No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Male Agents of Change and Disassociating from the Problem in the Prevention of Violence against Women
Abstract
This chapter explores the complex and contradictory nature of political masculinities within efforts to engage men and boys in the prevention of men’s violence against women. It discusses findings from 14 expert-informant interviews with activists who have played an influential role in developing this work in the UK context. These interviews drew attention to how, for male agents of pro-feminist change, political masculinities are also profoundly personal. Transformations in the self are thus as important as bringing about change in others in this work − otherwise men risk reproducing the same patriarchal inequalities that they seek to dismantle. One significant barrier to critical self-reflection for men involved in preventing violence against women is that of disassociation; a perception and construction of oneself as being separate from the problem in relation to other men, men’s violence itself, and patriarchal relations. Resisting disassociation is therefore vital in order for pro-feminist men to recognise how they continue to be implicated the perpetuation of violence against women. This requires male agents of change to move beyond a sense of shame about their position within patriarchy − and to understand how they engage in political masculinities as they work to prevent men’s violence against women.
... This broad definition of political masculinity has served as a foundation for a growing body of work, fostering dialogue between a wide range of disciplines, on topics as diverse as political masculinities' involvement with, and associated tensions in, prevention of violence against women initiatives in the United Kingdom (Burrell, 2020); political masculinities in parliamentary debates during Austria's period of postwar nation-building (Löffler, 2019); the Indian state's intervention, along with the role played by both state and non-state political masculinities, in practices of sex selection (Rahm, 2019); and the political masculinities of pro-feminist men involved in an Israeli high school gender equality intervention programme (Schwartz, 2020). These, and other studies, have contributed toward developing the concept of political masculinity/ies. ...
... Yet the suggestion that we can identify instances in which power is explicitly operating has been the subject of some debate (cf. Burrell, 2020;Hearn, 2020). Luyt and Starck (2020) reaffirm their belief in the usefulness of considering the extent to which power is operating explicitly through masculinities and argue that it is only '[i]n identifying such instances, or through actively making the operation of power explicit, [that] possibilities for challenge and change are realised' (Luyt & Starck 2020, p. 5). ...
... For example, emphasis is often placed on the role of boys and young men in challenging sexist attitudes and harmful behaviours among other boys and young men. There can be difficulties entailed if boys and young men feel unduly blamed or unfairly maligned, which may lead to defensiveness (Burrell, 2020;Flood and Burrell, 2022). The key here is taking an approach that addresses wider contexts and empowers boys and young men to make sense of social and cultural norms and the ways that they and others are affected by and can address the problems around them. ...
The report can be downloaded from: https://www.stopitnow.org.uk/professionals-looking-for-advice/help-for-schools/
... Stephen Burrell (2020) demonstrates this problem in a study of methods of prevention of violence against women, in which he finds that one of the biggest barriers to this prevention is what he labels 'disassociation', where men perceive themselves to not be a part of the problem because they are not themselves performing violence, which does not acknowledge complicity. His suggestion is therefore that 'this could be aided by a greater understanding and critical appraisal of how male agents of change engage in political masculinities' (Burrell, 2020: 37), further listing what this might involve, notably, being 'accountable to feminist women -and engaging in mutually supportive and critical relationships with other pro-feminist men' (Burrell, 2020: 53). ...
Despite it being not only central to the politics of critical studies on men and masculinities but also one of Connell’s four patterns of masculinity developed alongside the now-canonical ‘hegemonic masculinity’, the concept of ‘complicit masculinity’ has received little attention. This article suggests that complicit masculinities should be understood as political masculinities, in that they are from the beginning shaped by the existing politics and power relations that construct gender. This means acknowledging that masculinities are always at risk of complicity. Rather than this rendering the notion of ‘complicit masculinities’ redundant, I draw on a range of critical studies on men and masculinities to argue that identifying complicity as a feature of masculinities: first, allows us to identify three interrelated dimensions of complicity, which I label as ‘intentional’, ‘structural’ and ‘intersectional’ complicity; and, second, can serve as the starting point for a men’s profeminist politics.
