional justice and diaspora studies are interdisciplinary and expanding fields of study. Finding the right combination of mechanisms to forward transitional justice in post-conflict polities is an ongoing challenge for states and affected populations. Diasporas, as non-state actors with increased agency in homelands, host-lands, and other global locations, engage with their past from a distance, but their actions are little understood. This introductory article to a special issue develops a novel framework to study causal mechanisms and their underlying analytical rationales-emotional, cognitive, symbolic/value-based, strategic, and networks-based-linking diasporas and local actors in transitional justice. Mechanisms featured are: thin sympathetic response and chosen trauma, fear and hope, contact and framing, cooperation and coalition-building, brokerage, patronage, and connective action, among others. The contributors theorize about causal mechanisms and their sequences involving diasporas in multi-sited transitional justice processes and bring empirical evidence from various world regions.
Este artículo analiza la migración de mujeres españolas a Francia tras la crisis económica de 2008, desde la perspectiva de la reactivación de los campos transnacionales, que se han ido construyendo históricamente entre ambos países. Muestra cómo los nichos ocupacionales generizados, que ocuparon las mujeres que migraron a París en los años 50-70 (bonnes à tout faire o criadas, empleadas de hogar, niñeras, porteras, limpiadoras) se están renovando, a raíz de la recesión, por la reactivación de los campos transnacionales, construidos a través de las redes sociales tejidas por las diferentes corrientes migratorias El texto señala como estos campos transnacionales se cruzan con las cadenas globales de producción y reproducción, en términos de reorganización patriarcal del mercado de trabajo y de la fuerza laboral, de tal manera que la crisis económica ha traído consigo un reforzamiento de los canales tradicionales de reproducción social a través de los yacimientos laborales generizados.
Este artículo desarrolla una aproximación teórica para el estudio de las movilidades surgidas ante los desafíos de la globalización y de la crisis nanciera que bauti- zamos como “movilidades cruzadas”. La propuesta considera que las estrategias de movilidad geográ ca de las familias forman parte de una estrategia global de movilidad social, que pasa por la inmovilidad de alguno de sus miembros. Y explora cómo se relacio- nan la movilidad geográ ca y social cruzadas con el orden de género. La perspectiva intergeneracional es otra dimensión clave, considerándose las diversas ge- neraciones dentro de la familia y en el campo migrato- rio. Frente a una mirada nalista y ja de la movilidad (social y geográ ca), la propuesta de las “movilidades cruzadas” adopta una perspectiva teórico-metodoló- gica que entiende la migración como un proceso que integra y envuelve a sujetos con diferentes objetivos, posiciones, recursos y capitales que les llevan a con- feccionar trayectorias e itinerarios diversos.
Este artículo analiza el perfil de la nueva emigración española durante la crisis económica iniciada en 2008. Los datos que presentamos muestran que el volumen de emigración es comparativamente mayor que en las décadas anteriores, pero permanece relativamente bajo en términos absolutos. Los nuevos emigrantes españoles son, en su mayoría, jóvenes con educación universitaria, pero con escasos conocimientos de idiomas y poca experiencia laboral en los sectores laborales deseados. Ambos aspectos dificultan su integración laboral en los países de destino. Por último, el artículo se centra en las experiencias de los nuevos emigrantes españoles en el Reino Unido sobre la base de entrevistas en profundidad.
France fared relatively well at the start of the current economic crisis, but has experienced low economic growth and high unemployment rates in the recent years. As a result it has been a less popular destination with Southern Europeans and EU migrants in general in search of economic opportunities. Although their numbers have increased and represent a growing proportion of recent flows to France, they remain low compared to numbers observed in Germany and the UK. Despite this statistical reality, EU mobility and more generally the role of the EU in economic and social policy have been at the forefront of debates in France since the start of the 2000s, thus well before the start of the crisis. These debates have focused on two populations – the Roma and posted workers – with both groups being portrayed as threats to the French welfare state. Although posted workers are not migrants, according to official EU definitions, their characteristics and experiences are similar to other groups of temporary migrant workers. Southern Europeans account for an increasing number of posted workers, and although they have not been the primary nationalities targeted in discussions concerning this issue, the debates and policy changes introduced in the recent years concern them as well. Moreover, we argue that the focusing of political debates on other populations in France has contributed to the relative invisibility of Southern European immigrants in this country.
