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Social Justice, Civil Society and the Dramatist
152
Esekong H. Andrew
153
Annals of Humanities and Development Studies, 1(2), 153-167, 2010
ISSN: 2141- 4343
Social Justice, Civil Society and the Dramatist in Democratic
Nigeria
Esekong H. Andrew
Department of Theatre Arts, University of Calabar, Nigeria
E-Mail: esekongh@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT
Nigeria as a democratic nation-state is ailing. One of the consequences of this ailment
is the cascading standard of social justice in the country. Instead of correcting the
trend, the leaders continue to rationalize every action taken by government and
describe Nigeria’s democracy as being unique to the cultural environment, yet the
human-rights violations, political dishonesty and the declining social standards
induced by government are not compatible with the tenets of liberal democracy. The
civil society, through its organizations and institutions, has been challenged to initiate
a plan of ideological reorientation for social and ethical change, using non-
confrontational methods. Drama and theatre, being veritable media of communication
are considered extremely suitable in this regard. The method of Theatre for
Development is strongly recommended for its potential of using community members
to develop and communicate relevant messages to grass root communities. This
methodology has been applied with evidence of positive results in health advocacy,
environmental education, women and youth development and other issues. The
method is also ideal for the possibility of obtaining a feedback from the target
audience for impact assessment.
Keywords: Social Justice, Civil Society, Democracy, Nigerian Drama and Theatre
for Development.
INTRODUCTION
Social justice is concerned with the distribution of benefits and rights
throughout society. Mediating the components of social justice in a polity is
the responsibility of not only government but also the citizenry, particularly
in a democratic nation state. Many emerging democracies in Africa have
been adjudged insensitive because they have left trials of unfulfilled political
programmes and unspeakable violations that amount to gross social injustice.
The political power game in Nigeria is typical of the general experiences of
Social Justice, Civil Society and the Dramatist
154
the ailing democratic nations of Africa. The usurpation of political power by
a few persons controlling prominent political parties or portfolios in Nigeria
has given rise to a cocktail of adversities culminating in corruption and
economic decay, which Williams (1999) describes as an “abyss of social
anomie” within which misery, unmitigated poverty, fiscal impropriety,
parlous economic situation and other social ills thrive. The situation is that of
social injustice on the civil society. The government of the day seems to have
perfected the art of ‘selecting’ instead of ‘electing’ successors; and the
selected ones have identical political ideology. Political dishonesty in
government was demonstrated in the general elections of April, 2007, which
were observed by local and international agents and reported to be massively
rigged and marred by other irregularities in favour of the ruling party. The
head of the Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), the largest election-
monitoring group in Nigeria, declared the elections a sham in an interview
with CNN, April 23, 2007. In the foregoing context, the mainstream
government in Nigeria has failed in its duties. The democratic framework has
been dismembered and therefore cannot cleanse itself of the rot in the system.
It would appear that the burden of effecting social change in Nigeria now
falls on the civil society, consisting of civil/social organizations and
alternative institutions such as vigilantes and ethnic militias.
The civil society, being free from the manipulations of the state is
expected to initiate collective action to remedy the failed political system and
the attendant decay. Earlier attempts by the civil society to effect social
justice in Nigeria using media propaganda, labour strike actions, rallies,
marches and boycott of government-organized activities seem to have failed.
These methods have become ineffective under the current configuration of
the Nigerian society and can no more achieve expected results in the
agitation for social change. There is therefore a challenge to reassess the
social situation in the country against the existing methods of advocacy for
social change, and to evolve more effective methods that would address
contemporary Nigeria.
The dramatist as a major stakeholder in the civil society has a unique
methodology and can contribute immensely to the campaign for ideological
change and the realization of social justice and equity in Nigeria. The method
of Theatre for Development (TfD) can be applied in the campaign for rapid
transformation of the socio-political situation in Nigeria. Many Non-
Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and interest groups such as Society for
Family Health, Living Earth Foundation, the Association for Family and
Reproductive Health and Communicating for Change (CFC) have long
realized the potential of drama and theatre in health advocacy, environmental
education, women, youth and social development, and have variously applied
the method of Theatre for Development with evidence of positive results. It is
on this basis that Theatre for Development has been suggested as a method in
the advocacy for socio-political change in Nigeria. The study adopted a
multi-dimensional approach in gathering facts mainly from secondary
Esekong H. Andrew
155
sources – texts, journals, conferences and workshop papers and reports.
