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In Search of Welcoming Neighbourhoods and Adequate Housing: The Experiences of Recent Newcomers in North Bay and Timmins, Ontario
Abstract
The Settlement Program of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration Canada identifies newcomers’ integration into Canadian society as key to the successful realization of the economic, social, and cultural benefits of immigration (IRCC, 2019). The Rural and Northern Immigration Pilot is a community-driven program that is specifically designed to spread the benefits of immigration to smaller communities, such as North Bay and Timmins (Ontario) (Immigrate to Canada, n.s.). There can be advantages for immigrants who settle in small- to midsize urban centres, such as North Bay and Timmins due to access to more affordable living. There are also advantages for small- to mid-size urban centres, such as North Bay and Timmins, which are able to attract and retain immigrants. Access to acceptable housing is a key characteristic of a welcoming community and neighbourhood characteristics shape opportunities for newcomers. Understanding how welcoming these communities are is important to understanding the geographic dispersal of immigrants.
The objectives of our research project were three-fold. First, we examined those community housing characteristics identified by recent newcomers that facilitate or hinder their integration into the North Bay and Timmins communities. Second, we examined the neighbouring behaviours and interactions of recent newcomers in North Bay and Timmins areas and their perceptions of their neighbourhoods. Finally, we examined the marketing efforts of the settlement agencies and municipal agencies in order to foster welcoming neighbourhoods and to create a sense of community for newcomers.
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Relatively little is known about immigrants’ settlement experiences in small- and mid-sized Canadian cities, including their access to local services and their housing experiences and outcomes—both of which are key factors in successful integration. This study considered immigrants’ settlement experiences, including their access to local services and their housing experiences and outcomes, in the cities of Kelowna and Kamloops, with a focus on the housing rental market, and reliance on community services. The results of the study include recommendations for improving immigrants’ settlement and integration in urban areas in the interior of British Columbia. Survey data were gathered between April and August 2015 from 80 recent immigrant renters in the cities of Kelowna (40) and in Kamloops (40). Findings suggest that immigrants find their housing more difficult than anticipated, largely due to unexpectedly high costs and unfamiliarity with the Canadian housing system. Few immigrants in either city relied on local community organizations or government-sponsored ones to find a place to live and/or a job upon arrival in Kelowna or Kamloops, although those who did found them very helpful. Immigrants relied mostly on their family and friends for initial assistance, but would have preferred to have received more information prior to or on their arrival. They recommended that settlement and housing services offer more direct assistance to new immigrants. For policies to succeed in attracting and retaining immigrants to these cities in British Columbia’s interior depends on the presence of (a) more subsidized/affordable housing; (b) job opportunities that match immigrants’ qualifications and that offer an adequate income; and (c) quality services and programs to integrate new immigrants into the community.
This paper compares one vibrant grassroots community with its surrounding municipality in relation to subjective community well-being. Nested in Mapo municipality, Sungmisan is a small community formed from active community organizing and strong grassroots civic networks. Sungmisan has similar objective conditions—in terms of local public services, or, objective community well-being—to those of Mapo. Still, survey results show that Sungmisan residents were more satisfied with the local public services available in their community than were the Mapo residents with theirs, suggesting that objective community well-being does not always determine subjective community well-being. Community-level characteristics, such as sense of community, appear to be the most likely differentiating influence. Although sense of community was not established as a significant variable for subjective community well-being for Sungmisan, Sungmisan displayed high community-oriented characteristics, which was strikingly different from those of Mapo.
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Key Messages
The majority of immigrants in Canada live in the country's largest cities; however, many immigrants are choosing to reside in smaller centres, suggesting the need for further research regarding the immigrant experience in second‐ and third‐tier Canadian cities.
This study found that immigrants have lower perceptions of quality of life than Canadian‐born individuals, a finding that echoes research in first‐tier cities.
Issues of employment, income, and language barriers contribute to lower quality of life amongst immigrants.
Sense of belonging is recognized as an important determinant of psychological and physical well-being. Research in Canada has shown that sense of belonging has increased in recent years although important variations exist between regions and among certain ethnic groups.
The objective of this paper is to examine differences in sense of belonging to local community between Canadian-born and immigrant residents in three small-to-medium sized urban areas using primary data collected in: 1) Charlottetown, PEI; 2) Hamilton, Ontario, and 3) Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. A mixed method approach is used in the analysis. First, a household telephone survey (n = 1529) asked respondents to rate their sense of belonging. This data was analyzed by way of summary statistics and ordered logistic regression. Second, a series of focus groups with immigrants in the three cities included questions on belonging and well-being (n = 11).
