Ideologia versus Capacidade: Dilma Rousseff, as Forças Armadas, e o Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento

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Este capítulo propõe uma teoria da delegação política aos militares e, em seguida, vincula essa escolha aos resultados das políticas. Ao contrário de muitos modelos de delegação que assumem uma capacidade institucional uniformemente alta e um único agente burocrático, o capítulo argumenta que a maior parte da delegação burocrática envolve múltiplos agentes possíveis—incluindo agentes fora da jurisdição como o Exército e alta variação na capacidade dessas agências. Em jogo há uma troca entre eficiência e ideologia. Assumindo que os políticos possuam informações suficientes para avaliar as capacidades de suas agências com um grau razoável de fidelidade, os resultados das políticas têm maior probabilidade de serem bem-sucedidos quando o principal político favorece os primeiros em relação aos últimos. No caso do Brasil, argumento que, dado um Ministério dos Transportes, Portos e Aviação Civil de baixa capacidade e um setor privado não confiável, a Presidente Dilma Rousseff delegou vários projetos importantes para o DEC do Exército com base em sua percepção da capacidade organizacional superior da unidade em comparação ao setor privado e ao Estado dispostos a fazer um compromisso ideológico para o fazer. Além disso, os dados do PAC apoiam a alegação de que o DEC foi mais eficiente do que as contrapartes do setor privado e do estado na implementação dos referidos projetos, em parte porque é extraordinariamente adequado para executar as tarefas específicas que compõem o PAC.

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Although a large literature on delegation exists, few models have pushed beyond a core set of canonical assumptions. This approach may be justified on grounds of tractability, but the failure to grasp the significance of different assumptions and push beyond specific models has limited our understanding of the incentives for delegation. Consequently, the justifications for delegation that have received recent scrutiny and testing differ from some of the more plausible justifications offered by informal studies of delegation. We show that surprisingly few results in the literature hinge on risk aversion, and surprisingly many turn on the ignored, though equally canonical, technological assumption that uncertainty is fixed (relative to policies). Relaxing the key assumptions about dimensionality and functional forms provides a clearer intuition about delegation-one that is closer to classical treatments. The theory allows us to relate different institutional features (commitment, specialization costs, monitoring, multiple principals) to delegation's observable properties.
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O presente artigo visa analisar a coordenação das políticas públicas de infraestrutura econômica logística no interior da Administração Pública Federal no Brasil durante o período de 2003 a 2010, com base nos programas governamentais de investimento em infraestrutura, notadamente o Projeto Piloto de Investimento e o Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento I. Esses programas tiveram sua coordenação centralizada na Casa Civil da Presidência da República e nos Ministérios do Planejamento e da Fazenda. Essa estrutura colocou o Ministério dos Transportes numa posição secundária de coordenação das políticas de infraestrutura logística. Isso, segundo nossa explicação, é devido às características institucionais do presidencialismo de coalizão.
Wendy Hunter explores civil-military relations in Brazil following the transition to civilian leadership in 1985. She documents a marked, and surprising, decline in the political power of the armed forces, even as they have remained involved in national policy making. To account for the success of civilian politicians, Hunter invokes rational-choice theory in arguing that politicians will contest even powerful forces in order to gain widespread electoral support. Many observers expected Brazil's fledgling democracy to remain under the firm direction of the military, which had tightly controlled the transition from authoritarian to civilian rule. Hunter carefully refutes this conventional wisdom by demonstrating the ability of even a weak democratic regime to expand its autonomy relative to a once-powerful military, thanks to the electoral incentives that motivate civilian politicians. Based on interviews with key participants and on extensive archival research, Hunter's analysis of developments in Brazil suggests a more optimistic view of the future of civilian democratic rule in Latin America.
