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... The different frames of various political actors compete with each other and the most appealing help the public understand the crisis (Liu & Boin, 2020). Effectiveness of crisis leadership is evaluated, amongst other indicators, by the meaning-making and communication strategies that the leader employs in times of crisis (Boin et al., 2013). ...
... In a similar vein, Bauman (2011) suggested that an ethic of care approach in crisis communication could be employed through an AAA strategy (Acknowledgement, Apologia, Action) or what Diers-Lawson and Pang (2016) suggest an "ethical, caring, and compassionate apologia". This can be done by acknowledging the harm, engaging with affected stakeholders (Liu & Boin, 2020), offering a sincere and empathetic apology and doing the right thing (e.g., offer voluntary compensation) for the victims. ...
... In line with previous studies (e.g., Liu & Boin, 2020;, Tsipras narrative focused on the crisis extent; crisis management efforts; causes and attribution of responsibility; and policy implications. It should be noted that the latent frame of strategic ambiguity was found in relation to the aforesaid frames. ...
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The present study examines the discourse of the then Greek Prime Minister, Alexis Tsipras, following the 2018 July wildfire disaster in the Eastern Attica suburbs including Mati to reveal the frames employed by the main protagonist utilizing existing framing models while also incorporating the notions of ethic of care and strategic ambiguity. The then government received extensive criticism by the media and political opponents in regard to the management and communication responses of the then Prime Minister. A content analysis was conducted to the statements made by the then Prime Minister. Findings indicate that Tsipras during the initial stages of the crisis acknowledged the extent of crisis while also emphasizing the successful crisis response efforts. Moreover, strategic ambiguity along with low levels of “caring” were important elements of Tsipras' narrative at the initial stage. As the public outrage and criticism intensified, Tsipras incorporated a more caring profile and presented the disaster as a “critical opportunity” by shifting the blame to previous governments and proposing policy changes.
... When the Sichuan disaster struck, national leaders immediately described it as "big, bad and urgent" and an unprecedented disaster in the PRC's history. The crisis was not only acknowledged but also its significance was maximized, which continued throughout the earthquake relief campaign (Liu and Boin 2020). ...
... In late May, national leaders expressed their confidence in the "double victory" of both the counter-SARS work and achieving economic growth. During the Sichuan earthquake, once the urgency of the rescue faded after 72 hours, national leaders also concentrated on the orderly execution of relief work and claimed initial progress after a few days of hard work on the ground (Liu and Boin 2020). Similarly, in the later period of the earthquake relief work, national leaders asserted a double victory in economic growth and earthquake relief. ...
... In both the Sichuan earthquake and H1N1 cases, national leaders persistently asserted that external factors were at the root of the crisis. The earthquake was defined as an unprecedented natural disaster confronting the Chinese people and government, and its unpredictable and incomprehensible nature was emphasized (Liu and Boin 2020). National leaders avoided talking about policy vulnerabilities, such as inadequate building standards for public infrastructure in the quake area. ...
Article
Research shows that postcrisis policy change in democracies is shaped by how crises are framed. Given structural political differences , the role that such framing plays in postcrisis policy change in other types of political systems is unclear. Therefore, this study adjusts the concept of crisis framing to authoritarian China and subsequently identifies framing strategies used by national leaders in response to the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), the Sichuan earthquake, and the 2009 H1N1 influenza pandemic. Based on qualitative thematic analysis of statements made by national leaders, this paper shows that although no framing contests existed between them, these individuals used different framing strategies in response to different crises, and each strategy corresponds with different degrees of crisis-induced policy change. We observed major policy changes when national leaders simultaneously acknowledged the crisis, admitted a malfunctioning status quo, and put forward explicit proposals for postcrisis policy changes. Conversely, we observed minor policy change when national leaders denied the significance of the crisis, blamed the crisis on external forces, or put forward no or only abstract proposals for policy change. We argue that national leaders in China use the former strategies if they want to legitimize major policy changes and use the latter if they want to defend the status quo and restrict policy change.
... Crisis and leadership are closely linked phenomena (Boin et alt., 2016). In fact, crisis management is more than an operational response to minimize the consequences of a terrible event, because it has an eminently political component (Liu and Boin, 2020). The crises themselves are social constructions (Valdivia, 2020, Moffitt, 2015, labels that societies collectively reach in their efforts to understand an emerging and latent threat. ...
... The crises themselves are social constructions (Valdivia, 2020, Moffitt, 2015, labels that societies collectively reach in their efforts to understand an emerging and latent threat. And this collective process has a political nature since it is up to governments and administrations to direct and provide solutions in crisis management (Liu and Boin, 2020). In this sense, they can be considered as "dynamic forces in the continuous processes of legitimation, delegitimization, and re-legitimation" ('T Hart and Boin, 2001) that break the familiar symbolic frameworks that endorse the pre-existing socio-political order, damaging the legitimacy of leaders and government institutions, but also providing opportunities to repair that damage (Sorace, 2016). ...
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Introducción. Las crisis provocadas por acontecimientos imprevistos como el COVID-19 ponen a prueba las capacidades de comunicación y liderazgo de los actores políticos. Como respuesta, estos políticos establecen estrategias comunicativas que buscan redefinir y reforzar su liderazgo (y su imagen) ante la opinión pública. Metodología. Este texto analiza el desarrollo de algunas de las estrategias llevadas a cabo por los líderes políticos de los tres países europeos más afectados en la primera ola de la pandemia del COVID-19: Emmanuel Macron (Francia), Giuseppe Conte (Italia) y Pedro Sánchez (España). El análisis se basa en la semiótica generativa y se centra en el estudio de las dimensiones semionarrativa, semántica y discursiva. Resultados. En el caso concreto de la pandemia del coronavirus, tales narrativas introducen cuestiones relacionadas con la guerra y el combate. De este modo, facilitan la aparición de subencuadres como la heroicidad y el patriotismo. Discusión. Existe una gran similitud entre todos los discursos analizados a la hora de valerse de la secuencia narrativa propia de la realización del héroe. Pero ni la diferencia de contexto político, ni la diversa evolución de la pandemia en cada uno de los países analizados, así como tampoco el diferente estatuto político de los líderes, conlleva una diferenciación en sus bases narrativas y en sus encuadres bélicos. Conclusiones. Se confirma que las nuevas narrativas se originan en los órdenes discursivos tradicionales como el bélico y el épico-heroico y se destaca una novedad: el papel que juega la ciencia en el acompañamiento de este discurso.