... The final key defensive response interpreted within the focus groups was that of disassociation, in which men detach themselves from violence against women by viewing the problem as one which lies only with those who directly commit it, and has little to do with men more broadly (Burrell, 2020). First, the young men often appeared to perceive partner violence as something with little relevance to their lives, with an implied inconceivability that they or anyone they knew could have anything to do with it: I don't think any of my friends when we were like, 14 or 15, would do something like the guy was doing to his girlfriend or something, at least to that extreme, you know? ...
In recent years, initiatives to prevent men’s violence against women on university campuses in England have been growing. However, there remains a lack of institutional recognition about the gendered dynamics of this abuse and the importance of engaging men in ending it. This research sought to shed light on how young men make sense of violence prevention campaigns, through eight focus groups with 45 members of men’s university sports teams. The focus groups illustrated the need for prevention work to expand men’s critical consciousness of complicity in violence against women, to encourage them to reflect on both their personal connections to the problem and the positive role they can play in preventing it. This complicity was at times exhibited within the focus groups themselves, such as in defensive responses when patriarchal privileges and norms were brought into question. These included shifting the focus away from men’s violence and onto men’s victimisation, naturalisations of partner violence as an inevitability, and disassociating from the problem as if it was separate from the participants’ lives. Collective masculine norms appeared to play a substantial role in shaping the discussions, illustrating how these can mediate young men’s responses to prevention campaigns. However, at times the participants did challenge sexism among one another and articulate resistance to men’s violence against women, demonstrating their capacity to create change. The article contends that violence prevention requires critically addressing men’s practices and what Hearn calls the ‘hegemony of men’ more broadly, rather than only problematising specific ‘forms’ of masculinities.
... Such talk may also carry with it the fantasy of violence then and there in the interview. At the same time, with men researching on violence, and indeed for men doing anti-violence work more generally, there can be issues of possible dissociation and distancing from 'other men', men's violence and patriarchy (Burrell 2020; also see Mercer and Julien 1988;Hearn 1998b). Men who use violence can (easily) be subjected to othering, just as the self can be self-othered. ...
This book presents new conceptual and theoretical approaches to violence studies. As the first research anthology to examine violating interpersonal, institutional and ideological practices as both gendered and affective processes, it raises novel questions and offers insights for understanding and resolving social and cultural problems related to violence and its prevention. The book offers multidisciplinary perspectives on various forms and intersections of different types of violence. The research ranges from the early modern era to the present day in Europe, US, Africa and Australia, representing disciplines such as gender studies, history, literature, linguistics, media and cultural studies, psychology, social psychology, social work, social policy, sociology and environmental humanities. With its integrative approach, the book proposes new ideas and tools for academics and practitioners to improve their theoretical and practical understandings of these phenomena as a source of multidimensional inequality in a globalized world.
Marita Husso is Associate Professor of Social Policy at Tampere University, Finland.
Sanna Karkulehto is Professor of Literature at the University of Jyväskylä, Finland.
Tuija Saresma is Senior Researcher at the Research Centre for Contemporary Culture, University of Jyväskylä, Finland.
Jari Eilola is Senior Researcher at the Department of History and Ethnology, University of the Jyväskylä, Finland.
Aarno Laitila is Senior Lecturer at the Department of Psychology, University of Jyväskylä, Finland.
Heli Siltala is University Teacher at the Department of Psychology, University of Jyväskylä, Finland.
... Such talk may also carry with it the fantasy of violence then and there in the interview. At the same time, with men researching on violence, and indeed for men doing anti-violence work more generally, there can be issues of possible dissociation and distancing from 'other men', men's violence and patriarchy (Burrell, 2020; also see Mercer & Julien, 1988;Hearn, 1998b). Men who use violence can (easily) be subjected to othering, just as the self can be self-othered. ...
Both more immediate and longer-term forms of emotion are highly relevant to researching on violence. This chapter discusses: how emotions can be important in organising research on violence; emotions in doing research the field, and in interviewing men on violence; the relations between the emotions of interviewees and the emotions of researchers; as well as emotions between men, and emotions in analysis and writing up research material. In addition, emotion can work in a more muted, longer-term way, and can be linked with: first, the very practice of doing direct research on violence itself; second, less immediate, more distanced violence or the use of more distanced research methods on violence; and, third, managerial, administrative and educational tasks on and around violence. I call these the emotions of gravity.