Studies of the link between state capacity and development often utilize national-level governance indicators to explain fine-grained development outcomes. As capacity in some bureaucratic agencies matters more for these outcomes than capacity in others, this work proxies for capacity within the set of relevant agencies by using a measure of ‘mean’ capacity across all agencies in a polity. This practice is problematic for two reasons: (1) within-country, cross-agency diversity in capacity often overwhelms the variation encountered across public sectors considered in their entireties; (2) national-level reputations for capacity are not particularly informative about differences in capacity in functionally equivalent agencies in different countries. The article draws on the author's survey of public employees in Bolivia, Brazil and Chile to establish these points.
Venezuela, one of few Latin American countries that did not have to democratize during the Third Wave, veered hardest to the left at the turn of the century. Now, this country, despite its democratic tradition, apparently has most to fear with respect to continued civilian control of the military. This article shows how Venezuela’s democracia pactada (democracy-by-pact) and its Bolivarian Revolution both permitted fusing of military with political power across policy areas. However, the emergence of a coordinate system for civilian control of the military protects Hugo Chávez even as it places certain constraints on the anti-American president. Moreover, this form of civilian control matches elements of the U.S. example. Accurate description, or coding, of Venezuela opens an avenue for improved military-to-military relations, which could, in turn, lay the foundation for constructive U.S.-Venezuelan engagement in the Western Hemisphere.
Congressional choices about administrative procedures affect an agency's political responsiveness and the technical accuracy of its decisions. Legislators would like to design procedures so that agencies make technically sound decisions and balance the needs of competing interests in the way intended. In practice, agency procedures designed to promote technical competence often allow for political drift, and those that promote political control provide little new technical information about the consequences of policy decisions. The trade-off between technical competence and political control is captured in a model of a legislative coalition's decision about agency procedures. The choice variables are the agency's expected preferences and independence. Depending on exogenous levels of technical and political uncertainty, optimal agency procedures can maximize technical competence, maximize political control, or achieve a combination of the two.
Scholars have often remarked that Congress neglects its oversight responsibility. We argue that Congress does no such thing: what appears to be a neglect of oversight really is the rational preference for one form of oversight--which we call fire-alarm oversight--over another form--police-patrol oversight. Our analysis supports a somewhat neglected way of looking at the strategies by which legislators seek to achieve their goals.
The state of civil–military relations in the world, especially in the Third World, is very well summed up by Mosca's statement that civilian control over the military ‘is a most fortunate exception in human history’. All over the globe, the armed forces have frequently preserved their autonomous power vis-à-vis civilians. They have also succeeded in maintaining their tutelage over some of the political regimes that have arisen from the process of transition from military to democratic governments, as in Argentina and Brazil. Spain is a remarkable exception. Today, Spain, despite its authoritarian legacy, is a democratic country. The constituted civil hierarchy has been institutionalised, military áutonomy weakened, and civilian control over the military has emerged. Spain's newly founded democracy now appears quite similar to the older European democracies.
This article draws lessons from a set of innovative programs carried out by a state government in Brazil, now widely acclaimed for excellence in public management. Key to the high performance was strong worker commitment to the job, and what the state did to elicit — a topic of little note in the development literature but of central importance in the literature of industrial performance and workplace transformation in the industrialized countries. The state created an unusual sense of “calling” among the program's workers, new prestige in the communities where they worked, and an informed citizenry that both monitored the workers and trusted them.
In Brazil, an era of military confusion and dissatisfaction that followed the end of the Cold War has largely dissipated since the mid-1990s. Despite scarce federal resources under current economic policies, the Cardoso government has managed to eliminate the most immediate budgetary causes of military unrest. Military authoritarian influence remains, moreover, in areas such as Amazonia. The military's own efforts, the president's moral and economic support, and the legislature's traditional apathy toward relevant issues have fostered a new form of military influence in the Brazilian democracy.
Estudio sobre las fructíferas prácticas realizadas por los gobiernos estatales de Ceará, en el nordeste brasileño, a lo largo de los años 1987-1994, por medio de la creación emergente de puestos de trabajo en el sector público para el desarrollo de programas de salud preventiva, apoyo a la pequeña empresa, obra pública y del sector agrícola.
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