The research found that sense of belonging is very high in the overall sample and in the three study sites, particularly in Charlottetown, and that there are no significant differences in levels of belonging between Canadian-born and immigrant respondents. However, among immigrants, sense of belonging was significantly lower for those living in Canada for 5 years or less. Consistent with the literature, positive mental health was found to be strongly associated with a positive sense of belonging for both Canadian-born and immigrant respondents. For immigrants, positive sense of belonging was associated with full-time work and home-ownership, two factors not associated with the Canadian-born population. The paper also revealed that immigrants placed greater importance on knowing their neighbours on a first name basis and generally trusting people as determinants of a positive sense of belonging. Finally, the focus groups revealed that in addition to displaying a sense of belonging to their city of residence, immigrants also maintain strong feelings of belonging to their ethnic group.
The paper concludes by offering several public health recommendations on how belonging can be enhanced among recent immigrants in smaller Canadian cities; these include improved coordination of services in order to contribute to a less overwhelming settlement process for immigrants.
In this paper we look at the links between social capital and helping neighbours or receiving help from neighbours. Our data are drawn from the 2003 and 2008 Canadian General Social Surveys, both of which looked at linkages across social networks. In particular, we examine the relationship between municipal, neighbourhood and individual level ethnicity social capital formation and the level of helping amongst neighbours. Using a combination of factor analysis and random intercept model regressions, we find a strong link between social capital formation and helping, but do not find strong links between diversity, social capital and helping. This suggests that previous research, which found strong links between diversity and social capital, may be overstated.
For several years many of us at Peabody College have participated in the evolution of a theory of community, the first conceptualization of which was presented in a working paper (McMillan, 1976) of the Center for Community Studies. To support the proposed definition, McMillan focused on the literature on group cohesiveness, and we build here on that original definition. This article attempts to describe the dynamics of the sense-of-community force — to identify the various elements in the force and to describe the process by which these elements work together to produce the experience of sense of community.
Although the influx of visible minority immigrants has created an atmosphere of diversity and multicultural-ism in Canada's three major gateway cities, Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver, immigration has also produced metropolitan landscapes of fragmentation and ethnic separation. The objective of this study is to compare the residential patterns of visible minority populations in Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver, using a rigorous and consistent method that examines the temporal and spatial nature of segregation and its links to local housing characteristics. The paper reviews the literature on models of urban separation, and ethnic and visible minority segregation in Canadian cities, and develops four propositions regarding expected residential patterns and concentrations of visible minorities. It tests these propositions using an analysis of 1986, 1991 and 1996 Census data, in which residential patterns in the three cities are examined and related to the distribution of different types of housing. Our findings confirm previous research results of fragmentation and dispersal, but we uncover decisive differences between cities.
Despite the fact that municipalities are primary recipients of immigrants to Canada, they almost have no formal role in developing immigration and integration policies and programs. As such, they are primarily left or kept out of the current model of immigration and integration governance. Since immigration and integration are not stand-alone issues, they require partnership and collaboration involving multiple levels of government and community partners. Drawing from two case studies in the City of Calgary, this study explores municipal roles in immigrant settlement and integration. More specifically it explores how the City of Calgary has worked closely with community partners at the neighbourhood level in developing a hub model of community-based initiatives that engage various organizations as well as newcomers and established community members in using a holistic, multifaceted and collaborative approach for creating warmer and more welcoming communities, inclusive spaces, and innovative and progressive programs needed for facilitating the settlement and integration of newcomers.
Resume: Malgre le fait que les municipalites soient les principales beneficiaires des immigrants au Canada, elles n’ont presque pas de role formel a jouer dans l’elaboration des politiques et de programmes d’immigration et d’integration. En tant que tel, elles sont essentiellement exclues du modele actuel de la gouvernance en immigration et en integration. Etant donne que l’immigration et l’integration ne sont pas des questions isolees, elles exigent un partenariat et une collaboration impliquant plusieurs spheres de gouvernement et de partenaires communautaires. Partant de deux etudes de cas, dans la ville de Calgary, cette etude explore les roles municipaux dans l’etablissement et l’integration des immigrants. Plus precisement, il examine comment la ville de Calgary a travaille en etroite collaboration avec les partenaires communautaires, au niveau du voisinage pour elaborer un model central d’initiatives communautaires qui engagent diverses organisations ainsi que les nouveaux arrivants et les membres de la communaute etablie, a utiliser une approche holistique pour creer des communautes plus chaleureuses et plus accueillantes, des espaces inclusifs, et des programmes novateurs et progressifs necessaires pour faciliter l’etablissement et l’integration des nouveaux arrivants.