... Community involvement and coordination between public and private institutions accelerate recovery processes in the short and medium term [53]. At the same time, improving the population's levels of satisfaction with the outcomes [54]. There is evidence about invitations to the Talcahuano community to participate in urban planification and redesign after the disaster. ...
... For this reason, it is important to interpret the evidence of urban design from a neoliberal theoretical perspective. As an example, the reflection of Geoghegan & Powell [54] is applied to the case studied. According to these authors, civil society is just a group of privatized and atomized individuals in a socio-political regime, while the market and consumption are priorities for governments. ...
Article
In this article, it was analyzed the long-term disaster recovery after the earthquake and tsunami that affected Talcahuano, Chile in February 2010. Under the assumption that disaster governance is neither politically nor discursively neuter, the aim of this article is to describe the long-term recovery process of Talcahuano, where urban planning was adjusted to the political neoliberal frame.We used a unique-case study. There were considered 7 maps that show longitudinally the changes in Talcahuano´s city design. There are maps about tsunami risk zones and landslide risk zones.Additionally, there were used 25 interviews to complement the recovery process. The results show that Talcahuano experienced post disaster changes in urban planning in line with neoliberal politics. The changes can be seen in the enlargement of commercial and residential zones. In some cases, the new building zones overlap in potentially risky zones of coastline and hills. The conclusions of the study show there is a recovery in terms of rebuilding and the organization of its local governance in emergency responses. Nevertheless, it was not able to avoid the general frame given by neoliberal regime. For more than a decade, the post-disaster recovery process favors the market growth and partially omit the local community participation in decision-making about the city design. The study case about 2010 earthquake in Talcahuano, Chile, contributes to observe long-term recovery as complex processes where the political regime aspects should be included in the analysis.
... Citizen expectations of the government in times of crisis depend on several actions of the state itself: what they choose to define as a crisis, how they frame it, and then how they address it (see Liu and Boin 2020). Both underestimating and overestimating social risks and crisis can undermine government efforts to manage crises (Ma and Christensen 2019). ...
... Scholars, pundits and journalists began warning at the beginning of the pandemic about risks like authoritarian power grabs, speeding up surveillance and other 'temporary' measures that will eventually outlast the pandemic [27][28][29] . Despite the fact that some political actors were indeed ready to exploit crises to change policies or institutions [30][31] , effective and agile, coordinated, consultative and collaborative approaches among government and nongovernment actors have taken the spotlight 24 . However, public participation in COVID-19 policymaking -using citizen advice in value-laden health policy decisions -has been notably absent 2,4,[11][12] . ...
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Following the outbreak of COVID-19, governments took unprecedented measures to curb the spread of the virus. Public participation in decisions regarding (the relaxation of) these measures has been notably absent, despite being recommended in the literature. Here, as one of the exceptions, we report the results of 30,000 citizens advising the government on eight different possibilities for relaxing lockdown measures in the Netherlands. By making use of the novel method Participatory Value Evaluation (PVE), participants were asked to recommend which out of the eight options they prefer to be relaxed. Participants received information regarding the societal impacts of each relaxation option, such as the impact of the option on the healthcare system. The results of the PVE informed policymakers about people’s preferences regarding (the impacts of) the relaxation options. For instance, we established that participants assign an equal value to a reduction of 100 deaths among citizens younger than 70 years and a reduction of 168 deaths among citizens older than 70 years. We show how these preferences can be used to rank options in terms of desirability. Citizens advised to relax lockdown measures, but not to the point at which the healthcare system becomes heavily overloaded. We found wide support for prioritising the re-opening of contact professions. Conversely, participants disfavoured options to relax restrictions for specific groups of citizens as they found it important that decisions lead to “unity” and not to “division”. 80% of the participants state that PVE is a good method to let citizens participate in government decision-making on relaxing lockdown measures. Participants felt that they could express a nuanced opinion, communicate arguments, and appreciated the opportunity to evaluate relaxation options in comparison to each other while being informed about the consequences of each option. This increased their awareness of the dilemmas the government faces.
... Scholars, pundits and journalists began warning at the beginning of the pandemic about risks like authoritarian power grabs, speeding up surveillance and other 'temporary' measures that will eventually outlast the pandemic [27][28][29]. Despite the fact that some political actors were indeed ready to exploit crises to change policies or institutions [30,31], effective and agile, coordinated, consultative and collaborative approaches among government and non-government actors have taken the spotlight [24]. However, public participation in COVID-19 policymaking-using citizen advice in value-laden health policy decisions-has been notably absent [2,4,11,12]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Following the outbreak of COVID-19, governments took unprecedented measures to curb the spread of the virus. Public participation in decisions regarding (the relaxation of) these measures has been notably absent, despite being recommended in the literature. Here, as one of the exceptions, we report the results of 30,000 citizens advising the government on eight different possibilities for relaxing lockdown measures in the Netherlands. By making use of the novel method Participatory Value Evaluation (PVE), participants were asked to recommend which out of the eight options they prefer to be relaxed. Participants received information regarding the societal impacts of each relaxation option, such as the impact of the option on the healthcare system. The results of the PVE informed policymakers about people’s preferences regarding (the impacts of) the relaxation options. For instance, we established that participants assign an equal value to a reduction of 100 deaths among citizens younger than 70 years and a reduction of 168 deaths among citizens older than 70 years. We show how these preferences can be used to rank options in terms of desirability. Citizens advised to relax lockdown measures, but not to the point at which the healthcare system becomes heavily overloaded. We found wide support for prioritising the re-opening of contact professions. Conversely, participants disfavoured options to relax restrictions for specific groups of citizens as they found it important that decisions lead to “unity” and not to “division”. 80% of the participants state that PVE is a good method to let citizens participate in government decision-making on relaxing lockdown measures. Participants felt that they could express a nuanced opinion, communicate arguments, and appreciated the opportunity to evaluate relaxation options in comparison to each other while being informed about the consequences of each option. This increased their awareness of the dilemmas the government faces.
... Major crises, especially transboundary crises, impact and constrain public administration [4]. Thus, crisis management is part of a government's responsibility, and the public expects the government to take effective measures in an emergency [7] [-] [9]. Since the outbreak, governments and health systems around the globe have struggled with COVID-19, and have taken different measures in responding to the disease [10]. ...
Article
Governments around the world have taken measures in fighting against COVID-19, but how the government's response affects the public evaluation of government performance in crisis remains to be examined. The study investigated how government actions, the public's trust in government, risk perception, and negative emotions influenced the public evaluation of government performance based on a primary survey. The findings showed that: (1) government actions and public evaluation of government performance in crisis are significantly and positively associated; (2) trust in government can positively lead to the public evaluation of government performance in crisis; (3) risk perception and negative emotions can negatively moderate and attenuate the previous positive relationship. The research revealed that the public evaluation of government performance is formed by the government actions through mediation effect of trust in government and also moderation effect of risk perception and emotional factors. Thus, this study innovatively developed a moderated mediation model of public perceived government performance which may serve as a basis for improving public evaluation while dealing with the crisis in other countries and regions.