Observation, participation and interviews were used in gathering direct data
and images and for verification of facts. In addition, specific cases where
TfD was effectively applied in sensitization campaigns were studied to assess
the efficacy of the method.
The Concept of Social Justice in Democratic Governance
Social justice is the distribution of benefits or goods throughout society and
its principal thrust in the context of politics is to address the welfare of
citizens of a given nation-state. Its contexts are wide-ranging, from social,
political, economic and other rights of the citizenry to provisions of basic
needs and services to society. The contention in the notion of social justice
often lies in the distribution of that which is beneficial to society. Though
writing in the context of environmental sustainability, Dobson (1998)
underscores the primacy of the principles underpinning regimes of
distribution in social justice. He reasons: “one could hardly have a theory
regarding the (re)distribution of ‘goods’… in society without it incorporating
a principle (or principles) according to which such (re)distribution would be
made”. Dobson raises fundamental questions such as: “among who are
‘goods’… to be divided up? What is to be divided up?” (Dobson 1998: 9). A
full analytical account of the multiplicity of conceptions of social justice
would need to make explicit these questions.
In Nigeria, there seems not to be much contention over what is to be
divided and to whom as the country is endowed with ample resources that
translate to high revenues. The metaphorical ‘national cake’, consisting
largely of oil and other residual revenues is shared between Multinationals
and Nigerians. But the ratio of sharing among the component parts of Nigeria
is extremely contestable. Stakeholders are in continual dispute on the sharing
formula. Oil-producing communities agitate for resource control, asking for a
higher oil derivation percentage, while others insist that sharing must be
equal and that no section of Nigeria is superior to the others; every part
contributes, in one way or the other, to the national economic resource pool.
The regime of distribution of resources is prominent among the issues that
put a strain on social justice in Nigeria.
The notion of impartiality is also fundamental, not only in the
distribution of benefits, but also in mediating between conflicting notions of
‘the good’. The concept of ‘good’ would be subject to prevailing conditions
within a given territory. In Nigeria, the concept of ‘good’ or ‘the goods’ has
repeatedly been slaughtered on the altar of national unity or what is popularly
referred to as ‘national character’. However contestable this may sound, it
must be stated emphatically that there are strings of acceptable conditions
and practices predicated on rational judgment, which democracy stipulates
and entrenches as rights of citizens. As much as modifications are necessary
Social Justice, Civil Society and the Dramatist
156
to pacify peculiar socio-cultural and political conditions, the rights of citizens
should not be violated.
In the context of democracy, the demos who are the major stakeholders in
governance enjoy the goods as rights, which they constantly expect.
Nwabueze submits that:
Social justice is predicated on the notion that organized society, as
association of people, creates in the members certain expectations
or claims, which …would be unfair for society to deny or fail to
meet. (Quoted in Ucheaga 1996: 148)
It implies that democracy in a civil society has prescribed certain rights or
goods accruable to the citizen. Ucheaga (1996) harps on the implications of
social justice thus:
Apart from the primary claim to protection of life and property
and the maintenance of minimal, standards of living on the part of
society, social justice embodies equality of treatment. The
individual’s claim in this respect regards the obligation to society
to ensure equality in all its aspects; the application of rules of law,
human rights, equality of obligations, equality as it concerns the
administration of justice, equal treatment in the exercise of
legislative and executive power…
The demands of social justice seem to be compatible with the central tenets
of democracy. Could social justice then be equated with democracy? What is
the relationship? Democracy, being the rule of the people, is inherently
complex and diverse in its various concepts. Liberal democracy, however,
embraces the principles of social justice as emphasis is placed not only on
free and fair election processes, the rule of law and separation of powers, but
also firmly on the protection of the populace and their numerous forms of
liberties and rights. The issue of rights is central to both democracy and
social justice. Human rights are not negotiable beyond what is stipulated in
the constitution. Fela, the Nigerian Afrobeat music maestro long affirmed
this fact in one of his works, Beasts of No Nation (1989), singing, “Human
rights na my property. So therefore you can’t dash me my property”,
meaning that human right is the property of the populace, therefore
government cannot ceremoniously present human rights to the people as if
they were tangible gifts. Certain rights inherently belong to the people and
are entrenched in the constitution. The undisputed rights that accrue from
democratic governance are the same rights expected by the populace for the
realization of social justice to enable society build trust, shared values, and
indeed social capital. These constitutional rights navigate the political sphere
to weave society together, to facilitate mutual understanding between
stakeholders within a territory and the interests common to them.