... In this respect, Bob Pease's (2008) work on how anti-violence intervention can be directed to non-violent men, not only men using violence, is important. This perspective mirrors the challenge for men doing anti-violence work to address possible dissociation and distancing from 'other men', men's violence and patriarchy (Burrell, 2020); to put this another way, the silence of non-violent men partly maintains men's violence. ...
Men, Masculinities and Intimate Partner Violence provides new insights into men as both perpetrators and victims of intimate partner violence, as well as on how to involve men and boys in anti-violence work.
The chapters explore intimate partner violence from the perspectives of researchers, therapists, activists, organisations, media as well as men of different background and sexual orientation. Highlighting the distinct and ambivalent ways we relate to violence and masculinity, this timely volume provides nuanced approaches to men, masculinity and intimate partner violence in various societies in the global North and South.
The forensic setting houses persons with offence convictions who are also in receipt of ongoing mental healthcare–a criminal justice system and healthcare meeting-point. Extant literature highlights how this context is laden with interpersonal and institutional difficulties unique to a secure context that must provide care and custody concurrently. Our central argument is that the intertwining and interdependent cultural and custodial elements of forensic healthcare environments are integral and influential to care, culture, and conduct within such institutions–including concerning misogynistic everyday talk and the continuum of men's violence against women therein. We argue that the institution is a continuation of contemporary social issues experienced within community life (e.g., misogyny), as the boundaries of such institutions are porous–polis values traverse physical brickwork. This paper analyses ethnographic data from two male wards that are situated within a UK inpatient forensic mental health hospital. Ethnographic fieldwork occurred over 300 hours–overtly participating in, exploring, and recording the daily life of the community. Five excerpts of ethnographic data are presented, which evidence the gendered ward environment and highlight a series of encounters pertaining to problematic social life, which are the upholding of heteronormative gender roles, hegemonic masculinity, and misogyny. These views are problematised within the sexual offending rehabilitative context by considering the clinical risk associated. Further, we argue that to only focus on the end of the continuum often viewed as most serious (e.g., rape) ignores a pervasive cultural landscape of the polis in wider community, beyond the institution, that facilitates the more commonly experienced end of the continuum related to misogynistic values, encounters, and talk. We evidence how social norms and habitualised gendered actions permeate the institution, which bring into question the rehabilitative efficacy of the hospital. This paper embraces a feminist lens to explore everyday social interactions and the embodied experience of the female ethnographer within a male-dominated forensic setting. We contribute to the literature by newly theorising the influences of hierarchical heterosexual gender roles, violent language in forensic settings, and misogynistic attitudes and practice, on the care for, and rehabilitation of, patients.
Street harassment is a common everyday occurrence, yet little academic attention has been paid to how it affects those engaged in outdoor recreation. This study critically explores street harassment experienced and managed by runners in London. Data was collected through an online survey and one-to-one interviews. A total of 121 runners across 26 London boroughs completed the survey, with seven women and two men taking part in follow-up interviews. Transcripts and survey responses were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis. The survey results showed that 84% of women and 50% of men have experienced some form of street harassment while running in London. Five themes were identified: Running into Trouble, I am Afraid of Men, The Cost of Safety, Silencing Myself and It’s Not Me, It’s You. These themes illustrate the complexities contained in the experience of street harassment, the impact it has on runners and how they try to manage it. This study highlights a pressing need for a shift in cultural and political attitudes towards the issue of street harassment.
The White Ribbon campaign has come to occupy a central position in Australia’s efforts to address violence against women. This article critically examines key elements of the White Ribbon awareness-raising campaigns, paying particular attention to the conceptualisation of gender, masculinity, and equality. It is argued that White Ribbon’s reliance on a binary view of gender, together with its emphasis on the attitudes and acts of individual men, contributes to the obscuration of men’s collective advantage. Acknowledging the intersectional positionings associated with hierarchies of power and privilege, this article calls for deeper engagement with the complexities of gender and violence; a commitment to both engage with and transcend the interpersonal.
