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Comparative Education
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A meta-review of typologies of global citizenship
education
Karen Pashby, Marta da Costa, Sharon Stein & Vanessa Andreotti
To cite this article: Karen Pashby, Marta da Costa, Sharon Stein & Vanessa Andreotti (2020):
A meta-review of typologies of global citizenship education, Comparative Education, DOI:
10.1080/03050068.2020.1723352
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/03050068.2020.1723352
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A meta-review of typologies of global citizenship education
Karen Pashby
a
, Marta da Costa
b
, Sharon Stein
c
and Vanessa Andreotti
c
a
Education and Social Research Institute, School of Childhood and Education Studies, Manchester
Metropolitan University, Manchester, UK;
b
School of Childhood, Youth and Education Studies, Manchester
Metropolitan University, Manchester, UK;
c
Department of Educational Studies, University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, Canada
ABSTRACT
This paper reports on a reflexive exercisecontributing a meta-mapping
of typologies of GCE and supplementary analysis of that mapping.
Applying a heuristic of three main discursive orientations reflected in
much of the literature on GCE –neoliberal, liberal, and critical –and
their interfaces, we created a social cartography of how nine journal
articles categorise GCE. We found the greatest confluence within the
neoliberal, greatest number within the liberal, and a conflation of
different ‘types’of GCE within the critical orientation. We identified
interfaces between neoliberal-liberal and liberal-critical orientations
as well as new interfaces: neoconservative-neoliberal-liberal, critical-
liberal-neoliberal, and critical-post critical. Despite considerable
diversity of GCE orientations, we argue GCE typologies remain
largely framed by a limited range of possibilities, particularly when
considered as implicated in the modern-colonial imaginary. In a
gesture toward expanding future possibilities for GCE, we propose a
new set of distinctions between methodological, epistemological,
and ontological levels.
KEYWORDS
Global citizenship education;
postcolonial critique;
modernity; ontology
Introduction
Since the turn of the twenty-first century, there has been increasingattentiontoboththe
usefulness of global citizenship as an agenda for education and its inherently contested
nature. Mannion et al. (2011) suggest Global Citizenship Education (GCE) serves as ‘a
floating signifier that different discourses attempt to cover with meaning …[and con-
verge] within this new nexus of intentions’(444). Similarly, Schattle (2008)finds there
are multiple ideological constellations overlapping and even contradicting one
another within the field of GCE. Several prominent publications have unpacked the
concept by describing and categorising differences within GCE. These typologies have
then been applied as analytical frameworks in subsequent research. As GCE is taken
up around the world as part of United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 4,
Target 7, it is important to take stock of various attempts to map out the different
approaches to GCE.
© 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any
medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.
CONTACT Karen Pashby k.pashby@mmu.ac.uk
COMPARATIVE EDUCATION
https://doi.org/10.1080/03050068.2020.1723352
In this paper, we critically reflect on and map the commonalities and distinctions in
groupings of frameworks and approaches to GCE across and within a set of typologies.
Using social cartography, we offer a situated meta-review of selected GCE literature for
those immersed in the field as well as those new to the conversation by highlight both
productive distinctions as well as circular discussions. First, we explain the heuristic
used to initiate our approach to a social cartography of types of GCE –consisting of
three discursive orientations (neoliberal, liberal, and critical) and their interfaces –, and
we define the scope of the review. Next, we present our cartography and review key
findings according to the three discursive orientations and their interfaces, noting com-
monalities and distinctions. We also consider to what extent different approaches GCE
reproduce or help to define the limits of a modern/colonial imaginary. We finish the
paper by offering a reflexive supplementary analysis suggesting how to push the edges
of debate and discussion so that the field of GCE might ultimately be more relevant
and responsive to the complexities, paradoxes, and intense conflicts that characterise
today’s many overlapping global challenges.