Adequate, suitable and affordable housing is one of the basic needs that must be successfully attained in the process of immigrant integration into a community. This case study consisting of semi-structured interviews and focus groups with new immigrants and landlords centres particularly on the housing experiences of immigrants in North Bay, a small city in Northeast Ontario. North Bay, like many small urban centres in Canada, has undertaken an immigration strategy in order to counter demographic challenges and boost economic development. The housing experiences were examined in terms of suitability given household size and composition, affordability relative to the immigrants’ financial resources as well as ownership and dwelling type. The connection between the immigrant’s housing experiences, their interactions with neighbours and landlords and their perceptions of the city as a welcoming community were also explored. Generally, the immigrants who participated in the study were satisfied with their current housing situation. Several participants were surprised to find a limited and older housing stock in North Bay and rental prices that were not significantly different from the larger cities they had left. Their housing experiences tended to either have a positive impact on their perceptions of the city or not at all. Policy implications and recommendations are also discussed.
Although immigration policies and regulations select immigrants based on their human capital, newly arriving immigrants find it increasingly difficult to integrate into the Canadian labour market. An analysis of 1996 Canadian census data concentrates on the province of British Columbia to examine the relationship between labour market outcome among immigrants, residency in large, mid-size and smaller settlements, and the size of local immigrant and ethnic communities. In particular, comparisons are made between the metropolitan area of Vancouver, which is the major immigrant gateway, and the metropolitan area of Victoria, smaller cities and the non-metropolitan area of British Columbia. It also differentiates between gender, levels of education and place of birth. The results reveal high labour force participation rates and higher incomes among groups that settle outside of the Vancouver metropolitan area, but this advantage is contingent on gender, place of birth and the size of existing ethnic and immigrant communities. © 2003 by the Institute of Urban Studies. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
Within the Canadian housing market, some immigrants move quickly to quality, affordable housing, whereas others struggle through both systematic and institutional barriers. This article uses Statistics Canada's Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (LSIC) —capturing the settlement and integration experiences of immigrants from 2001 to 2005—and investigates housing conditions (housing satisfaction, rates of homeownership, crowding, and affordability) over three survey waves across the Canadian urban hierarchy. Descriptive statistics are used to explore the relationship between immigrant admission class, housing conditions, and settlement locations, namely, those arriving in primary settlement locations (Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver) relative to that observed in secondary (census metropolitan areas) and tertiary (census agglomerations) locations. Using overall housing satisfaction as a proxy for the suitability/adequacy of housing to the needs of the immigrants, a logistic regression model is used seeking to understand the factors shaping a satisfied housing experience; the most significant factors include owning one's home, having an excellent or very good level of self-rated health, and not living in crowded conditions. The results of this research are framed as advancing understanding in the Canadian immigrant housing discourse through providing a longitudinal perspective on immigrant housing trajectories, and how these vary across socio-demographic and economic factors.
Integration is often touted as the ‘gold standard’ in the settlement of newcomers. It forms the basis of many government policies on settlement and integration. Programs developed by social service providers use integration as a central formulating concept. Integration is the optimal goal for any society to ensure that all of its members play an active role and feel a part of their community. As readers of Canadian Ethnic Studies already know, integration is a reciprocal process where newcomers are incorporated into a new society. During the process, both the newcomer and host society change as a result of interaction with one another. This change is mutually beneficial; the immigrant makes alterations to their behaviour to “fit in”, while the host society changes as a result of the incorporation of newcomers. The passage of time ensures that the newcomers and their children begin to adapt and reconcile their cultural practices, language and religion towards the prevailing culture of the host society. But work must be done to ensure the host society is ready and amenable to accepting the arrival of newcomers as integration takes place at the community level (Bommes 2012).