... The results suggest a strong negative framing effect in responsibility attribution regarding the COVID-19 pandemic in Korea, implying political contestation. Chinese media frequently use economic consequences frame as a political tool to respond to challenges and relieve concerns as reassuring economic growth has been the government's main priority for over thirty years (Liu and Boin, 2020). The frame was least used in Korean media. ...
Article
Due to the relative lack of media comparison studies within Asian contexts, theoretical frameworks based in Western societies have been applied to knowledge production in the global South. Using a ‘most different’ design, this study compares the dimensions of media systems reflected in two Chinese and two Korean newspapers in their initial coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic. Content analysis showed statistically significant differences in distribution of sources, topics and valence, usage of frame types, and actors including domestic government and foreign entities held responsible between the two groups of media. Based on political implications of crisis on Chinese and Korean news content, we mainly discuss political instrumentalization and parallelism in the media in an Asian context. Finally, we open up the dimensions of media system from an Asian perspective and address the need for future research.
... Description of crisis frames and sub-frames (2017) Accidental frame Crisis events are caused by accidental or uncontrollable factors Business crisis Cho and Gower (2006) Natural/man-made Attributing the cause or the crisis responsibility to natural forces or human error Terrorism, political instability Kapuściński and Richards (2016) Process frame Announcement Particularly important notices or statements given by the company, which the company feels the public should be more aware of Fukushima nuclear power station crisis Choi and Lee (2017) Policy prescription The performance of policy systems, the changes of politics or institutions, as well as the statements with policy propositions Wenchuan earthquake Liu and Boin (2020) Human interest A human face or an emotional angle is added to the presentation of an event, issue, or problem Business crisis An and Gower (2009) Crisis-denial frame An attempt to remove connections between an organization and a crisis Max Havelaar crisis Der Meer (2014) Apology frame An organization takes full responsibility for a crisis and asks stakeholders for forgiveness Fukushima nuclear power station crisis Choi and Lee (2017) Conflict Used in such a way as to reflect conflict and disagreement among individuals, groups, or organizations Liu and Pennington-Gray (2015); An and Gower (2009) ...
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A gap exists in the research on how online media frame a tourism crisis and the effects on travel intentions. This research proposed a basic crisis frames model for public online communications including nature (N), causes (C), processes (P), and results (R). Chinese online public opinions on the Thailand drownings in 2018 were collected and the Vector Auto-Regressive (VAR) technique explored the responses within the data. The results showed that: (1) crisis frames had a dynamic impact on negative travel intentions, and the effects and variance contributions of frames differed; (2) disturbance information produced by a negative communication incident from the destination was a factor promoting the accumulation of online public opinion; and (3) online data of public opinion and the VAR model are appropriate for research on tourism crisis information communication. This research provides new insights and a method for investigating tourism crises and dynamic responses in online communication.
... The contest between the various frames usually converges around a select set of storylines (Boin et al., 2008;Kuipers & Brändström, 2018;Liu & Boin, 2020). One archetypical storyline employed by politicians emphasizes exogenous forces such as geography, weather, foreign powers, other agencies or levels of government, international markets, multinational corporations, and technological dependencies. ...
Article
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Crises are often viewed as catalysts for change. The coronavirus disease crisis is no exception. In many policy sectors, proponents of reform see this global crisis both as a justification and an enabler of necessary change. Policy scholars have paid ample attention to this crisis-reform thesis. Empirical research suggests that these proponents of crisis-induced change should not be too optimistic. The question remains why some crises give rise to reform whereas so many others do not. This paper focuses on one particular factor that crisis researchers have identified as important. Crisis research suggests that the outcome of the meaning-making process-the efforts to impose a dominant frame on a population-shapes the prospects of postcrisis change. The paper offers three ideal-typical framing scripts, which researchers can use to study postcrisis trajectories.
... The following two articles examine the use of information technology in crisis communication and management during COVID-19. To address the unprecedented challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic, governments have to provide timely situational information to the public and understand the public's information needs (Liu & Boin, 2020, Moon, 2020Yang, 2020). Governments use official websites and social media platforms to provide timely information, send service updates, and distribute policy guidelines. ...
Article
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The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has caused devastating impacts on public health, the global economy, and society. This collection of articles aims to process the lessons learned from the responses to COVID-19 and understand the public management and governance implications. This symposium includes seven articles that address various aspects of the pandemic response. These seven articles suggested several important lessons learned: First, countries need to create supportive work environments for healthcare professionals to overcome the overwhelming stress and engage in innovative behaviors to meet the rapidly growing demand for healthcare services in a health crisis. Second, hybrid coordination structures are needed in response to transboundary crises. Exploring mechanisms and processes to better integrate network-based coordination with hierarchical structures is necessary. Third, digital governance must be carefully designed and implemented to facilitate crisis communication and coordination. Finally, the COVID-19 pandemic offers the international context for comparing the implementation of a diverse range of COVID-19 policies and evaluating their impacts.
... Citizens' expectations of the government in times of crisis depend on several actions of the state itself: what they choose to define as a crisis, how they frame it, and then how they address it (see Liu and Boin, 2020). Both underestimating and overestimating social risks and crisis can undermine government efforts to manage crises (Ma and Christensen, 2019). ...
Article
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Chinese citizens are relatively happy with the state’s management of national disasters and emergencies. However, they are increasingly concluding that the state alone cannot manage them. Leveraging the 2018 and 2020 Civic Participation in China Surveys, we find that more educated citizens conclude that the government have a leading role crisis management, but there is ample room for civil society organizations (CSOs) to act in a complementary fashion. On a slightly diverging path, volunteers who have meaningfully interacted with CSOs are more skeptical than non-volunteers about CSOs’ organizational ability to fulfill this crisis management function. These findings imply that the political legitimacy of the Communist Party of China is not challenged by allowing CSOs a greater role in crisis management.
