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Generating Soft Power Through Education: How South Korea approaches Central Asia with its Education Diplomacy.

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Abstract

This research explores a case study of the relations between the Republic of Korea and Central Asian states to demonstrate that education diplomacy can be understood as a distinct subtype of public diplomacy and that it is extremely important for the overall success of South Korea's public diplomacy. Link to the whole book: https://www.cambridgescholars.com/contemporary-issues-in-international-relations

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... There has been a robust emerging body of scholarship examining Japan's and Korea's bilateral and multilateral relations with CA states per se (to name a few: Dadabaev, 2019aDadabaev, , 2019bFumagalli, 2016;Insebayeva, 2019;(Len et al., 2008); Murashkin, 2015;Rakhimov & Ki, 2016;Murashkin, 2020;Varpahovskis, 2020;Yoneda, 2012 and others). However, extant scholarship did not often cover the topic of development models and their roles in the relationship, and when it did, it was synthetically, tangentially, with some exceptions, often focussing rather on Japan and China, than Japan and Korea or not taking account of the latest regional developments in CA, such as the power transits, leadership changes and re-elections in 2019-2022. ...
... Even though Korea is helping multiple countries through ODA-related means there remain other concerns too. For example, whether Korea overemphasises the role of the state control, whether this help is just a soft mean to enter markets of developing states (Shamilov, 2016;Varpahovskis, 2017Varpahovskis, , 2020, whether ODA diplomacy incorporated into middle power narrative is rather a nation branding instrument (Ayhan, 2019;Kim, 2022). ...
... The existing literature on South Korean cooperation with Central Asia is rather scarce. South Korea's activities in Central Asia were examined in a number of papers (Fumagalli, 2012(Fumagalli, , 2016Hak, 2009;Hwang, 2012Hwang, , 2016Park, 2016;Peyrouse, 2010;Steane, 2020;Varpahovskis, 2020), with a significant focus on Uzbekistan (e.g. Dadabaev, 2018Dadabaev, , 2019Rakhimov & Ki, 2016). ...
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This article examines the policies of development cooperation promoted by Japan and Korea in Central Asia, focussing on the roles of discourses treating Japan and Korea as potential non-Western models for the region’s development and modernisation in their relations with Central Asian states. We trace the evolution of relevant developmental approaches made by Japan and Korea, analysing discourses and practices of sharing experiences, as well as the key drivers behind those shifts, and we seek to locate these changes in the larger context of regional political economy and international relations. Furthermore, the article seeks to address the ideational and normative aspects of Japanese and Korean development cooperation in Central Asia. We conclude with a recap comparison of Japan’s and Korea’s sharing of development experiences.
... Во-первых, Корея стремится выполнить взятые на себя обязательства страны -донора ОЭСР по предоставлению 0,3% валового национального дохода (ВНД) в качестве помощи странам-реципиентам. Достичь уровня 0,25% ВНД к 2015 г. не удалось, но Корея обновила цель и обязалась достигнуть показателя 0,3% ВНД к 2030 г. 7 Невыполнение данных целей может негативно сказаться на национальном имидже Кореи, а выполнение обещаний и активное содействие развивающимся странам, наоборот, может улучшить имидж страны и аффилированных со страной компаний в глазах местного населения [Varpahovskis 2020a]. Таким образом, южнокорейская политика по предоставлению ОПР является составным компонентом публичной дипломатии, которая имеет целью улучшение корейского имиджа за рубежом. ...
... При этом значительное количество проектов осуществляется корейскими компаниями. При помощи образовательных программ Корея тренирует не только технический и руководящий персонал на предприятии, но и государственных служащих, которые, применяя свои знания, должны способствовать успешной реализации проектов во время работы в государственных органах, например соответствующих министерствах [Varpahovskis 2020a]. ...
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The relevance of this study derives from the limited understanding of the mechanisms of public diplomacy that are activated when scholarship programs for international students are conducted by East Asian countries, particularly South Korea. Moreover, the relevance of the topic is also determined by the scarcity of research on the role of knowledge in public diplomacy mechanisms. The author of this article analyzes South Koreas international student exchange scholarship program, the KOICA Scholarship Program. This case study analyzes the contents of official documents adopted by the Government of the Republic of Korea, documents and materials published by subordinate organizations that administer scholarship programs for international students, as well as scholarly papers on the topic of knowledge diplomacy and related topics. The novelty element is that the concept of knowledge diplomacy, which is gaining popularity worldwide almost has not been used in the Russophone academia, and the studies on South Korean exchange programs as public diplomacy instruments are also poorly represented. The analysis of official documents has shown that the concept of knowledge in the official Korean interpretation differs from the existing academic interpretations accepted in the West (e.g., Great Britain, the United States). Also, the analysis of the scholarship program showed that it only partly complies with the knowledge diplomacy goals assigned by the Government. In particular, through this scholarship Korea successfully transmits knowledge about Korean history and culture, as well as professional knowledge, while the field of knowledge exchange in the program remains unattained. The author concludes with several practical recommendations on how to improve the effectiveness of the scholarship program as a tool for knowledge diplomacy.
... Today, democracies and autocracies alike strategically use transnational higher education institutions (THEIs) and programs to support their national brands. Existing studies of these endeavours draw attention to the role of exchange programs in enhancing a country's soft power (Chakseliani, 2021;Varpahovskis, 2020Varpahovskis, , 2022 and approach recruitment of international students as an exercise in soft power (Tian and Lowe, 2018;Lee, 2015). Exploring the nexus between education and soft power, researchers explain why countries choose to export their education (Ayhan et al., 2022;Metzgar, 2016;Mkhoyan, 2017;Snow, 2008;Varpahovskis, 2021;Yang, 2007) and treat the success of a country's transnational education projects as indicative of its relative soft power position (He and Wilkins, 2019;Hong, 2021). ...