As researchers of immigration already know, the integration process is not linear, since many newcomers report that for every step forward, they take two steps back. Nor is the process balanced. Newcomers may be fully integrated into their employment and occupation yet at the same time, they may feel ostracized by their community. Furthermore, there is no such thing as a fully integrated ethnic group. We cannot say one group is more or less integrated than another. Individuals from the same ethnic group, living in the same community and even living in the same family, report different integration experiences. Mothers may integrate faster than fathers or children, despite the fact that all arrived at the same time. Age differences in the pace at which integration are reported are also prevalent. While it may be true that most children adapt faster than their parents, primarily because school is an institution where all pupils learn and are introduced to their society, this is not always the case. Furthermore, entrance class has an effect on integration. While those arriving in the family class may integrate faster into their communities, those arriving in the business and skilled worker classes tend to integrate faster into employment and economic arenas than others. Still other migrants, namely temporary workers, are not meant to integrate at all. They are supposed to work and return quietly to their country of origin, unless they work in very particular jobs and live in provinces that encourage permanent migration among their temporary migrants. We can thus summarize integration as a non-linear process with multiple outcomes for all newcomers. It is an uneven process that can result in significant success in some institutions, but failure in others.
The largely unobtainable ideal of integration, however, is that both the newcomer and the host society change, mostly for the better. The process is not without its problems, the chief one being that inevitably, the majority of the changes are done by the newcomers and virtually none by the host society. Castles and Miller (2009, 35) argue that “virtually all democratic states—and some not so democratic as well—have fast growing immigrant populations” which are tied largely to economic growth. It means that the host society’s interest lies mainly in jobs, investment, and employment creation, rather than in the social or cultural aspects of integration. This focus on economic integration over other aspects of integration is understandable. Without a steady income, newcomer families will suffer poverty and the associated issues such as poor health and educational outcomes for themselves and their offspring. However, societies that focus solely or mainly on economic outcomes soon face problems of social and cultural integration. Two solitudes are created: one which is predominated by the majority/host society culture and the other which is excluded and marginalized due to cultural, social, religious and/or linguistic differences.
Societies that fail to be inclusive of their newcomer populations face significant issues, particularly over the long term. Recent studies of the second generation reveal deep dissatisfaction with societies that fail...
"This posthumous collection brings together a selection of [Michael Bommes's] most important work on immigration and the welfare state, immigrant integration, discrimination, irregular migrations, migrant networks and migration policy research."-- page 4 of cover.
The aim of this study was to analyze the influence of the sense of community (SOC) on satisfaction with life (SWL) in native and immigrant populations in Spain. The main hypothesis was that SOC would moderate the negative effects associated with the immigrant adaptation process. It was further hypothesized that there would be no differences in SWL between immigrants with a high SOC and the native population. The study included 1,646 participants living in Malaga (Spain), comprising 946 natives and 700 immigrants. Data were collected using random route sampling and survey methodology. The results showed that people with higher SOC had significantly greater SWL. It was also found that SWL was greater in natives than in immigrants when the level of SOC was low or medium. However, when SOC was high there were no significant differences between the groups in SWL. The data support the hypothesis that SOC acts as a moderating variable that buffers the effect of the adaptation process experienced by immigrants.
The federal government of Canada and several provincial governments are anxious to promote a more balanced distribution of immigrants across the country. Currently, 89 percent of all newcomers settle in large cities, 75 percent in Toronto, Vancouver, and Montreal alone. This study examines the internal migration of refugees destined to second-and third-tier cities in Alberta. Their decisions to stay in or leave these communities have significant policy implications. The economic vitality of urban centers, the existence of compatriot communities, and the recognition of immigrant skills and educational credentials all contribute to the retention of newcomers in second- and third-tier cities.
The successful integration of immigrants into a new society is based on their attainment of several basic needs, including access to adequate, suitable and affordable housing. While this has long been a concern in Canadian cities, such as Vancouver, Toronto, and Montréal, it is also increasingly an issue in growing mid‐sized cities such as Kelowna, in the interior of British Columbia. While Kelowna's real estate market is one of the most expensive in the country, there is little published data or literature on the housing experiences of immigrants in the city. This study examines the housing experiences and stresses of a small group of immigrants in Kelowna's rental housing market. This study uses data from five focus groups with 34 new immigrants and 20 interviews with key informants, conducted in Kelowna in summer 2008. The evidence indicates that for this group of immigrant newcomers, the housing search process in Kelowna's rental housing market met with significant barriers in locating affordable rental housing. Of these barriers, the most commonly cited were: (a) high housing costs; (b) lack of reliable housing information, including lack of access to organizations that provide housing help (government or not); and (c) prejudice by landlords based on the immigrants' ethnic and racial background .
This study points to the need for more comparative studies on the housing experiences of immigrants in mid‐sized cities in Canada to better understand which groups of immigrants are more successful than others in finding affordable housing in these mid‐sized cities, and why .