Article
This article employs the concept of care as a lens through which to examine the anti-COVID-19 measures taken in post-lockdown Wuhan. Based on photographs that depict the Chinese response to COVID-19 at the epicentre of the virus outbreak, the article analyses the visibility of anti-virus measures as a form of government communication inscribed textually and symbolically onto the urban landscape. The state demonstrates its care and capability by implementing highly visible high-tech measures to contain the virus. Bringing care into the literature on crisis management in China sheds light on the Chinese state’s reaction to COVID-19 in eliciting nationalist sentiments and positive feelings of cooperation while stigmatizing critical voices as uncooperative and unpatriotic. It shows that care is central not only to the functioning of liberal democracies: the Chinese state also relies on narratives about care to showcase the superiority of its political system and to distinguish between desirable and unwanted forms of citizens’ political engagement after the COVID-19 outbreak.
Article
en Knowledge on environmental disasters and legislation is limited. I narrow this knowledge gap by examining the relationship between environmental accidents and climate legislation in the People's Republic of China. I offer an account of local environmental accidents and local environmental legislation and focus on political centralization to understand bill submission and bill enactment in local climate legislation in China. I built a unique provincial panel dataset for the period of 1997–2014 (N = 527) for the data analysis and found that environmental accidents are correlated with local climate legislation. I also discuss how local government leaders make rational choices under the incentive system in the Chinese bureaucracy in the wake of environmental accidents. Related Articles Brogan, Michael James. 2017. “Evaluating Risk and Natural Gas Pipeline Safety.” Politics & Policy 45(4): 657–80. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12211 Liu, Zezhao, and Zhengwei Zhu. 2021. “China's Pathway to Domestic Emergency Management: Unpacking the Characteristics in System Evolution.” Politics & Policy 49(3): 619–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12407 Neill, Katharine A., and John C. Morris. 2012. “A Tangled Web of Principals and Agents: Examining the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill through a Principal–Agent Lens.” Politics & Policy 40(4): 629–56. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00371.x Abstract es Accidentes ambientales y legislación ambiental en China: evidencia de datos de paneles provinciales (1997–2014) El conocimiento sobre desastres ambientales y legislación es limitado. Reduzco esta brecha de conocimiento examinando la relación entre los accidentes ambientales y la legislación climática en la República Popular China (RPC). Ofrezco un relato de los accidentes ambientales locales y la legislación ambiental local y me concentro en la centralización política para comprender la presentación de proyectos de ley y la promulgación de proyectos de ley en la legislación climática local en China. Construí un conjunto de datos de panel provincial único para el período 1997–2014 (N = 527) para el análisis de datos y descubrí que los accidentes ambientales están correlacionados con la legislación climática local. Discuto cómo los líderes del gobierno local toman decisiones racionales bajo el sistema de incentivos en la burocracia china a raíz de accidentes ambientales. Abstract zh 中国的环境事故和环境立法:省级面板数据得出的证据(1997–2014) 关于环境灾害和环境立法的研究并不充足。我通过分析中华人民共和国(PRC)的环境事故和气候立法之间的关系,进而缩小了该知识差距。我描述了地方环境事故和地方环境立法,并聚焦于政治中心化,以期理解中国地方气候立法中的法案提交及颁布。我建立了一个独特的、针对1997–2014年的省级面板数据集(N = 527)以用于数据分析,分析结果发现,环境事故与地方气候立法相联系。我探讨了中国官僚主义的激励系统下,地方政府领导者在环境事故发生后如何制定理性决策。
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A COVID-19 tem colocado à prova diferentes instâncias políticas e estruturas da burocracia estatal, como organizações de cooperação e regulação internacional, sistemas públicos de saúde, órgãos responsáveis pela segurança, abastecimento e transporte, entre outros, e exigido respostas rápidas dos governos frente à escalada global do novo vírus. A pandemia se caracteriza como um problema complexo, imprevisível, de difícil delimitação, com múltiplos atores envolvidos, onde as soluções não são claras, desafiando os Estados a estabelecer formas mais robustas de governança, com mecanismos de coordenação e cooperação que fogem das rotinas e práticas tradicionais aplicadas ao gerenciamento de crises locais ou melhor delimitadas. Este ensaio se concentra nesses desafios para a governança pública e para as lideranças políticas em tempos de turbulência, a partir das respostas do governo brasileiro no enfrentamento da Covid-19, procurando demonstrar como as capacidades estatais influenciam na capacidade de formulação e implementação de políticas robustas contornar a crise. A construção dessas capacidades não ocorre no curto prazo, e, as restrições impostas por uma emergência global, complexa, incerta e imprevisível, implicam maiores dificuldades à sua instalação. Em um momento turbulento, onde é colocada novamente em evidência a importância de o Estado assumir a sua responsabilidade pelas políticas sociais e de regulação dos mercados, por fortalecer a indústria nacional, promover ações assistencialistas quando necessário, aprimorar a infraestrutura urbana, e qualificar as estruturas e processos dos serviços públicos, a incompetência das lideranças, e o legado político e administrativo cobram o seu preço, e geram prejuízos na coordenação e implementação de políticas mais robustas para superar o problema
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Disasters are continuously evolving complex processes. Coupling with rapidly changing conditions, response networks must change to meet external needs and adapt to the environment. This study explores the dynamics between stress and structural and functional characteristics of response networks in the centralized political context. Semantic analysis of policy documents shows that unmet needs are an underlying driver of the formation and the dynamics of task-oriented interagency networks. Network analysis shows that the interagency network is a hybrid network that evolves from a decentralized to a centralized structure as stress decreases. Moreover, the leading organizations also shift, which confirms the coordination by feedback in emergency response. After discussing research findings, this study offers recommendations (a) to identify and empower brokers for better coordination and (b) to combine coordination by feedback and coordination by plan.
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Corona pandemic has affected the whole world, and it is a highly researched area in biological sciences. As the current pandemic has affected countries socially and economically, the purpose of this bibliometric analysis is to provide a holistic review of the corona pandemic in the field of social sciences. This study aims to highlight significant, influential aspects, research streams, and themes. We have reviewed 395 journal articles related to coronavirus in the field of social sciences from 2003 to 2020. We have deployed ‘biblioshiny’ a web-interface of the ‘bibliometrix 3.0’ package of R-studio to conduct bibliometric analysis and visualization. In the field of social sciences, we have reported influential aspects of coronavirus literature. We have found that the ‘Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report’ is the top journal. The core article of coronavirus literature is ‘Guidelines for preventing health-care-associated pneumonia’. The most commonly used word, in titles, abstracts, author’s keywords, and keywords plus, is ‘SARS’. Top affiliation is ‘The University of Hong Kong’. Hong Kong is a leading country based on citations, and the USA is on top based on total publications. We have used a conceptual framework to identify potential research streams and themes in coronavirus literature. Four research streams are found by deploying a co-occurrence network. These research streams are ‘Social and economic effects of epidemic disease’, ‘Infectious disease calamities and control’, ‘Outbreak of COVID 19,’ and ‘Infectious diseases and the role of international organizations’. Finally, a thematic map is used to provide a holistic understanding by dividing significant themes into basic or transversal, emerging or declining, motor, highly developed, but isolated themes. These themes and subthemes have proposed future directions and critical areas of research.