... Furthermore [47] pointed out, that students will be exposed to the host country's political system, culture, and economy while at the same getting an accurate picture of the country's realities, and this is as much as it can be easy it can be tricky since it could either influence them positively or negatively. Most studies of attitudes indicate that host countries influence foreign students' evaluation, as they can perceive it positively by recommending it to other individuals for tourist or educational purposes, or it can interfere with their positive image by transforming into a more aggressive attitude toward the host country [57,5,53]. Foreign Aid Diplomacy Besides promoting the Korean image, these scholarships contribute to the Korean economy, especially when we look back on how Korea raised from its recipient status to become a donor member of the OECD. In terms of economics, Korea promotes and sponsors its infrastructure projects through ODA (Official Development Assistance) and KOICA (Korean International Cooperation Agency). ...
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Chapter
International academic exchange is regarded an excellent way to transfer knowledge and values and has therefore been a central activity for public diplomacy and development assistance alike. This is an area where PD and ODA often overlap, with potential for both collaboration and conflicts. This historical analysis of the Swedish Institute shows that Swedish PD and ODA were organizationally divided in the 1960s. From 1973 however an increase in ODA-funded activities within the SI can be noted, especially within academic exchange. This development accelerated after 1990 as higher education became more important within Swedish ODA in general and within the aid and collaboration activities directed at post-communist Eastern Europe in particular. As a result the SI PD activities were increasingly determined by assistance policy, whereas the limits between PD and ODA were blurred, as academic exchange was said to complete the tasks of both fields.
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The Confucius Institutes have been established by the Chinese government which operates them in collaboration with foreign universities and educational institutions in order to promote understanding of the Chinese language and culture. The first Confucius Institute opened its doors in Seoul, South Korea in 2004. Within the past seven years, 353 Confucius Institutes and 473 Confucius Classrooms have been established in 104 countries and regions. It is quite unusual for a language school to be able to make progress so rapidly. These developments raise a series of basic questions. First, what are the Confucius Institutes? What are their purpose and function? How have they been able to multiply so quickly? Are Confucius Institutes instruments of China's soft power? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing the details behind the establishment of Confucius Institutes, their organizational mechanism, and their activities. This paper concludes that due to insufficiency of cultural content and key concepts which can typify contemporary China, it is hard to see Confucius Institutes as China's soft power.
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This paper suggests a new definition of soft power by making a distinction between hard resources and soft resources, rather than by differentiating between coercive power and cooptive power as Joseph Nye did. When non-material symbolic "soft resources" are employed to exert influence on others, the final outcome is regarded as soft power, while the final outcome is defined as hard power when material "hard resources" are employed. Therefore, within this definition, soft power can be both cooptive and coercive, and so can hard power. This new definition is useful for countries that are considered to be middle powers which are limited in terms of hard resources, but have the potential to develop soft resources. This paper also categorizes five different types of soft power in accordance with specific soft power goals. They are (1) soft power to improve the external security environment by projecting peaceful and attractive images of a country; (2) soft power to mobilize other countries' support for foreign and security policies; (3) soft power to manipulate other countries' styles of thinking and preferences; (4) soft power to maintain unity within a community or community of countries; and (5) soft power to increase the approval ratings of a leader or domestic support for a government. Categorization of different types of soft power is important because it enables us to think in more strategic and goaloriented terms. The last section of the paper assesses Korea's soft power capacity and potential within this theoretical framework, followed by a few policy recommendations.
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Democratic governance depends not only on the building of democratic institutions but also on citizens’ knowledge about how these institutions should function in their everyday lives. I argue that US-hosted educational exchange programs are one mechanism whereby citizens of nondemocratic states might experience life firsthand in a democratic country. Their experiences may impact the political institutions and influence political behavior in their home countries. In order for this process to take place, I argue that at least three contextual conditions are important: (i) the depth and extent of social interactions that occur while abroad, (ii) the sharing of a sense of community or common identity between participants and their hosts, and (iii) the attainment of a politically influential position by the exchange participant when they return home. In this article, I test these hypotheses and find support for what advocates of soft power often contend: US-hosted exchange programs can play an important role in the diffusion of liberal values and practices across the borders of authoritarian states.
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The establishment of diplomatic ties between the Soviet Union and the Republic of Korea appears to be not only a cornerstone for peace-keeping in the Korean peninsula but also a catalyst toward improving economic cooperation between the two countries. Unlike other advanced countries, Korea has been actively investing in the Soviet Union since Soviet-Korean rapprochement. But events have overtaken the pace of reform in the Soviet Union. Multiple Soviet problems such as the restructuring of the Union and Republic governments, reorganization of the New Economic Community, and severe discord within the political leadership regarding the approach to reform are entangled with power struggles between the center and the republics. The outcomes of democratization and marketization in the Soviet Union are not certain. Korea is deeply concerned about the success or failure of the Soviet economy because this will influence the extent to which the Korean economy will benefit or suffer.
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