Toronto is Canada’s main port of entry for new immigrants and refugees as well as the country’s most culturally diverse city.
It is also one of the most expensive housing markets in Canada. This study examines the housing experiences of three relatively
recent, Portuguese-speaking African immigrant groups—the Angolans, the Mozambicans, and the Cape Verdeans—in Toronto’s rental
market, by examining their settlement experiences and housing search processes, as well as the outcomes of those searches.
The evidence indicates that most respondents experienced discrimination by landlords in their housing search (this was less
of a problem for the Cape Verdeans, who have a lighter skin colour). Both Angolans and Mozambicans encountered significant
barriers in locating and securing affordable housing in a suitable neighbourhood. The study also examines their relations
with the established white Portuguese community. Clearly, race (the colour of one’s skin) still matters in Toronto’s rental
housing market. Racism—whether real or perceived—can result in social exclusion and housing segregation of immigrant groups
in low-income neighbourhoods, and thus a slower integration of newcomers into Canadian society. This study points to the need
for more comparative studies on visible and non-visible minorities, including newcomers from Africa (whether English-, French-,
Spanish-, or Portuguese-speaking), to understand why certain groups are more successful than others in finding affordable
housing in a neighbourhood of their choice.
Housing for refugees and immigrants is increasingly an issue in small-and mid-sized cities in the British Columbia interior (Central Okanagan), where the real estate market is one of the most expensive in Canada. This study examines the housing experiences of immigrants in Vernon, Penticton, and Kelowna, using data from focus groups of new immigrants and interviews with key informants. Respondents encountered discrimination based on country of origin, immigration status, and ethnicity or race, as well as housing affordability problems. Participants cope with the latter barrier by either sharing housing to save money or renting a basement. Key informants suggest that government, especially the federal government, must help address the immigrant housing crisis in Central Okanagan by funding affordable housing construction, regulating and cooperating with developers, facilitating dialog between landlords and renters, and supporting community organizations. Municipal governments lack the resources and the constitutional powers to deal with this issue on their own.
Recently, the media have expressed concern about the apparent concentration and social isolation of immigrants in central and inner suburban neighborhoods in large Canadian cities. This paper compares and contrasts the frequency and nature of neighborhood-based social contacts among three cohorts of immigrants distinguished by their period of arrival in Canada and Canadian-born individuals. We begin by outlining the family, friend, and acquaintance relationships that immigrants build and argue that their networks are culturally diverse and dominated by acquaintances. In this context, intense friendships rarely develop between neighbors, even for recent newcomers. Rather, neighboring consists mainly of casual interactions between individuals that often involve the provision of mundane forms of assistance. Despite their fleeting and routine qualities, social relations with neighbors lead the vast majority of people to express strong levels of belonging to their neighborhoods. As a consequence, we argue that the neighborhood is an underestimated locale for understanding social inclusion.
Low birth rates and population ageing have slowed population growth rates in Canada, and immigration has become the primary
driver of population and labour force growth in the nation. The distribution of new arrivals to Canada, however, has been
concentrated in a few major cities. Until recently, Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver have been the destination of approximately
75% of all immigrants. All orders of government have introduced policies and programs to influence the regional distribution
of immigrants across the country, ostensibly so that the benefits of immigration will be more evenly shared on a national
basis. An assessment of the Manitoba Provincial Nominee Program helps identify policy and program initiatives and best practices
effective in changing the regional distribution of immigrants and attracting more new arrivals to smaller urban and rural
communities.
De faibles taux de natalité et le vieillissement des populations ont ralenti le taux de croissance démographique au Canada,
de sorte que l’immigration est maintenant le moteur principal de l’accroissement démographique et la croissance de la population
active au Canada. Toutefois, la distribution des nouveaux arrivants au Canada est inégale, environ 75% des immigrants se retrouvant
dans les grandes villes de Montréal, Toronto et Vancouver. Tous les paliers de gouvernement ont lancé des politiques et des
programmes pour influencer la distribution régionale des immigrants dans le pays et ce, dans le but manifeste de partager
plus équitablement les bienfaits de l’immigration à l’échelle nationale. Une évaluation du Programme des candidats de la province
du Manitoba a permis l’identification des initiatives en matière de politiques et de programmes, ainsi que des pratiques exemplaires
qui réussissent à modifier la distribution régionale des immigrants et à attirer plus d’immigrants vers les petites communautés
urbaines et rurales.
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