Esekong H. Andrew
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While the civil and political rights entrenched in a democracy can possibly be
guaranteed by government through its agents, the rights accruable to citizens
for the realization if social justice are frequently violated, particularly in
dictatorial democracies like Nigeria. The agitation for social justice,
therefore, has become a constant phenomenon in Nigeria. It is part of the
search for true democracy in the country, which must be pursued with
seriousness (Iji, 2001: 36). Uya attempts to define the dimensions of the task
ahead in his assertion that:
The Nigerian democratic project must ultimately involve no less
than a revolutionary overhaul of people’s institutions, attitudes
and ideas. There should, as well, be a fundamental restructuring
of the society – economically, politically, socially and
institutionally (Uya, 2000: 59).
The direction and intensity of the struggle would really depend on the
people’s orientation and their interpretations of the complex values of
democracy against the notion of social justice as applied in a diverse cultural
territory such as Nigeria. This calls for the application of dependable
techniques, among other things, to sensitize the people on the implications of
democratic governance and social justice.
Drama in the Advocacy for Social Justice in Nigeria
Drama and theatre are known to be vital machineries of communication in
society and the dramatist is a prominent social commentator therein. Drama
is irrepressible in addressing social situations as it can change in form and
focus, depending on the prevailing situation. For instance, colonial drama in
Nigeria, such as Ogunde’s Bread and Bullet was preoccupied with the protest
against foreign domination, which was appropriate at the time. But once
Nigeria gained political independence, its focus changed towards addressing
internal oppression by nationalist elites and later towards military
dictatorship (Umukoro, 1994: 11).
Many Nigerian dramatists have found the social disorder in Nigeria a
good theme to engage the interest of audiences. Few writers, such as Irene
Salami in The Queen Sisters and Elechi Amadi in Isiburu, however, are
interested in historical explorations. For the writer, there is nothing wrong
with reflecting on the past, particularly for the sake of clarification, but
Umukoro (1994: 41) maintains that “a writer who allows his fascination with
the past to distract him from the pressing needs of the present, pays the price
of being without a vision”. Wole Soyinka, a foremost Nigerian playwright
and a Nobel laureate, seems to agree with this position as he finds it
expedient to abandon, even if temporarily, his “recurrent Ogunian
metaphysical evocations to address a theme that stresses the immediacy of an
on-going experience” (Eshiet 2000: 1). In one of his works, The Beatification
Social Justice, Civil Society and the Dramatist
158
of Area Boy (1995), Soyinka captures vividly the political and social
defenestration in Nigeria under the military. Eshiet’s words seem to
effectively summarize Soyinka’s ideas in the work:
In delineating the most obnoxious manifestations and purulence
of military dictatorship, Soyinka, certainly with an alternative
social order in mind, analyses not only the castrating irregularities
of military rule but, indeed, the entire gamut of the explosive
tensions of antagonistic and fanatical forces which subvert the oil
on the wheels of social progress (2000: 2).
Soyinka’s narrative, diction, characterization, prescribed spectacle and other
dramatic elements in the work are woven to approximate a dysfunctional
political system and to reflect social incoherence that stretches across the
Nigerian political landscape.
Similarly, Femi Osofisan in Another Raft (1988), an extension of J. P.
Clark’s The Raft (1964), mirrors Nigeria as a nation adrift with the currents
of indecision and defeat under dictatorships or ineffective democracies.