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This article examines the relationship between leadership and public value, which is particularly challenging in a context of explicit contest and conflict. The theoretical framework is illustrated through a case study of policing rural crime. The study reveals that the police worked with multiple and competing publics not a single homogeneous public, and that part of their leadership role was to create and convene a public space in which different voices and divergent views could be expressed. The study notes that research needs to pay attention to the loss and displacement of public value not solely its creation and recognition. The need to convene multiple publics required the police to lead, as part of a leadership constellation, and with political astuteness. The findings have wider relevance for other public services, and for studies of leadership and public value at the intersection between the state and civil society. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
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Little is known about the effects of two prominent public sector reforms – anticorruption efforts and high‐powered incentive systems – on the accomplishment of policy goals in the absence of the rule of law and in the presence of an extrinsic incentive to take advantage of corruption to achieve performance targets. This study explores how performance rewards and anticorruption efforts jointly affect administrative outputs and policy outcomes. We examine China’s air pollution control policy with province‐level panel data. The analysis shows that performance rewards prompt administrative outputs that are linked to the incentive structure. Anticorruption activities have small significant, positive effects on those outputs only prior to the inception of high‐powered rewards, but have no significant effect on policy outcomes, regardless of the measure. The introduction of performance incentives contributes to the achievement of policy outcomes only when their measurement is subject to government manipulation.
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This article extends the study of regulatory enforcement on three levels. First, it separates enforcement style elements during inspections and sanction decision‐making work, creating a more realistic measurement. Second, it focuses on how these elements function in a context where it is hard in practice to achieve deterrence. Third, it assesses how agents view the effectiveness of combinations of style elements in such a context. To do so, it uses survey and interview data with street‐level environmental officials in Guangzhou, China. It finds that the agents studied practise enforcement that goes beyond deterrence and uses education and persuasion more effectively. It finds that the behavioural assumptions of these agents are to a large extent in line with the available regulatory literature, although agents are very unlikely to have consulted such studies. Therefore, the article concludes that law enforcement agents can develop nuanced and appropriate behavioural intuitions through their everyday work experiences.
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This chapter argues that new forms of informal governance in China since the reforms have transformed relations between state and society, even though basic authoritarian structures and legal mechanisms have remained intact. By focusing on two quite different areas of life-religion and environmental groups-it shows the growth of "blind-eye governance" in which the government chooses to overlook extra-legal behavior as long as social groups keep within certain limits. The result has been an enormous increase in the social gray area that is not legally sanctioned and is subject to repression, but which in practice has created many thousands of social groups. The state benefits by receiving more effective feedback from the population and through the social contributions of these groups, but this mode of governance also contains its own mode of repression.
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On 7 December 1993 the mayor, chief prosecutor and police commissioner of Amsterdam publicly announced the dissolution of an interregional criminal investigation team (IRT). The IRT — one of several such teams in the Netherlands —had been established in 1989 to fight organized crime. The main reason for its termination had been the use of inappropriate investigation methods (such as the use of civilian informers, and the ‘controlled’ import and distribution of illicit drugs), but this information was not revealed at the time. Shortly after, the police commissioner of the Utrecht police force, which had participated in the same IRT, alleged that the true reason for the dissolution had been corruption within the Amsterdam force. He claimed that top-secret information about the criminal gangs under investigation had been leaked from Amsterdam to the very targets of the investigation.
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This article develops a conceptual framework for the analysis of institutional crises in policy sectors. Institutional crises are periods in which a policy sector experiences major legitimacy shortfalls, i.e. when its established policy frames, organizational structures and modes of decision-making and service delivery are being fundamentally criticized by political actors within and outside the sector. The framework outlines how institutional crises can be identified, why they develop, what types of response policy-makers may seek to develop when confronted with an institutional crisis, and what kinds of outcome might result from these periods in which the institutional make-up of a policy sector is in a state of flux. The usefulness of the framework is illustrated by applying it to the case of national asylum policies in Europe.
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There is a systematic deflation in governmental rhetoric of the developments that call attention to the unequal distribution of goods and services and a systematic inflation of the forms of threat that legitimize and expand authority. The latter are defined as crises, the former as problems. As crises recur and problems persist, so does a governmental dramaturgy of coping. (Edelman, 1977: 49)This article proposes a more power-critical approach to the analysis of crisis management and, in this respect, explores the possible contribution of research on political and organizational symbolism. Viewed in terms of symbolic action, attention is drawn to the opportunity spaces that crises entail for policy makers and other crisis actors. To exploit these, it is important for decision elites to influence collective definitions of the situation in such a way as to highlight preferred courses of action and to selectively obscure alternative interpretations. Three types of symbolic ‘crisis handling devices’ (framing, ritualization and masking) are presented and illustrated. In conclusion, the need for a broader perspective on the nature of the politics of crisis management is emphasised.
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This article aims to enhance understanding of selective politicization processes in policy failures and examine the attempts of policy-makers to use framing strategies to allocate blame. The policy response to alleged submarine intrusions in Sweden and Dutch military involvement in the fall of Srebrenica are the two case-studies used in this article. These cases will be analysed using three perspectives derived from the literature on framing: depicting events as violations of core public values; depicting events as operational incidents or as symptoms of endemic problems; allocating accountability and blame for the occurrence and/or ‘mismanagement’ of crisis. Finally, we present a conceptual framework of the different shapes that political blaming can take when certain framing strategies are adopted.
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When societies are confronted with major, disruptive emergencies, the fate of politicians and public policies hangs in the balance. Both government actors and their critics will try to escape blame for their occurrence, consolidate/strengthen their political capital, and advance/defend the policies they stand for. Crises thus generate framing contests to interpret events, their causes, and the responsibilities and lessons involved in ways that suit their political purposes and visions of future policy directions. This article dissects these processes and articulates foundations for a theory of crisis exploitation. Drawing on 15 cases of crisis-induced framing contests, we identify potentially crucial factors that may explain both the political (effects on incumbent office-holders/institutions) and policy (effects on programs) impacts of crises.