The 2004 EU extension and the 2008 financial crisis triggered new migration flows within Europe, and subsequent debates about what the novelty of these migration flows consists of. We draw on adult Polish and Spanish migrants’ in Norway’s considerations about future mobility and settlement, and explore how these situate themselves in relation to conceptualisations of intra-European migration as ‘liquid’. Family concerns, economic factors and working life conditions in countries of origin appear as significant in migrants’ reflections about the future. This seems to contrast with conceptualisations of intra-European migration as ‘liquid’ in the sense of increasing individualisation, lifestyles of mobility and a migrant habitus. Rather a ‘normal life’ is emphasised by migrants’ underscoring desires to lead more grounded lives, under less ‘liquid’ conditions. Migrants’ already established lives in Norway, together with deregulated labour markets in Poland and Spain, are experienced as reasons not to return. Migrants’ considerations about the future suggest that key characteristics of South–North and East–West intra-European migration flows to Norway, appear to be converging: with a trend of transition to longer-term settlement and a wish for more grounded lives, where dignity is central and ongoing mobility is less prominent.
What was the impact of the recent economic crisis on the international migration flows for the European Union? Such crisis may have strengthened the difficulties for non-EU citizens to enter the territory of the EU while the propensity for return migration could have increased. Concerning EU citizens, the impact could be a decreased intra-European mobility and, possibly an increase of extra-European emigration flows. In this contribution we check if data accessible in international and national databases for the year 2007 up to 2009 allow confirming these assumptions. Such analysis has to be carried out very carefully as international migration data are not harmonised despite of efforts done and, they are far to be reliable. Moreover new rules of data collection enforced by the EU since 2008 may have an impact of the newly provided data. Consequently changes in trends observed in 2008 and 2009 in the context of the economic crisis must be dealt with caution as the possible impact of simultaneous changes in data collection may hamper real trends and available data could not be always useful to enlighten the effect of the economic crisis on international migration flows.
La crisis económica que azota el país desde hace ya seis años no podía dejar de tener su reflejo demográfico. La población residente en España se ha reducido en 2013 en más de 50.000 personas. Es la primera vez que esto ocurre desde que se disponen estadísticas comparables (Cifras de Población, INE 2013). La inversión del ciclo migratorio tiene mucho que ver en ello. Tras el boom inmigratorio iniciado en el año 2000 y que supuso un crecimiento medio de 720.000 habitantes en el período 2002-2008, las entradas de extranjeros se fueron ralentizando desde 2009, a la vez que los flujos de salida se intensificaban. Dichas salidas han sido protagonizadas por ciudadanos extranjeros, pero el número de los españoles que se marchan del país no ha dejado de crecer desde 2008 y, en especial, desde 2011 (Gráfico 1). De hecho, un 48% de los españoles decían estar dispuestos a trasladarse a vivir a otro país en el Barómetro del CIS de febrero de 2012, frente a un 30% de los suecos o el 35% de los alemanes en encuestas similares. Y un 17% confesaba haber pensado realmente en esa posibilidad en los últimos doce meses. Las historias de españoles que deciden emprender el camino de la emigración inundan reportajes periodísticos y programas televisivos desde hace meses. Y la preocupación por la posible ‘fuga de cerebros’ y sus consecuencias a medio y largo plazo sobre la economía y el desarrollo de nuestro país son innegables. En este documento trataremos de poner algo de orden en las cifras, combinando y contrastando la información que ofrecen nuestras fuentes con las procedentes de algunos de los destinos principales de la nueva emigración española. Situaremos la dinámica migratoria española en el contexto de los movimientos migratorios intra-UE durante la crisis para apreciar mejor su importancia cuantitativa y cualitativa. Además examinaremos cómo se está modificando el perfil del emigrante español desde que empezó la crisis y si se trata de una migración permanente o de corto plazo, en función de las cifras de retorno disponibles.
This paper proposes an approach to mobility that takes both historical mobilities and forms of immobility seriously. It is argued that is important for the development of a politics of mobility. To do this it suggests that mobility can be thought of as an entanglement of movement, representation, and practice. Following this it argues for a more finely developed politics of mobility that thinks below the level of mobility and immobility in terms of motive force, speed, rhythm, route, experience, and friction. Finally, it outlines a notion of constellations of mobility that entails considering the historical existence of fragile senses of movement, meaning, and practice marked by distinct forms of mobile politics and regulation.