Methodology
As a way of initiating and organising our social cartography and to contribute a new
framing of discussions within GCE, we applied a heuristic (Andreotti et al. 2016). The heur-
istic helps make intelligible some of the overlaps, conflations, contradictions and tensions
within and between ‘types’of GCE (the groupings of frameworks and approaches
described in different typologies) by looking at key discursive orientations and their inter-
faces. The original heuristic was developed in the Ethical Internationalisation in Higher
Education (EIHE) project (see Figure 1) to map discourses evident in higher education pol-
icies related to topics such as international development (Pashby and Andreotti 2016) and
increasing international students (Haapakoski and Pashby 2017).
As four scholars engaged in critical work in GCE, we were concerned with how typolo-
gies can be applied uncritically (e.g. Pais and Costa 2017
1
) and felt it could be a useful
heuristic to map commonalities and distinctions between a selection of GCE typologies.
We took this approach as a way to think critically about our own work and to invite
further reflexivity in light of the mounting number of publications in this area.
According to Stavrakakis (2011), social cartographies can complexify common sense
imaginaries to make visible contradictions and limits of common discursive assemblages.
We understand discursive orientations as points of configuration around which, in this
case, identifications and descriptions of ‘types’of global citizenship ‘not only represent
the world as it is (or rather is seen to be), they are also projective imaginaries, representing
possible worlds which are different from the actual world, and tied in to projects to
change the world in particular directions’(Fairclough 2003, 124). Our social cartography
is a meta-mapping in that the authors have themselves unpacked and mapped out the
field in their articles.
The heuristic (see Figure 1) identifies three major discursive orientations: neoliberal
(market imperative, commercialisation, commodification), liberal (erudition as rigour, indi-
vidual development, research for the public good), and critical (social justice, interrogating
systemic injustices and substantively changing the status quo) (more fully described in
Andreotti et al. 2016). While authors of the typologies draw on a range of theoretical
2K. PASHBY ET AL.
and empirical literature themselves that map onto these three orientations, the heuristic
contributes a new framing of GCE discussions by considering interfaces between the
orientations: neoliberal-liberal, liberal-critical, neoliberal-critical, and all three (neoliberal-
liberal-critical). Interfaces are spaces of ambivalence where the same signifiers are
deployed with multiple meanings and signal some underlying commonality across two
or more orientations.
As discussed at length elsewhere (e.g. Andreotti et al. 2016; Pashby and Andreotti
2016), the heuristic also identifies the ways that neoliberal, liberal, and even critical discur-
sive orientations are generally framed, and thus limited, by a common metanarrative:
the modern/colonial imaginary. This metanarrative naturalises a Western/European stand-
point and corresponding set of colonial and capitalist social relations, projecting a local
(Western/European) perspective as a global design (Coulthard 2014; Mignolo 2000; Silva
2007). The effect is to present as universal and inevitable an economic system organised
by (racialised) capitalist markets, a political system organised by nation-states, a knowl-
edge system organised by a single (European) rationality, and a mode of existence pre-
mised on autonomy and individualism. Thus, our cartography of selected typologies
contributes to discussions in the field in three key ways. First, it offers a social cartography
meta-mapping of detailed work done by a set of researchers in the field. Second, it uses a
heuristic that considers not only the three main discursive orientations evident across the
literature in this field but also their interfaces. Third, it acknowledges that these discussions
exist within a modern/colonial imaginary, something we refer to in our findings and reflect
back on in our supplementary analysis.
We draw on Paulston’s(2009) approach to social cartography that contrasts against
modernist and positivist approaches to mapping claiming to capture objective truth
Figure 1. EIHI heuristic (Andreotti et al. 2016, 91).
COMPARATIVE EDUCATION 3
and reality. According to Paulston, the process of social cartography generally involves:
selecting the issue to be mapped, selecting a range of texts that substantially address
that issue, identifying the positions of each text (in our case, descriptions of ‘types’of
GCE) and the ways that they intersect and overlap with other texts, and finally, adjusting
the map with those communities that are mapped. While social cartographies are often
understood as providing a panoptical view of the issue to be mapped, they do not offer
a disinterested position of omniscience, as only those parts defined as relevant by the
mapper(s) are included and made meaningful.