Organizations addressing gender-based violence (GBV) increasingly include men as partners in prevention efforts. However, little is known about men who get involved in those efforts and what specific actions they take. We present analyses of data from an international sample of men involved in gender-based prevention work that aimed to describe (a) the nature of participants’ involvement in prevention efforts, in both formal programming and in their daily lives; (b) characteristics of engaged men, including gender and bystander-related attitudes and beliefs, and social networks; and (c) factors that sustain men’s involvement in GBV movements over time. Comparisons across global regions for these variables were also conducted. A total of 379 male-identified participants above 18 who had attended a GBV event in the past year completed an online survey (available in English, French, and Spanish). Respondents represented all continents except Antarctica, although North America was over-represented in the sample. Overall, respondents scored well above North American norms for men on support for gender equality and recognition of male privilege, and this was true across all geographic regions. Men in all regions reported moderate support from friends and somewhat less support from male relatives for their involvement in GBV prevention. Respondents in all regions reported high levels of active bystander and violence-preventive behavior. The most commonly reported motivations for involvement in GBV prevention included concern for related social justice issues, exposure to the issue of violence through work, hearing a moving story, or disclosures about domestic or sexual violence. Results were mainly similar across regions, but when regional differences emerge, they tended to be contrasts between the global north and global south, highlighting the importance of cross-fertilization across regions and a willingness to adapt critical learnings in new geographic settings.
Violence against women is an enduring problem around the globe, yet very few books look at the full range of men's violences against women - perpetrated in relationships, in the family, in public spaces, and in institutions. While books that look at different types of violence, such as domestic violence, 'honour' based violence and rape in isolation are useful for depth, it is only by looking across these different spheres that the true extent of men's violences against women becomes clear. This book usefully covers all of the main forms of violence against women, looking at it from a research, policy, and practice perspective. Including discussion of fifteen different types of violence against women, this book is original in offering an introduction to such a broad range of topics, and for including chapters on violences that have rarely been written about, as well as those that are more commonly discussed and those that have been sidelined in recent years. By bringing together work on violence against women committed by partners, family members, strangers, acquaintances, institutions and businesses, this book widens the lens through which we view men's violences against women. Violence against Women is essential reading for criminologists and sociologists who want to be up to date with cutting-edge knowledge on this topic. It is also an invaluable text for those training to enter or become qualified in the specialist domestic and sexual violence sector.
This paper provides a critical assessment of efforts to involve men in the prevention of men's violence against women. Although there is a substantial evidence base attesting to the effectiveness of at least some strategies and interventions, this field is also limited in important ways. Violence prevention efforts often have focused on changing men's attitudes, rather than also seeking to transform structural and institutional inequalities. While feminist and queer scholarship has explored diversities and pluralities in the organisation of sexuality, much violence prevention work often assumes a homogenously heterosexual male constituency. Too often this work is conceptually simplistic with regard to gender. Against this background, this paper contests and complicates several assumptions that are part of an emerging consensus in men's violence prevention: first, that it is in men's interests to support progress towards non-violence and gender equality; second, that the best people to engage and work with men are other men; and finally, the strengths and limitations of inviting and drawing on 'real men'. A critical assessment of the field's working assumptions is vital if it is to contribute to the future prevention of men's violence against women.
The aim of this discussion paper is to raise some questions and to encourage debate about the impact on gender equality of increasing men's involvement in campaigns to end men's violence against women. To address this issue, I have conducted a critical review of the literature on working with men as partners in violence prevention projects. I have also located this literature within theoretical debates about men's privilege, men's interests and men's resistance to change.<br /
The aim of this study is to explore the social organisation of men’s interventionin men’s violence against women, and the men who work within this realm.The area of intervention ch osen, known as ‘domestic violence’, has seenconsiderable voluntary sector growth during the past two decades. However,few studies have investigated the positioning of men’s intervention within thewider context of ‘domestic violence support and services, which, in the main,have been developed by women. Therefore, this study maps theinterconnections of men’s everyday workings within ‘domestic violence’ asprofessionals, public service providers, activists, and as men.The study was underpinned by a feminist framework and attempted tosynthesise theory, practice and activism. Dorothy E. Smith’s approach ofinstitutional ethnography was employed, and analysis was rooted in herconcepts of ‘ruling relations’ and ‘Ideological codes’. The entry point forresearch comprised professional men who worked with men who had beenviolent to known women, as well as men who volunteered their time in violenceprevention campaigns. During the course of the research seventeen semi-structured interviews were conducted, and thirty public and semi-public eventsaround the theme of men’s violence towards women were attended.The main findings from this study include the identification of processes thathave reconceptualised the social problem of men’s violence towards womeninto ‘the relations of ruling’. Findings also suggest that feminism as an‘ideological code’ is a key organiser of social relations within the ‘domesticviolence’ sector. Furthermore, although the majority of leadership, work andactivism within the area of ‘domestic violence’ is carried out by women, anddespite the relative smallness of men’s intervention in ‘domestic violence’, thefindings indicate that disproportionate opportunities for men to utilise theirsocial power can be available in this area of interventio
(PDF) Men and Their Interventions in Violence Against Women: Developing an Institutional Ethnography.. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267151284_Men_and_Their_Interventions_in_Violence_Against_Women_Developing_an_Institutional_Ethnography [accessed Jun 15 2023].