Osofisan explores the issues of duty, leadership, responsibility and security in
Nigeria and concludes that overcoming social injustice is not in skill, status
or age but in collective responsibility in the art of governance.
Ola Rotimi in If…(1983) also dramatizes the Nigerian polity. The
central theme of the work is political change; how to transform the balance of
power in the contemporary Nigerian society so that the masses of the people
would be in control of it. Umukoro (1994: 41) in his analysis describes
Rotimi’s If… as a culmination of a series of changes in the dramatist’s
conception of his responsibility to society.
Tunde Fatunde in No More Oil Boom (1985) captures the multi-faceted
social structure in Nigeria using characters that represent some known
corrupt offices and institutions in Nigeria. Corrupt government officials,
sycophant contractors, dishonest educationists, corrupt law enforcement
agents and many other characters in the play reflect the Nigerian society to a
large extent. The new prostitution syndrome in Nigerian universities,
mediocrity in professionalism and the jack-of-all-trade syndrome have been
reflected by Fatunde in different scenarios to illustrate the people’s
desperation for survival. The playwright captures the role of Western
multinational interests as active agents in exploiting Nigeria and contributing
to social degeneration in the country.
Chris Nwamuo in The Squeeze (1989) is detailed in his exploration of
the mosaic of social injustice in Nigeria. The problem from his viewpoint is
systemic. The political system drives the citizenry into precarious situations,
which make the people react in ways that alter the social balance of the
polity. In The Squeeze, the playwright identifies retrenchment, poor salary,
annihilated labour unions, unemployment, excessive tax, levies and the man-
know-man favouritism syndrome as components of the large mosaic of social
injustice in Nigeria.
Esekong H. Andrew
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Emerging playwrights continue in the duty of mirroring Nigeria and its social
structure. As long as the situation remains unchanged, playwrights will react
to fault lines in the crack of social justice because the dramatist owes the
society a duty to effect some measure of social change (Obafemi 1982: 235).
The overall idea in using drama is to create political consciousness in the
people and cause them to join in the agitation for social change.
Most of the drama texts mentioned here and many others on the theme
of socio-political change in Nigeria are written by ‘intellectual’ or ‘elitist’
playwrights, whose works are targeted at privileged, literate and exposed
audiences (Ogunba 2000: 395). Many of the texts have been more useful as
classroom references than as tools of agitation for social change; they have
limited practical value. Play texts are hardly circulated to rural audiences
who, really, should be at the vanguard in the struggle for social change.
Apart from the popular playwrights, many others abound, whose works,
sometimes unpublished, impact greatly on grassroot audiences. Many of
these unsung writers have developed populist drama, typically, drawing ideas
from society to address wide-ranging social and cultural issues. These works
have frequently been dramatized on the media with evidence of positive
response from the public. Such works include One Thing at a Time, a series
written by Kola Ogunjobi for the Society for Family Health International for
the radio/TV campaign on health issues and family health; and Just Because
I’m a Woman, a series of plays written by playwriting consultants for
Dreamboat Theatre’s gender advocacy in the Nigerian media.
Effecting Social Change in Contemporary Nigeria: The TfD Approach
It has already been observed that the methods adopted by the civil society to
effect social change in Nigeria, namely the use of labour union strike actions,
rallies, marches, boycott of government functions, media propaganda and
individual activism do not seem to be effective any more. Individual activists
and social critics such as Gani Fawehinmi, Wole Soyinka, Ken Saro Wiwa,
Fela Anikulapo Kuti, Festus Keyamo, Matthew Kuka, etc., have been
suppressed, intimidated by government or killed outright. Government has
devised ways of neutralizing resistance by either introducing counter ideas or
applying coercion. The struggle for change seems to have introduced new
complexities in the social terrain. The kidnappings in the Niger Delta, the
bombings of oil installations and oil pipelines, the assassination of
politicians, attack on law enforcement agents and many other violent attacks
by vigilantes and ethnic militias are new dimensions in the agitation for
social change, which do not seem to be yielding expected results.