Social cartographies are performative and situated, rather than representational, and
thus, do not claim to be inclusive of all possible positions. Our mapping is focused on
examining overlaps and distinctions within nine categorisations of GCE. Although
limited in scope, our mapping is highly detailed and offers a ‘provisional unity’(Paulston
2009, 980) among selected typologies that can open up diverse readings, discussions, and
re-mappings of, in this case different ‘types’of GCE. Social cartographies prompt active
engagement, further conversation, and generative contestation, rather than fixing or
reifying meanings and definitions. Our heuristic served as a way of organising our map;
however, we also mapped instances where ‘types’of GCE did not fit on our heuristic,
identifying further discursive orientations and interfaces. It was an iterative process in
this sense.
Situating ourselves as the cartographers, we were informed by our own previous work
in this area and our familiarity with the GCE literature. Ultimately, we sought to both
honour the work that has been done in this area and to move what can at times be circular
conversations about GCE into new directions that might be more responsive to contem-
porary educational and global challenges. Our aim was self-reflexive in that we are our-
selves involved in producing and/or applying typologies of GCE and are at very
different stages of our engagement with the field from an early-stage PhD to among
the most published in the area. We do not intend for our mapping to be representative
of all typologies nor of how everyone would map those typologies. Rather, our intention
is for the mapping to support further reflexive discussions relevant to those experienced
and new to the field. The map continues to be discussed, contested, and moved as we
share it with others and relate it to our teaching and research, so we are presenting a cap-
turing of it here
We mapped 9 typologies of GCE found in journal articles published between 2006 and
2018. Although we refer to ‘types’of GCE, different authors call their objects of description
and identification different names (e.g. frameworks, conceptions, approaches, etc.). These
are specified in Table 1. We started with Andreotti’s(2006) piece on soft versus critical GCE,
a germinal work distinguishing between two types of GCE based on a basic principle for
change. Cited over 500 times and referred to in subsequent typologies (e.g. Marshall 2011;
Oxley and Morris 2013), it was followed by a proliferation of typologies, increasingly con-
sidering the role of critical approaches. Working in 2018, and for the purposes of defining a
manageable scope, we limited our typologies to those published in journal articles and
those we had ourselves used and found helpful in our own work and with which we
were strongly familiar. We also ensured they have been cited by others working in the
field
2
indicating they have been influential.
The typologies draw on a mixture of theoretical and empirical work. The authors of the
typologies refer somewhat interchangeably to cosmopolitan and global as key descriptors,
4K. PASHBY ET AL.
and we included both (see Pashby 2013,2015). They draw on a broad range of literature
both related to wider theoretical engagements regarding globalisation and political theory
(which largely correlates to the three discursive configurations: neoliberal, liberal, and criti-
cal) and to specific literature on GCE. While all articles are interested in defining different
‘types’of GCE, some articles do not distinguish between global citizenship (GC) and global
citizenship education (GCE). We have considered categories or ‘types’of GC/GCE as articu-
lated by the authors. Further research could look into this conflation and the ways that GCE
elicits application of and interrogation of wider political theory, including liberal cosmopo-
litanism, Marxism, and post and de-colonial critique. Importantly, these typologies, refer-
ring almost only refer to Global North and English-speaking contexts, in line with much
of the work in this field (see Goren and Yemini 2017), are thus already limited in scope
and framing. Table 1 includes the typologies considered, the ‘types’of GCE identified,
the sources they drew upon, and main implications and recommendations emerging
from their research.
We read each typology to identify the different ‘types’of GCE described and/or ana-
lysed. We then mapped the ‘types’identified in each typology onto our heuristic,
paying particular attention to differences within the three discursive orientations and to
interfaces between them, and we identified new interfaces where ‘types’did not map
onto the existing heuristic. Following this, we considered the impact of the modern/colo-
nial imaginary on shaping and limiting the available possibilities for GCE.
Findings
Figure 2 demonstrates our social cartography of GCE ‘types’, which we will explain in this
section. Overall, we found a strong confluence of GCE ‘types’aligned within the neoliberal
orientation. Yet, across the typologies, authors identified and described many different
‘types’of GCE that mapped onto the liberal orientation. We found the greatest conflation
and interfaces of different ‘types’of GCE with, and only two ‘types’of GCE squarely
mapped onto, the critical orientation. The heuristic helped to map distinctions and over-
laps by considering interfaces between neoliberal-liberal and liberal-critical in particular.