Violence against women is a universal problem, affecting women at all levels of society; however, differently situated women have unique experiences with violence. Theoretically, this calls for the necessity to balance universality with intersectionality. Analyzing EU policy texts, we argue that the recognition of different forms of violence has led to an increased tendency toward culturalization, i.e. articulating culture as the only explanation behind certain forms of violence or focusing exclusively on culturalized forms of violence. While largely ignoring the gendered nature of violence, cultural framings of violence also create a dichotomy between “insiders” (non-violent Europeans) and “outsiders” (violent others).
This article presents a multi-faceted power analysis of men’s violence to known women, by way of assessing two main perspectives on research in men and masculinities: first, that founded on
hegemonic masculinity, and, second, that based on the hegemony of men. Each perspective is interrogated in terms of understandings of men’s violence to known women. These approaches are articulated in relation to empirical research, and conceptual and theoretical analysis. Thus this article addresses to what extent hegemonic masculinity and the hegemony of men, respectively, are useful concepts for explaining and engaging with men’s violence to known women? The article concludes with discussion of more general implications of this analysis.
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-954X.2012.02125.x/pdf
Despite a more comprehensive understanding of male violence and an increase in interventions and punitive measures there has not been a concurrent diminution in men's usage of violence. There has been an increase in critical work by male masculinity theorists examining men and masculinity with some focus on men's violence. This article will provide an overview of the masculinity theories and their uneasy relationship with feminism in relation to their engagement with male violence. The three specific criticisms of this work are: that men are constructed as the real victims of masculinity; that masculinity becomes disembodied from men and as such masculinity becomes problematised instead of the practices of men; and that despite the alleged alignment with feminism the male masculinity theorists are often not reflexive about their work in terms of both political and personal commitments.
Thematic analysis is a poorly demarcated, rarely acknowledged, yet widely used qualitative analytic method within psychology. In this paper, we argue that it offers an accessible and theoretically flexible approach to analysing qualitative data. We outline what thematic analysis is, locating it in relation to other qualitative analytic methods that search for themes or patterns, and in relation to different epistemological and ontological positions. We then provide clear guidelines to those wanting to start thematic analysis, or conduct it in a more deliberate and rigorous way, and consider potential pitfalls in conducting thematic analysis. Finally, we outline the disadvantages and advantages of thematic analysis. We conclude by advocating thematic analysis as a useful and flexible method for qualitative research in and beyond psychology.
The concept of attitudes has been an important component of campaigns to address men's violence against women. Attitudes have been examined in relation to men's perpetration of violence, women's experience of violence and community and institutional responses. In this article we argue that there has not been sufficient interrogation of the limitations of attitudes in understanding and addressing men's violence. We propose a social constructionist approach to attitudes and emphasise the need to locate attitudes within the context of familial, organisational, community and social norms which support violence against women. Furthermore, we argue that to prevent violence against women, we must develop interventions beyond cultural and attitudinal change to encompass changes in structural relations and social practices. Introduction Attitudes have been of central concern in relation to men's violence against women. Community attitudes are seen to play a role in community responses to violence against women, in the perpetration of this violence, and in victims' responses to victimisation. Attitudes have thus been a key target of community education campaigns aimed at preventing violence against women. However, there has been relatively little critical examination of the concept of attitudes and its usefulness in understanding the factors which cause men's violence against women. This article provides such an examination.
Around the world, there are growing efforts to involve boys and men in the prevention of violence against women: as participants in education programs, as targets of social marketing campaigns, as policy makers and gatekeepers, and as activists and advocates. Efforts to prevent violence against girls and women now increasingly take as given that they must engage men. While there are dangers in doing so, there also is a powerful feminist rationale for such work. This article provides a review of the variety of initiatives, which engage or address men to prevent violence against women. It maps such efforts, locating them within a spectrum of prevention activities. Furthermore, the article identifies or advocates effective strategies in work with men to end violence against women.