Most social situations in Nigeria are politically motivated and, to
address the root causes, the polity needs be restructured. The method of
restructuring is now the issue. It is obvious that massive violent
confrontations or any militant approach will not work in Nigeria. The power
of incumbency, as Pepper (1993: 15) observes, is formidable. Similarly, the
Social Justice, Civil Society and the Dramatist
160
struggle for a new (social) order cannot be won by individualist orientations,
devoid of collectivist mobilizing force towards attaining a personal dream”
(Iji,1996: 78).
Rather than adopting any approach that may be seen as
individualistically suicidal or massively confrontational with governmental
authorities, a sustained, decentralized community-based advocacy for change
could be initiated. This approach takes the middle ground and is designed to
systematically reeducate communities on the need for social change. The
community-based advocacy option is practical, innovative and participatory,
and would ensure that expressed ideas are shared with the people. A practical
method of applying the community-based option is by using the Theatre for
Development approach.
Theatre for Development goes beyond writing play texts and intellectual
critiques. It is a participatory approach where community members at the
grassroot are made to contribute in developing dramatic ideas, presenting
them and getting a feedback from the community as blue print to develop
solutions. Boal (2000: 122) emphasizes on community participation for the
reason that people are changed from mere “spectators, passive beings in the
theatre phenomenon into subjects, into actors, transformers of the dramatic
action”. It is assumed that the people are better positioned to focus on and
dramatize the social ills of their society.
The nature of Theatre for Development makes it different from other
media of communication that could be adopted in a campaign for grass root
ideological change. Asiama (2003) observes that a major advantage of
Theatre for Development is that it follows the “bottom up” format and not
the conventional “trickle down” approach to effect change. Theatre for
Development does not impose ideas on the target communities; it ensures
that traditional or local values form the basis of introducing change. It is
compatible with traditional African communication systems, which engage
story telling, drama, songs and dances developed by the people. It is therefore
a natural extension of existing dramatic communication channels to which
grassroot Africans respond and appreciate.
Theatre for Development is integrated into cultures and traditions of
host communities. It explores the culture of the people using what has been
described as a “democratic” or “theatre for the people and by the people”
approach (Asiama 2003: 78). Theatre for Development may attempt to raise
awareness or conscientize the people to elicit attitude change where
necessary. It also allows for a switch of theatrical roles whereby a performer
can become a spectator and vice versa. This flexibility is its power
mechanism for communicating strongly to its audience. Its democratic nature
allows for free exchange of ideas between community members and resource
persons. It applies the principles of collective creation. Being community
based, Theatre for Development attempts to appropriate props, diction, non-
verbal cues and other cultural practices of its host communities. The result in
effecting change can be dramatic.
Esekong H. Andrew
161
For the purpose of socio-political sensitization, Theatre for Development can
also draw from or modify existing plays with the theme of social justice to
suit specific situations in target communities. The feedback obtained at the
end of every production, representing the opinion of the people is necessary
because it enables the producer or researcher to assess the impact of the
experiment on the people. Where social change and democracy in Nigeria are
concerned, the ultimate aim of every production would be to readdress the
ideology that democracy is analogous to civil injustice as found in
contemporary Nigerian polity and to inculcate in the people ideal democratic
values that could help effect social justice.
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) engaged in various kinds of
advocacy, some of which as already been mentioned have developed special
interest in TfD, having realized its potency as an advocacy tool to propagate
ideas at the grassroot. One of such groups is the Living Earth Nigeria
Foundation, funded largely by the European Union, whose focus is on
environmental conservation. Its campaign against pollution and deforestation
of the South Eastern rain forest of Nigeria extends to Boki, Abontakon,
Isobendeghe, Bendeghe-Afi, Okori, Obudu and other forest communities. In
this project, TfD has been a major methodology in sensitizing the target
communities on environmental conservation. Many scripts on environmental
resource management have been written based on ideas obtained from
consultations, research and playwriting workshops in target communities.