We also found three new interfaces. The first recognises an interface between neoliberal,
liberal and neoconservative orientations centring on rationales for national interest in a
stability of global affairs as well as competencies. The second is an interface between criti-
cal-liberal and neoliberal. The third, critical-post critical, contributes to unpacking the
conflation of critical approaches. In the next section, we review the findings from
mapping the types of GCE onto the current heuristic and introduce the new interfaces.
Neoliberal
The authors use a few different labels for neoliberal ‘types’of GCE, but the descriptions are
consistent. Many explicitly describe Neoliberal GC (Shultz 2007; Gaudelli 2009) or Neolib-
eral Cosmopolitanism (Camicia and Franklin 2011). Oxley and Morris (2013) refer to Cos-
mopolitan (Economic) GC while Stein (2015) describes an Entrepreneurial Position.
Marshall (2011) and Andreotti (2014) refer to a Technicist (Economic) Instrumentalist
agenda and narrative of GCE, respectively. Significantly, neoliberal GCE was the most con-
sistently identified, analysed, and criticised.
COMPARATIVE EDUCATION 5
Table 1. Description of the typologies mapped onto our cartography.
Key sources and approach ‘Types’of GC/GCE Implications/Recommendations
Andreotti
(2006)
Drawing on Dobson’s (2006)
‘interdependence’and
‘complicity’; Spivak’s (2004)
‘sanctioned ignorance’
Two frameworks for GCE:
.soft
.critical
Responds to Make Poverty History
Campaign in the UK and argues
for educators to carefully analyse
context, highlighting risks and
implications of pedagogical
choices.
Shultz (2007) Drawing on McGrew’s (2000)
typology of globalisation; selected
literature review; policy analysis in
Canada of three programmes
aimed at GCE
Three approaches:
.neoliberal
.radical
.transformationalist
Responding to reduction in effective
GCE in Canadian context because
of different normative, existential
and aspirational desires. Argues
for more attention to
transformational approaches
towards restructuring and
renegotiating global relations
Schattle
(2008)
Drawing on Thompson (1984),
analysis of global citizenship
education initiatives
internationally to consider if GCE
is a new ideology
Four ideological
constellations:
.moral cosmopolitan
.liberal multiculturalism
.neoliberal
.environmental
Concludes GCE is not a new ideology
but a reflection of liberalism in
multiple forms. Environmental
GCE, an ideology of its own, has
the potential to challenge
liberalism.
Gaudelli
(2009)
Heuristic drawing on political
science, philosophy and sociology
identifies four visions of GCE
(competitive, imaginary,
cooperative, tangible) upon which
he considers the five location.
Five locations:
.neoliberal
.national
.Marxist
.cosmopolitan
.world-justice
Promotes curriculum building on
hermeneutics and dialogue as well
as a critical reading of place.
Marshall
(2011)
Building from her (2009) analysis of
media texts; draws on selected
literature in the field of GCE;
policy analysis in the UK
Two instrumental agendas:
.technical economic
.global social justice
Identifies strength of neoliberal
agenda, sees cosmopolitan and
critical approaches as highlighting
epistemological reflexivity but
argues both need to engage more
with practical and empirically
informed understanding of school
contexts.
Camicia and
Franklin
(2011)
Drawing on their previous work on
different understandings of global
community (2010); draws on
selected scholarly literature; HE
policy analysis in UK and
Philippines
Two discourses:
.neoliberal
cosmopolitan
.critical democratic
cosmopolitan
Lament rarity of critical democratic
discourses and highlight
possibilities of explicitly treating
colonial relations of power but
warn these opportunities are
constrained within a neoliberal
context.
Oxley and
Morris
(2013)
Substantive literature review of
research on GC and GCE, drawing
on theoretical and empirical work
in and outside of education; offer
a multi-faceted analysis with
many detailed distinctions (e.g.
hegemonic and counter
hegemony or idea forms); define a
typology based on two forms.