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How do public organizations manage crises? How do public organizations learn from crises? These seemingly basic questions still pose virtual puzzles for crisis management researchers. This dissertation sheds light on the problems regarding the lack of knowledge on how public organizations manage and learn from crises, with a number of critical knowledge gaps in contemporary crisis management as the starting point. It argues that there is a need of increased knowledge not only about crises and how they develop, but also about how they are actually managed by public organizations. For that purpose we need to bring an injection of organizational studies into the field of crisis management research. The overall objective of the dissertation is to increase understanding of crisis response and crisis learning in public organizations. In doing so, I conduct an abductive study of how public organizations respond to crises and how they learn during and after these events. The empirical contribution is a careful process tracing and case reconstruction of six cases involving Swedish public sector organizations: The Swedish energy utility Birka Energi’s management of two cable fires that caused large-scale blackouts in Stockholm in March 2001 and May 2002; The city of Stockholm’s management of the 2001 blackout and the repeated incident in 2002; The Swedish Defence Research Agency’s (FOI) management of hoax Anthrax letters in 2001; and three Swedish media organizations’ (the Swedish public service radio Sveriges Radio, the Swedish private TV station with public service tasks TV4, and the Swedish public service TV station Sveriges Television) management of news work and broadcasting challenges on 11 September 2001. The case studies are further analyzed by two basic strategies: an explorative strategy to deepen theoretical and methodological insights on how to study crisis management and learning processes; and an explanatory strategy to explain why case narratives and processes of decision making differed. The theory generating approach that this dissertation takes on implies that the case studies are ‘heuristic’ case studies. Thus the dissertation aims to promote new hypotheses for further research rather than to produce generalized knowledge. Accordingly, propositions on the relation between public organizations, crisis management and crisis-induced learning based on the case analyses are proposed throughout the study. As a final attempt to bring the propositions and arguments together, a framework of the crisis management and learning process is proposed. Here the role of organizational structures and cultures are discussed in terms of specific organizational factors that impact on organizational crisis management and learning processes, such as previous experience, organizational flexibility and rigidity and centralization and decentralization.
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Who watches over the party-state? In this engaging analysis, Maria Repnikova reveals the webs of an uneasy partnership between critical journalists and the state in China. More than merely a passive mouthpiece or a dissident voice, the media in China also plays a critical oversight role, one more frequently associated with liberal democracies than with authoritarian systems. Chinese central officials cautiously endorse media supervision as a feedback mechanism, as journalists carve out space for critical reporting by positioning themselves as aiding the agenda of the central state. Drawing on rare access in the field, Media Politics in China examines the process of guarded improvisation that has defined this volatile partnership over the past decade on a routine basis and in the aftermath of major crisis events. Combined with a comparative analysis of media politics in the Soviet Union and contemporary Russia, the book highlights the distinctiveness of Chinese journalist-state relations, as well as the renewed pressures facing them in the Xiera.
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Chapter 1 Introduction: Non-democracies in a Changing Era.- Chapter 2 Evolvement of Disaster Management Practices in China.- Chapter 3 Agency Problems in Disaster Response.- Chapter 4 Post-disaster Changes in Local Governance and Chances for Non-state Sector Development.- Chapter 5 A Note on Generality, Variation, and Implications.- Appendix: Notes on Fieldwork and Data Collection.
Book
Crisis management has become a defining feature of contemporary governance. In times of crisis, communities and members of organizations expect their leaders to minimize the impact, while critics and bureaucratic competitors make use of social media to blame incumbent rulers and their policies. In this extreme environment, policymakers must somehow establish a sense of normality, and foster collective learning from the crisis experience. In the new edition of this uniquely comprehensive analysis, the authors examine how strategic leaders deal with the challenges they face, the political risks and opportunities they encounter, the pitfalls they must avoid, and the paths towards reform they may pursue. The book is grounded in decades of collaborative, cross-national and multidisciplinary case study research and has been updated to include new insights and examples from the last decade. This is an original and important contribution from experts in public policy and international security. © Arjen Boin, Paul 't Hart, Eric Stern, and Bengt Sundelius 2017. All rights reserved.
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This article argues that the Party retains a tradition of seeking to revitalize its legitimacy through demonstrations of benevolence and glory. The post-2008 Sichuan earthquake provided just such an opportunity to mobilize the discourse of Party spirit and display the willingness of cadres to suffer and sacrifice themselves on behalf of the people. In addition to being grist for the propaganda mill, these norms and expectations were implemented in concrete policy directives and work pressures. Local cadres, who were also earthquake survivors, started to suffer from exhaustion, insomnia, and depression. After high-profile suicides by several local cadres, the Party adopted a therapeutic discourse in order to address the psychological needs of individual cadres, though these gentler policies seem doomed to be short-lived.
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In most liberal democracies commercialized media is taken for granted, but in many authoritarian regimes the introduction of market forces in the media represents a radical break from the past with uncertain political and social implications. In Media Commercialization and Authoritarian Rule in China, Daniela Stockmann argues that the consequences of media marketization depend on the institutional design of the state. In one-party regimes such as China, market-based media promote regime stability rather than destabilizing authoritarianism or bringing about democracy. By analyzing the Chinese media, Stockmann ties trends of market liberalism in China to other authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, and the post-Soviet region. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Chinese journalists and propaganda officials as well as more than 2,000 newspaper articles, experiments, and public opinion data sets, this book links censorship among journalists with patterns of media consumption and media's effects on public opinion.
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A particular feature of modern, post-industrial societies is their growing awareness of risk and crisis management. This book's main theme is therefore the context, concepts and practice of risk and crisis management in the public sector in Western, notably European, and Asia Pacific countries. Relating to extraordinary phenomena, the term 'risk and crisis management', covers such events and incidents as: • natural catastrophes (earthquakes, hurricanes and floods) • terrorist attacks (Bali, New York, Madrid) • corporate failures (HIH, Enron, WorldCom) • threats to human and animal welfare (SARS, Foot and Mouth, BSE) • critical incidents (bushfires, rail crashes, aviation accidents, mass shootings) • environmental degradation (rain forests, ozone layer, oil spills) • policy failures (UK Poll Tax, Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islander Commission, public-private partnerships).
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We employ a theoretical framework of complex adaptive networks to explore how China's comprehensive emergency management system, initiated after the SARS Epidemic, adapts to extreme disasters in the centralized political context of China. Based on the multi-organizational responses to the Ya'an Earthquake, April 20, 2013, China, we identify the emergence of the response network, and analyze the interactions among organizations and information infrastructure supporting such interactions. Our findings suggest that a network structure, with expansion in both size and variation, emerged after the Lushan Earthquake. Emergence of this response network is determined by not only interorganizational interactions among public organizations and public service entities, but also cross sector interactions between public organizations and private and nonprofit organizations. However, interactions are insufficient not only between public organizations and private and nonprofit organizations, but also among public organizations at the municipal and county levels, particularly in the initial stage of the response. The lack of cross sector interactions between public organizations and private and nonprofit organizations limits command and coordination of the whole network in achieving a collective performance. Accordingly, in information processes, communication infrastructure was not sufficiently strong to support these two types of interactions. Policy recommendations are offered to improve preparedness of the response plans, emergence of response networks, as well as information infrastructure to support interactions among organizations in disaster operations.