Our Forest, Our Future, written by Liwhu Betiang, Freedom Ejom and
Barclays Ayakoroma, is a compendium of such plays on environmental
conservation. Ekanakwor (The Forest) is another collection of plays on the
environment written by Arikpo Arikpo and Freedom Ejom. Both works were
published by Living Earth Nigeria Foundation in 2002.
In most places where the plays were performed, community members
formed the core of the cast. Rehearsals were held, sometimes late into the
night to produce captivating performances (Figure 1).
Fig. 1: Drama presentations at Abontakon Community.
Social Justice, Civil Society and the Dramatist
162
The results of the theatrical approach in this project have been remarkable
and the impact, long-lasting. Joseph Ugbe, a program development officer in
the project observed in an interview that the consciousness in environmental
conservation in the target communities is high and that the target
communities have set up bye-laws aimed at protecting the forest. Some have
set up vigilante groups to control the exploitation of forest products.
Betiang’(2006) study on the application of TfD in the Living Earth
Foundation project confirms the success story. He states:
Post evaluation results have shown a people hitherto timid and
apathetic, waking up to articulate their problems and charting a
course towards overcoming them…The project led the
communities to witness dramatic changes as local energy and
creativity were unleashed and harnessed for the development of
the rural communities in different ways. There were also positive
behavior changes and a questioning attitude to traditional
practices and governance (Betiang, 2006: 1).
This remark is, indeed, a proof of efficacy of TfD, the adopted methodology
in a campaign for change.
In a similar development, in 1995, Chuck Mike, theatre activist and
founding director of the Performance Studio Workshop (PSW) theatre group
based in Lagos, Nigeria, started a project called Synergizing Information
Systems Towards Enhancing Reproductive Health and Eradicating Ligate
Practices (Sister Help) with technical support from the International African
Committee on Traditional African Practices (IAC) and the Association for
Family and Reproductive Health (ARFH). The project focused on the
eradication of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) through the uses of
alternative communication, social development, community empowerment
and participation as well as research to bring about mutual understanding
between people through culture and the performing arts (Sister Help
information Brochure). Sister Help focused on exchanging and analyzing
information, educational dialogue, and influencing legislation through
workshops, research and performances.
Sister Help assisted in setting up task forces, consisting of specialists in
many disciplines in places with high incidences of FGM such as Ekiti, Benin,
Ibadan and Ondo who worked along side the Theatre for Development
troupes. Many months were spent in investigation to understand why FGM is
practiced. This research resulted in the play Ikpiko and Other Inquiries After
the Fact, which highlights the problem from an emotional perspective of a
girl born from generations of circumcisers who manages to escape the act but
is deeply affected by socio-cultural and emotional consequences that trail her
life.
Theatre performances were instrumental in raising awareness in many
communities, to focus attention on the problem of FGM and to encourage
Esekong H. Andrew
163
Nigerians to bring this harmful traditional practice to a stop. Through
successful advocacy, networking, information and communication, the first
anti-FGM bill in the Federation was passed in Edo State in 1999. Moreover, a
film project was initiated and the film, Uncut – Playing with Life was
commissioned by Communicating for Change (CFC) and sponsored by the
Ford Foundation (Figure 2). Stella Omoregie, a professional circumciser who
stopped her practice after watching the drama Ikpiko…became a resource
person for the film project and a staunch advocate against female
circumcision. She confessed that it was when she saw herself and her practice
mirrored on stage that she was able to understand the entire issue from a
detached viewpoint. For the first time, she became aware of the pain and
torture suffered by victims of FGM, and decided never to perform another
circumcision (www.cfcnigeria.org/aboutUNCUT).
Fig. 2: A Scene From the Film: Uncut – Playing with Life.
Dreamboat Development Theatre Foundations is another NGO that uses
drama and theatre as an advocacy tool. The group, led by Edisua Oko-
Offoboche is focused on health, women and gender advocacy in Nigeria. In
one of its projects, Red Ribbon Avenue, the group uses the Theatre for
Development approach for HIV/AIDS sensitization campaign. In the project,
series of performances, developed by community health and playwriting
consultants in conjunction with community members are presented to wide
audiences on the media and live with enormous impact. Red Ribbon Avenue
dramatizes popular practices and lifestyles that predispose people to HIV
infections and the effects of the scourge on health and the socio-economic
life of the people. It examines the effects of HIV/AIDS from the perspectives
of the infected and the affected. The series is focused on educating people on
the issue of stigmatization and discrimination. (Figure 3).