This introduction to the special issue on “Political Masculinities and Social Transition” rethinks the notion of “crisis in masculinity” and points to its weaknesses, such as cyclical patterns and chronicity. Rather than viewing key moments in history as points of rupture, we understand social change as encompassing ongoing transitions marked by a “fluid nature” (Montecinos 2017, 2). In line with this, the contributions examine how political masculinities are implicated within a wide range of social transitions, such as nation building after war, the founding of a new political party in response to an economic crisis, an “authoritarian relapse” of a democracy, attempts at changing society through terrorism, rapid industrialization as well as peace building in conflict areas. Building on Starck and Sauer’s definition of “political masculinities” we suggest applying the concept to instances in which power is explicitly either being (re)produced or challenged. We distinguish between political masculinities that are more readily identified as such (e.g., professional politicians) and less readily identified political masculinities (e.g., citizens), emphasizing how these interact with each other. We ask whether there is a discernible trajectory in the characteristics of political masculinities brought about by social transition that can be confirmed across cultures. The contributors’ findings indicate that these political masculinities can contribute to different kinds of change that either maintain the status quo, are progressive, retrogressive, or a mixture of these. Revolutionary transitions, it seems, often promote the adherence to traditional forms of political masculinity, whereas more reformatory transition leaves discursive spaces for argument.
Despite the demonstrated utility of intersectionality, research on men allied with women’s rights movements has largely focused on white, heterosexual, middle-class, young men. This study illustrates the importance of attending to men’s intersecting identities by evaluating the applicability of existing knowledge about men’s engagement pathways to the predominantly African American members of a Muslim men’s anti–domestic violence group and a gay/queer men’s gender justice group. Findings from a year-long qualitative study highlight how these men’s experiences differ from those in the literature. While the Muslim men’s experiences add dimension to the existing knowledge—especially regarding age and parenthood, online interactions, and formal learning opportunities—the gay/queer men’s experiences are not accurately represented within it. Their pathways begin earlier, do not rely on women’s input, do not create a shift in gendered worldview, and lack a pathway narrative because they connect to gender justice through their own intersecting identities and experiences. This suggests that a marginalized identity is not in itself sufficient to alter engagement pathways; the particular type of marginalization matters.
Everyday feminist practices are located in the personal lives of feminists, therefore, third wave feminists frequently use the slogan the personal is political to emphasise the political value of such practices. Often, second wave feminists do not agree with this interpretation of the famous feminist catchphrase, which initially meant to call for collective political responses to personal experiences of gender inequalities. This article investigates this dispute that is symbolic of the broader relationship between second and third wave feminism. It compares both perspectives on everyday feminism by relating arguments for and against the political value of everyday feminism to empirical findings of a qualitative study. Based on 40 interviews with second and third wave feminists in New Zealand, I argue that the dispute is based on a number of misunderstandings between the opposing perspectives. Disentangling those misunderstandings, I conclude that although everyday feminism as a manifestation of ‘the personal’ works towards ‘small’ political aims, it is a political practice.
This paper is a discursive analysis of men's anti-rape organizations that exclude women, either from physically attending meeting or presentations, or representationally, in that women's perspectives about rape and sexual assault are absent from the material. The discursive framings that result from this exclusion often subvert and preclude helpful anti-rape work. Women's points of view are often excluded from the material or entirely misrepresented leading to the communication of dangerously inaccurate information. Positive anti-rape work is often derailed in the literature as the organizations become entangled in unreflexive rhetorical battles. By examining the discourses, as well as what the discourses exclude, we can understand some of the problems that are foundational to these organizations. The stated purpose of these anti-rape groups is to fundamentally change violence against women in this society and therefore they have the potential to profoundly impact men's and women's lives. Due to this possibility, problems within the literature must be taken extremely seriously, analyzed, and, hopefully, reformed. The exclusion of women creates a variety of problems that demonstrate the necessity for a higher standard of accountability and responsibility for men's anti-rape organizations.