Despite the interest in the phenomenon of migration, it is difficult to find qualified data which allows for a detailed analysis of the factors upon which this mobility is conditioned. The Spanish case shows an important example of qualitative modification in the composition of migrations from the south to the north of Europe since Spain�s introduction into the European Community. No mass migration of low skilled workers was experienced. Nonetheless, the composition underwent drastic changes: The migration of low skilled workers was replaced by that of highly skilled workers from Spain to Germany and France. This migration went unnoticed due to the mass arrival of immigrants in Spain. An analysis was made of the differences in the conditions of migration and mobility between the two types of migrants, highly and low skilled, using the data obtained in the EIMSS survey. A pesar del interés que despierta el fenómeno de las migraciones cualificadas, es difícil encontrar datos que permitan realizar un análisis detallado de los factores que condicionan la movilidad. El caso español constituye un ejemplo de la modificación cualitativa en la composición de las migraciones de sur a norte en Europa tras el ingreso en la Comunidad Económica Europea. No se produjeron migraciones masivas de trabajadores sin cualificación; sin embargo, sí se alteró drásticamente su composición: la migración no cualificada fue sustituida por migración cualificada de España a Alemania y Francia. Esta migración queda ocultada por la llegada masiva de inmigrantes a España. Empleando los datos de la encuesta EIMSS, se analizan las diferencias de las condiciones de egreso y movilidad entre los dos tipos de migrantes, cualificados y no cualificados.
It seems that a new paradigm is being formed within the social sciences, the ‘new mobilities’ paradigm. Some recent contributions to forming and stabilising this new paradigm include work from anthropology, cultural studies, geography, migration studies, science and technology studies, tourism and transport studies, and sociology. In this paper we draw out some characteristics, properties, and implications of this emergent paradigm, especially documenting some novel mobile theories and methods. We reflect on how far this paradigm has developed and thereby to extend and develop the ‘mobility turn’ within the social sciences.
This open access book looks at the migration of Southern European EU citizens (from Portugal, Spain, Italy, Greece) who move to Northern European Member States (Belgium, France, Germany, United Kingdom) in response to the global economic crisis.Its objective is twofold. First, it identifies the scale and nature of this new Southern European emigration and examines these migrants’ socio-economic integration in Northern European destination countries. This is achieved through an analysis of the most recent data on flows and profiles of this new labour force using sending-country and receiving-country databases. Second, it looks at the politics and policies of immigration, both from the perspective of the sending- and receiving-countries. Analysing the policies and debates about these new flows in the home and host countries’ this book shows how contentious the issue of intra-EU mobility has recently become in the context of the crisis when the right for EU citizens to move within the EU had previously not been questioned for decades. Overall, the strength of this edited volume is that it compiles in a systematic way quantitative and qualitative analysis of these renewed Southern European migration flows and draws the lessons from this changing climate on EU migration.
“This is the book that the new South-North European migrations of the turbulent crisis years were demanding. It is timely, geographically and contextually comprehensive, empirically rich, and conceptually and analytically ambitious. A true tour de force.” Joaquín Arango, Complutense University of Madrid, Spain
“The retrenchment of rights of freedom of movement, and the ongoing re-nationalisation of European space, poses crucial issues for the future of Europe. In this well-conceived collection of new research on South-North intra-EU migration, we understand how and why these migrants are some of the pioneers of a more integrated and equal continent. Yet, in the re-surfacing South-isms and East-isms of national politics – including growing hostility to Romanians, Greeks, Turks, or even Spanish and Italians – we may be witnessing the end of the idea of Europe as a united geo-political project.” Adrian Favell, University of Leeds, UK
This paper's objective is to offer a range of appropriate theoretical formulations to better understand the unfolding dynamics and characteristics of new European youth migrations. After an extensive contextual introduction that sets the recent historical, institutional, and economic scene, the paper presents and critically evaluates the usefulness of five theoretical frameworks: (a) neoliberal “Single Market” economics and free movement of persons and labour; (b) the renewed relevance of the core–periphery model of spatial economic structure and resultant migration flows; (c) “liquid migration” and its defining ethos of “intentional unpredictability”; (d) the intersection of migration with “youth transitions”; and (e) the “lifestyle migration” approach.