Social Justice, Civil Society and the Dramatist
164
Though the current success in HIV/AIDS sensitization campaign
recorded in Nigeria is as a result of collective activities of various project
groups, Dreamboat Development Theatre Foundation has been outstanding in
using drama. The extent to which the project achieved its objectives and
reached its target audience in a part of South Eastern Nigeria is summarized
in the report submitted to the World Bank, sponsors of the program, in 2006.
Questionnaires and focus group discussions formed the basis of assessing
success in reducing HIV/AIDS stigmatization and discrimination through
theatre for development. Awareness on key issues were scored before and
after the campaign (Table 1).
Fig. 3: Dreamboat Theatre’s drama presentation at a community in Calabar,
Nigeria.
Table 1: Awareness of key issues about HIV/AIDS before and after a
sensitization campaign in Nigeria.
S/N HIV/AIDS Issues Knowledge before Knowledge after
1 Orphaned and Vulnerable Children 5% 50%
2 HIV/AIDS 25% 70%
3 Anti-Retrovirals 5% 60%
4 Prevention of Mother to Child
Transmission 3% 75%
5 Sexually Transmitted Infections 30% 90%
6 Opportunistic Infections 10% 80%
7 Commercial Sex Workers 40% 90%
8 Voluntary Counseling and Testing 20% 90%
9 Most at Risk Persons 30% 60%
10 PLWHAS 40% 90%
11 Home Based Care 10% 70%
12 Anti-Retroviral Therapy 5% 60%
13 Persons Affected by AIDS 5% 50%
Esekong H. Andrew
165
A further survey of the target audience on the most preferred aspect of
production in the media campaign – Music, Fact File, Message, Quiz,
Locations and Actors revealed that Message was the clear preference,
implying that the medium, being TfD was most suitable among other options.
The producer, in an interview confirmed this finding, citing letters, phone
calls and text messages that supported the choice of medium. The few
examples cited here illustrate the extent to which Theatre for Development
has been a viable option in various sensitization campaigns. It is on the basis
of the successes recorded by these organizations that TfD has been
recommended in the campaign for social justice and reformation in the
structure and practice of governance in Nigeria. With reference to socio-
political change in Nigeria, Theatre for Development can help sensitize the
populace from the grassroot on a number of issues, including the following:
- Civil rights and responsibilities
- The practice of liberal democracy
- Promotion of transparency in governance
- Building social capital, trust and shared values
- Adopting transparent electoral processes
- Social stability and security in the state
- Capacity building for greater economic productivity.
CONCLUSION
Campaigns for socio-political awareness are expected to breed better-
informed citizenry, who make better voting choices, participate in politics
and hold government more accountable as a result. Using a participatory
approach like TfD to campaign for social change, the dramatist and his
collaborators are able to demonstrate the reality of the relationship between
civil society, social justice and democracy and to communicate the
implications to the populace, thereby helping to build social capital, trust and
shared values, which can be used for socio-political development. Groups
and NGOs have successfully used TfD for various advocacies and there is
compelling evidence that TfD can also be used to implant the right political
ideology and to effect social justice from the grassroot level. Chances are
high that if the TfD method is adopted in soliciting for social justice,
approximately the same level of success reported in other campaigns will be
registered. The people will be sufficiently sensitized and certain social and
political malpractices will become unpopular. Generally, transparency will
become the order of the day in government and in general civil procedures, at
least for fear of public outrage. No effort should be seen as a step too far in
negotiating sanity into the politically induced social situation in Nigeria.
Social Justice, Civil Society and the Dramatist
166
REFERENCES
Anikulapo-Kuti, Fela (1989). Beasts of No Nation. Kalakuta/
Euroband/Shanachie,.
Arikpo, Arikpo and Freedom Ejom (2000). Ekanakwor (The Forest). Port
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