Two forms comprised of
four conceptions.
.cosmopolitan: political,
moral, economic,
cultural
.advocacy: social, critical,
environmental, spiritual
Highlights that GCE is understood in
multiple/contradictory ways and
to advocate for various causes.
Apply their two forms with four
conceptions as a tool for
evaluating a Department for
Education (England) policy
document.
The evaluation provides a
nuanced view of intentions and
practices of GCE identifying
internal tensions, for example
within critical approaches, while
also identifying overall strengths
(e.g. elements of cultural and
social GC).
(Continued)
6K. PASHBY ET AL.
The typologies describe a role for education in this context of neoliberalism through
some key principles: education serves a human capital function (Andreotti 2014) that is
tied to the wider knowledge society where expertise is exchanged as a means to
further (individual and national) economic development (Stein 2015). Formal education
is a state-enterprise, and the neoliberal nation-state focuses on national competitiveness
(Gaudelli 2009) and maximising the performance of its future citizens towards employabil-
ity (Andreotti 2014). Curricula are driven by competition (Camicia and Franklin 2011), aca-
demic utility (Gaudelli 2009) and standardisation (Camicia and Franklin 2011), employing
Table 1. Continued.
Key sources and approach ‘Types’of GC/GCE Implications/Recommendations
Andreotti
(2014)
Drawing on, reflecting on, and
complexifying previous
theoretical and pedagogical work
(2006, 2008, 2012), explores
concepts of transnational and
critical literacies; maps root
narratives of distinct discourses of
society, development, diversity
and society as framed by or in
response to modernist tenets;
refers to example from Peru.
Four narrative frames:
.technicist instrumental
.liberal humanist
.critical and post-critical
.‘other’(absent)
Highlights discussions of
uncertainty, plurality, and
inequality and supports educators
to enlarge possibilities for thinking
and living in complex and unequal
societies. Finds first three
narratives respond to modern
tenets while the last narrative,
‘other’, is under-examined
requiring further engagement
towards pluralising possibilities for
shared futures.
Stein (2015) Draws on theoretical and empirical
literature and examples from
international programmes/
policies and research in U.S.
higher education.
Four positions:
•entrepreneurial
•liberal humanist
•anti-oppressive
•incommensurable
Finds the first three positions are
common in higher education
while the fourth offers a reflexive
opportunity to generate new
possibilities for how GCE can
inform processes of knowing and
relating.
Figure 2. A capturing of a social cartography of ‘types’of GCE.
COMPARATIVE EDUCATION 7
competency-based approaches (Schattle 2008). The typologies describe an ideal student
as self-motivated (Camicia and Franklin 2011) and entrepreneurial (Camicia and Franklin
2011; Andreotti 2014). The typologies describe neoliberal approaches to GCE as instru-
mental (Marshall 2011) in preparing students for competing for jobs in a global market
(Schattle 2008) and learning about and engaging with the world is valued as a line on
one’s c.v. (Schattle 2008; see also Oxley and Morris 2013). There is a consistent description
and critique of a strong neoliberal vision of GCE across the typologies.
Liberal
While there was a consistency within neoliberal ‘types’of GCE across typologies, within the
liberal orientation we found a larger quantity of descriptions of and differentiation
between different ‘types’.
Some consistent broader ideas cross the typologies mapped onto a liberal orientation.
These included general principles of democracy (Gaudelli 2009) and universal values
(Oxley and Morris 2013) in a single moral community (Schattle 2008) and common human-
ity (Stein 2015; Andreotti 2014). Oxley and Morris’(2013) identify GCE types that promote
openness, love, and caring. Mutual respect (Stein 2015) and concern (Schattle 2008) are
key principles in a liberal orientation as well as cultural equality (Oxley and Morris
2013). Gaudelli (2009) describes Cosmopolitan GCE as combining a concern for all of
humanity with a focus on civic processes that involve dialogue.