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
The field of men's pro-feminist organising continues to build global momentum. Boys and men are both capable, and interested, to take action to support the feminist movement. This article explores the experiences of five men active in pro-feminist organising, focusing in particular on their ways of building solidarity and alliances with women's rights networks. The current context of men's pro-feminist organising and the ways in which alliances are being forged with women's rights networks will be explored, demonstrating a diversity of approaches. The challenges are many, particularly as women's rights networks find themselves in a hostile funding climate, and ‘men's rights’ groups continue to delegitimise women's rights and deny the existence of gender inequality. Despite these challenges, pro-feminist men's organisations are employing strategies to enhance relationships with women's rights networks, and ensure their efforts retain feminist at the core. The importance of self-reflexivity and listening for pro-feminist men to operate in feminist spaces will be stressed, as well as to build broader coalitions and create additional resources for gender equality work.
As gender-based violence prevention programs around the world increasingly include efforts to engage men and boys as antiviolence allies, both the profound benefits and the inherent complexities of these efforts are emerging. Acknowledging and exploring tensions associated with engaging men is an important element of thoughtfully fostering men’s antiviolence ally movements so as to both respectfully invite men into antiviolence work and create effective, gender-equitable prevention programming. To this end, this study presents descriptive findings regarding challenges associated with men’s engagement programming from in-depth interviews with twenty-nine representatives of organizations that engage men and boys in preventing violence against women and girls in Africa, Asia, Europe, Oceania, and North and South America. Programs reported negotiating complex issues related to gender, the intersectional nature of men’s identities, and establishing legitimacy and sustainability within communities while maintaining ideological focus and consistency. Additionally, programs reported that these tensions manifest across ecological layers of analysis, and impact both the participation of individual men and the programs’ experiences in community and national contexts.
This qualitative study examines how men respond to learning feminism in the context of college women’s studies courses. Specifically, it categorizes and describes forms of resistance to feminism that men enact through discourses that serve to reinforce and reproduce male privileges despite their stated willingness to learn feminism and position themselves as allies. This study is based on data collected from in-depth interviews with eight men taking women’s studies courses at a large Southeastern university. Discourses used by participants are discussed as three larger appeals: to self, to progress, and to authority. After a description of the discourses within each appeal, interconnections among discourses are made to examine how men avoid reflectively questioning their male privilege. In conclusion, the author discusses implications for a feminist pedagogy that helps male students consciously, personally, and actively engage with feminism.
Individuals who are supportive of social justice efforts are not always effective in their anti-oppression efforts. Some who genuinely aspire to act as social justice allies are harmful, ultimately, despite their best intentions, perpetu- ating the system of oppression they seek to change. Different underlying motivations of those who aspire to be allies can lead to differences in effectiveness, consistency, outcome, and sustainability. The conceptual model pre- sented here, using underlying motivation to frame the dif- ferent issues and challenges facing those who are aspiring allies, is offered as a tool for student affairs professionals' self-reflection and developing students as allies for social justice. The conceptual model presented here is intended to help inform aspiring allies and student affairs professionals seeking to develop social justice allies how individuals who already support diversity and social justice view what it means to be an ally. Conceptualizing these various identities can help student affairs professionals understand why some allies are effective, consistent, and sustainable where others are not and build on these good intentions to develop more effective allies. After first discussing the role of social justice allies in higher education and student affairs, the author explores the emerging schol-
The study analyzes the ‘‘My Strength is Not for Hurting’’ rape prevention public media campaign through the lens of feminist visual culture studies, arguing that the campaign sends contradictory and confusing messages to boys and men about rape and sexual assault. It also touches on the implications of the campaign’s appropriation of a commercial advertising aesthetic; the tendency to objectify women and silence their voices; and complications resulting from efforts to include racial and sexual diversity.
Male feminism as oxymoron
- D J Kahane
- DJ Kahane
Difficult dialogues, privilege and social justice: Uses of the privileged identity exploration (PIE) model in student affairs practice
- S K Watt
- SK Watt
A feminist critique of men’s violence against women efforts. No To Violence Journal, autumn
- T Castelino
To be a man or not to be a man - That is the feminist question
- H Brod
I want a twenty-four-hour truce during which there is no rape
- A Dworkin
Disengaging men from patriarchy: Rethinking the man question in masculinity studies
- B Pease
Political masculinities: Introduction
- K Starck
- B Sauer