The global economic and financial crisis had severe impact on southern European economies and stimulated growing numbers of mainly young migrants heading north, nurturing the fear of brain drain back home. This volume compiles recent research results on European south-north migration, addressing migration processes and practices, the management of migratory moves by institutional frameworks and relevant public discourse. It thereby delivers an important contribution to the understanding of the durability and contextuality of recent European south-north migration and their consequences for European economies, politics and societies.
Except for Europe, no part of the globe can claim to have a borderless space between 27 sovereign states. This is even more striking in a continent where for centuries so many wars have been fought to defend or move state boundaries. European citizenship — which has its cornerstone in the right of free movement — permits one to reside in any EU member state, enjoying the same entitlements as nationals. This constitutes quite a unique regime, which can still be qualified as international migration, though it operates under the conditions of internal migration. To stress this novelty semantically, in their documents EU institutions tend to designate any cross-state transfer of European citizens as “mobility”, whereas “migration” is used to refer to third country nationals only. “Mobility” means first class migration, without the fatigue of controls, visas, permits of stay, and the overall risk that marks traditional migrants’ typical travel and settlement experiences.
Eurostars and Eurocities: Free Movement and Mobility in an Integrating Europe examines intra-European Union migration in the cities of Amsterdam, London and Brussels. Based on sixty in-depth interviews of free moving European citizens, and more than five years of ethnographic and documentary research, it uncovers the rarely studied human dimension of European integration. Examines the mobility, lifestyle and career opportunities created by the borderless society of the European Union, as well as the barriers that still persist. Analyses the new migration trends, challenges to the welfare state, and forms of urban cosmopolitanism linked to processes of European integration.
A new paradigmatic turn has reached migration studies, the mobility turn. Following on from many turns in the recent past, such as the linguistic turn, the cultural turn and the spatial turn, the mobility turn seems to be the newest effort in diagnostic descriptions of modern society. Like other turns, the mobility turn generalizes one aspect of contemporary society to the detriment of other features. While such a turn may usefully highlight various forms of spatial mobility, it cannot be fruitfully employed unless the scholars working with this paradigm critically reflect underlying political assumptions about the nexus between spatial and social mobility. Moreover, any analysis of spatial and social mobilities needs to go beyond descriptions and start accounting for the mechanisms underlying the production of social inequalities.
ABSTRACTA recurring question with regard to international student mobility/migration is why students go abroad. Most often, this question is answered by pointing out different factors, such as the students' stated reasons for going abroad, specific psychological traits, or differences in economic and social capital. This paper, however, takes a processual perspective by asking how students become geographically mobile, thus perceiving studying abroad not as the result of a one‐time choice but as the outcome of different long‐term biographical and social processes and events. The analysis is based on narrative biographical interviews with German degree mobile students who went abroad to another European country. By focusing on how previous mobility experiences, the students' social embeddedness, and the structuring force of the order and timing of events all further the occurrence of student mobility, this paper highlights crucial aspects of this process. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In recent years, organised student mobility within the European space has increasingly caught the interest of scholarly researchers. As the focus of most research projects has been on the outcome of mobility programmes, studies into the determinants of credit student mobility remain rather focused on individual decision-making. However, in order to gain a more profound understanding of how students' motivations to participate in international mobility programmes are shaped, we have to go a step further. Therefore, in this paper, we present a study into the determinants of intra-European student mobility, conducted in Austria, Belgium, Italy, Norway, Poland, and UK, taking into account students' personal background and motivations. The results are based on an online survey (n = 5654) and in-depth interviews and focus groups with non-mobile as well as ex-mobile students (n = 71). The results show that mobility decisions are socially and biographically embedded. Moreover, we provide evidence that the decision to spend a study period abroad cannot be fully understood without taking into consideration the macroeconomic context. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
The analysis of how the economic crisis in Europe has reshaped migration flows faces two challenges: (i) the confounding influence of correlated changes in the attractiveness of alternative destinations, and (ii) the role of rapidly changing expectations about the evolution of the economic conditions in various countries. This paper addresses the first challenge by controlling for multilateral resistance to migration, and the second one by incorporating 10-year bond yields as an explanatory variable in a study of European bilateral migration flows to Germany between 2006 and 2012. We show that, while expectations and current economic conditions at origin are significant determinants of migration, diversion effects account for 78 percent of the observed increase in German gross migration inflows.
This book develops a comprehensive understanding of the motivations and experiences of students who choose to study abroad for the whole or part of a degree. It includes case studies of students from East Asia, Europe and the UK, and considers the implications of their movement for contemporary higher education.
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