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A growing body of research suggests that authoritarian regimes are responsive to societal actors, but our understanding of the sources of authoritarian responsiveness remains limited because of the challenges of measurement and causal identification. By conducting an online field experiment among 2,103 Chinese counties, we examine factors that affect officials' incentives to respond to citizens in an authoritarian context. At baseline, we find that approximately one-third of county governments respond to citizen demands expressed online. Threats of collective action and threats of tattling to upper levels of government cause county governments to be considerably more responsive, whereas identifying as loyal, long-standing members of the Chinese Communist Party does not increase responsiveness. Moreover, we find that threats of collective action make local officials more publicly responsive. Together, these results demonstrate that top-down mechanisms of oversight as well as bottom-up societal pressures are possible sources of authoritarian responsiveness.
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In 2008 China faced Olympian challenges, of which the Olympics was but one. Some were of its own making; others were not. Some it set for itself; others were by-products of the structural reforms. Yet, the Chinese government met them with palpable determination and broad, if uneven, effectiveness.
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This symposium addresses the role of wars and crises as mechanisms of international change. Over the past two decades, the international system has undergone a number of remarkable transformations, from the end of the Cold War to the emergence of an ongoing "War on Terror," and from the collapse of statist development models to the emergence of a contested-if evolving-neoliberal "Washington Consensus." This volatility exceeds any underlying shifts in economic structures or the distribution of capabilities, and raises important questions regarding the roles of agency, uncertainty, and ideas in advancing change. In this introduction we examine the role of wars and economic crises as socially constructed openings for change. We attempt three things: to critique materialist approaches in the security and political economy issue areas, to outline the distinctive contribution that an agent-centered constructivist understanding of such events offers, and to offer a framework for the study of such events, one which highlights an expanded range of elite-mass interactions.
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The future of the European Union has never been more in doubt than at the very moment it has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for its historical accomplishments. When the heads of Europe's weakest institutions—the Commission, the Council and the Parliament—collected the prize in Oslo on December 10, 2012 they spotlighted the nub of the problem. Unless these institutions can garner the legitimacy of European citizens and transform into a real federal union with common fiscal and economic policies to complement the single currency, Europe will remain at the mercy of global financial markets and the fiscally authoritarian dictates of its strongest state, Germany. Moving beyond this state of affairs was the focus of a recent “town hall” gathering in Berlin sponsored by the Berggruen Institute on Governance. The meeting brought together current power brokers—such as the contending voices of German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble and French Finance Minister Pierre Moscovici, who rarely appear in public together—as well as Europe's top former leaders, key thinkers and young people who will govern in the future. The peace-building project of the European Union was born out of the ashes of World War II and the anguish of the Cold War. Yet, as George Soros points out, its current inability to resolve the eurocrisis by forging greater union is dividing Europe once again, this time between creditors and debtors. Former Greek premier George Papandreou has warned that this division is fomenting a new politics of fear that is giving rise to the same kind of xenophobic movements that fueled the extreme politics of the Nazi era. To avoid a repeat of the last calamitous century, Europe first of all needs a growth strategy both to escape the “debt trap” it is in—and which austerity alone will only deepen—and to create breathing space for the tough structural reforms that can make Europe as a whole competitive again in a globalized world. To sustain reform, it needs a clear path to legitimacy for the institutions that must govern a federal Europe. The proof that Europe can escape its crisis through a combination of growth, fiscal discipline and structural reform comes from the one country so many want to keep out of the union: Turkey. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan rightfully boasts of Turkey's accomplishments that resulted from the difficult changes carried out after its crisis in 2001—ranging from quickly cleaning up the banks to liberalizing markets to trimming social benefits to make them more affordable in the long run. As a result, Turkey today is the fastest growing economy in the world alongside China with diminished deficit and debt levels that meet the eurozone criteria that many members states themselves cannot today meet. Turkey has even offered a 5 billion euro credit through the IMF for financial aid to Europe. Germany itself also provides some lessons for the rest of Europe. The obvious reason Germany rules today is because it is the most globally competitive country in the European Union. That is the result of a series of reforms that were implemented starting in 2003 under the leadership of then-chancellor Gerhard Schröder. Aimed a bolstering Germany's industrial base and its collateral small and medium enterprises which are the foundation of its middle class society, those reforms introduced more labor flexibility and trimmed benefits to make them sustainably affordable while investing in training, maintaining skills and research and development. Even if Europe's individual nation states can shrink imbalances by following Turkey and Germany in getting their act together, the only ultimate way to save the euro, and thus Europe itself, is to build the complementary governing institutions at the European level. For those institutions to become effective, they must be empowered and legitimated by European citizens themselves. To this end, Tony Blair has suggested a bold move: the direct election of a European president. Symbolically, the Oslo ceremonies were a historical turning point for Europe. By recognizing the European Union's peace-making past, the Nobel Prize challenged Europe to escape once and for all the destructive pull of narrow national interests and passions.
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Most studies and research on crisis management and government crises focus on nations that are advanced and democratic. Through the institutionalized mechanism of voting, the public can respond to a government's handling of a crisis without destabilizing the democratic system of government. However, the consequences of crises, particularly governance crises, in authoritarian regimes have not been adequately addressed. Drawing upon different frameworks in the field, this paper proposes a heuristic crisis development ladder and a state–society interactive framework more relevant for studying crisis management in authoritarian nations such as China. By focusing on the catalytic effect of crisis that accelerates reforms and changes, this paper argues that critical crises are politically powerful and decisive in authoritarian systems, especially in the context of an increasingly proactive civil society. This paper illustrates the crisis provoking politics that influences decision-making under non-democratic rule.
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Lessons from the SARS Epidemic, Southern Snowstorm, and Wenchuan Earthquake led to a second generation disaster management policy framework by integrating different components and building emergency capacity in terms of problem solving. However, some policy changes, like broadening the focus to include multiple disaster types, extending the emergency life cycle, and establishing professional rescue teams, are effective in clarifying responsibility, developing institutional procedures, and enabling faster and more professional response, while other policy changes are not effective due to the structural constraints of China's political system.
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What mechanisms link external events to policy change in a policy subsystem? This paper responds to this question by offering a nuanced re-conceptualization of external events and by identifying the mechanisms that link disruptive crises to policy change. Building from the tenets of the advocacy coalition framework and a synthesis of the crisis management and policy change literatures, this paper (1) introduces the concept of policy and geographical proximity as a means to show how different types of crises alter the incentives for policy action within policy subsystems; (2) discusses an integrated set of proposals on how geographical and policy proximity affects the prospects of change in a policy subsystem; and (3) presents hypothesized scenarios outlining plausible intervening pathways linking a crisis to changes as contingent on policy subsystem structures.
Article
In 2007 China was dominated by politics, specifically the preparations and negotiations heading into the Seventeenth Party Congress, which was held in late October. General Secretary Hu Jintao was successful in having his "scientific development concept" written into the Chinese Communist Party Constitution but was not allowed to name his own successor.
Article
In any society the number of potential public issues almost always exceeds the capabilities of the government to process them. Issues thus must compete for a place on the decision-making agenda. While it is certainly a dimension of power to influence the decision-making process per se, it is perhaps even more important to have a say in setting the agenda. This article proposes a typology of six agenda-setting models and discusses how those models have evolved in contemporary China. It argues that only by grasping a subtle yet significant transformation of agenda-setting models can one fully appreciate the extent to which China's political system has changed.
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We report results here from a mixed quantitative–qualitative analysis of 168 articles published in China on the question of regime and party legitimacy. We find that ideology remains a leading strategy of future legitimation for the CCP, alongside better known strategies of institution-building and social justice. We also find that liberalism, while less often proposed, remains a potent critique of regime legitimacy. We use these results to make predictions about the evolutionary path of institutional change of China's political system, linking up Chinese elite debate with the wider scholarly debate of authoritarian durability.
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This article applies new insights in the study of crises and crisis management to the case of the September 11 terrorist attacks. Such new insights include the notion of crisis as process, the transnational dimensions of contemporary crises, the politization of crises, the increasing importance of the media, and the revision of some conventional wisdoms of crisis management. The article pays specific attention to the role of public officials and public agencies. It explores the contributions they made in the immediate response to the crisis as well as in the subsequent periods. It is stressed that the sheer inconceivability of September 11 may indicate the risk of totally new threats. With the possible exception of the intelligence community, September 11 has fostered the reputation of public administration. This will put extra pressure on public officials and their agencies to avert and effectively cope with new threats.
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This article examines the model of social learning often believed to confirm the autonomy of the state from social pressures, tests it against recent cases of change in British economic policies, and offers a fuller analysis of the role of ideas in policymaking, based on the concept of policy paradigms. A conventional model of social learning is found to fit some types of changes in policy well but not the movement from Keynesian to monetarist modes of policymaking. In cases of paradigm shift, policy responds to a wider social debate bound up with electoral competition that demands a reformulation of traditional conceptions of state-society relations.
Article
Rapid change in public policy outcomes often occurs, but most theories of pluralism emphasize only incrementalism. Yet from a historical view, it can easily be seen that many policies go through long periods of stability and short periods of dramatic reversals. Often the grand lines of policy may be settled for decades during such critical periods of mobilization.In this paper, we argue a single process can explain both periods of extreme stability and short bursts of rapid change. This process is the interaction of beliefs and values concerning a particular policy, which we term the policy image, with the existing set of political institutions—the venues of policy action. In a pluralist political system, subsystems can be created that are highly favorable to a given industry. But at the same time, there remain other institutional venues that can serve as avenues of appeal for the disaffected. Here we use the case of civilian nuclear policy to examine the process by which policy images find a favorable reception in some institutional venues but not others, and how the interaction between image and venue can lead to the rapid creation, destruction, or alteration of policy subsystems. We rely on data from a variety of sources to trace agenda access of the nuclear power issue in each of the policy venues available.
Article
In the last decade and across countries, changes in national intelligence policies have spurred widespread political opposition and public protest. Instances of intelligence policy change warrant close academic attention to cast light on the dynamics of policymaking in contested policy areas. In an effort to contribute to further development of a theory of policy change within the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), this article analyzes the adoption of legislation in Sweden to expand the mandate for signals intelligence gathering. Three explanatory variables are derived from the ACF to explain policy change in this case: shifts in advocacy coalition membership, distribution of coalition resources, and access to policy venues. Whereas shifts in coalition membership were unrelated to policy change in this case, the case-study lends partial support to the role of resource distribution and policy venues. To promote the progress of an ACF theory of policy change, the study concludes by drawing two theoretical implications: (i) introducing hierarchical classification of coalition resources and (ii) identification of revised policy narratives and exploitative policy entrepreneurship as causal mechanisms linking external shocks to venue shifts and policy change.
Article
Why is it that some authorities, governments/administrations, and even entire regimes emerge from disasters more popular and politically stronger, while most appear to emerge less popular and politically weaker, sometimes fatally so? This paper argues that the often problematic political consequences of disasters can be understood more fully by seeing them as “Maslowian Shocks” with strong revelatory components where public estimation of government disaster response may be analyzed along six “5C+A” dimensions: capability, competence, compassion, correctness, credibility, and anticipation. The paper then illustrates the 5C+A framework with a set of cross-national examples and public opinion data from a 2001 post-earthquake survey in El Salvador.
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A sequel to the author's trailblazer (China's Elite Politics: Political Transition and Power Balancing, published by World Scientific in 2007), this book tackles the issue of governance in China. It provides up-to-date information on China's political elites and evaluates their ability to deal with crises through four case studies: Snowstorm in the South, the Tibet issue, the Sichuan Earthquake, and the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games.Along with China's Elite Politics: Political Transition and Power Balancing, this book provides rich empirical information on and insightful theoretical understanding of national-level politics in China and serves as a good reference source for students of Chinese politics.Contents: Introduction: China's Political Elites and Their Challenges; Who Governs: China's Political Elites: Top Leadership; Central Committee; Institutional Representation; Factional Balance; How to Govern: Challenges: Snowstorms in the South; The Tibet Issue; Sichuan Earthquake; Beijing Olympic Games; Conclusion: China's Prospect for Democratization.
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This article presents a theoretical argument that the study of representation can yield important insights for crisis analysts. The argument is presented through a claim that the representative systems, legislatures and individuals of a state – defined here broadly as ‘representative institutions’– should be factored into political analyses of crisis management, as they provide a lens for novel explorations of crisis issues. In particular, the use of parliamentary perspectives, and the examination of specific legislature functions during crises, can lead to valuable insights into the legitimacy dynamics that characterize political crisis episodes.