Applied to education, these values encapsulate traditional notions of cosmopolitanism
as moving from a local to a universal notion of self, morality and society (Gaudelli 2009). In
a liberal orientation, GC is understood through international political apparatuses as seen
in calls for and support for legal frameworks (Gaudelli 2009) and the building of inter-
national consensus through nation-level representation at institutions such as the UN
(Andreotti 2014). Gaudelli (2009) refers to this as World Justice and Governance GC
while Oxley and Morris (2013) refer to this as Cosmopolitan Political GC. To varying
extents, most authors offer critiques of these –often through their identification of critical
types –for failing to engage substantively with structural inequalities and focusing on
global relations from an individualistic or Westphalian nation-states position.
We found that some typologies mapped many different versions of liberal oriented GCE
while others did not. Andreotti (2006,2014) and Stein (2015) describe an overarching name
for a liberal approach in order to critique it as a category. ‘Soft’GCE (Andreotti 2006)
describes approaches based in the notion of a common humanity and single view of pro-
gress where global justice issues are framed and responded to from within a Western,
Global North status quo. Stein (2015) and Andreotti (2014) elaborate on a ‘Soft’category,
both referring to Liberal Humanism as an overarching orientation to global citizenship. As
Andreotti (2014) identifies, in ‘soft’approaches ‘different perspectives and critical engage-
ment are welcome within pre-defined frameworks’(Andreotti 2014, 44).
Several typologies make distinctions within the liberal orientation. Oxley and Morris
(2013) identify several types of Cosmopolitan GC: Moral, Political, and Cultural as well as
Economic (the latter mapping onto neoliberal). Similarly, Gaudelli (2009) distinguishes Cos-
mopolitan GC from World Justice and Governance and Political GC. These ‘types’speak to
distinctions in civic engagement and the extent to which various political models and pro-
cesses represent ideal, radical, or grass-roots visions. As we will discuss, some of these
8K. PASHBY ET AL.
distinctions signal a liberal-critical interface as they open to some more radical
approaches; however, like Schattle (2008)wefind that inherently these distinctions
occur within a liberal orientation.
Neoliberal –liberal interface
Schattle’s(2008) work points to the existence of a neoliberal-liberal interface that helps to
question the extent to which liberal ‘types’are alternatives to neoliberal. He acknowledges
the different ‘types’of GCE he identifies (neoliberal, liberal multicultural, moral cosmopo-
litan, and environmental) are all essentially ideological adaptations of GCE situated within
the ‘wide umbrella of liberalism’(74). He articulates an often-unexamined inherent tension
within GCE approaches:
When looking widely at the landscape of educational initiatives for global citizenship, the
various patterns of political and social relationships advocated by specific programs do not
seem to fit together. Moreover, some programs do not advocate particular patterns of political
or social relationships at all, but instead aim to encourage higher levels of competence and
achievement in the next generation, irrespective of the sorts of political and social relation-
ships they might form or encounter. (Schattle 2008, 88)
He emphasises the discourse of competency whereby ‘the ways in which teachers and
administrators define their objectives often emerge as complementary to neoliberalism
in at least accepting the validity of the present configuration of the global market’(83).
Positing that a neoliberal understanding of GCE is tied fundamentally, and therefore inter-
faces easily, with a liberal approach, he argues that multiple versions of GCE operating in
the field of education ultimately represent ‘competing strains of liberalism which are dis-
tinct and contradictory, but are tied to basic assumptions of individual rights’(Schattle
2008, 90).
Oxley and Morris’s(2013) typology also articulates several ‘types’of global citizenship
that link both to liberal and neoliberal orientations. They describe Cosmopolitan Cultural
GC as openness to others from other places, an active engagement with a variety of
different cultural practices, and tying in with Schattle’s(2008) description, promoting
global competence (Oxley and Morris 2013). They also acknowledge a false dichotomy
within Cosmopolitan Cultural GC evident of the neoliberal-liberal interface: ‘Despite the
links to moral cosmopolitan ideas, cultural GCE sometimes resembles the more conten-
tious aspects of economic GCE’(Oxley and Morris 2013, 311). They lament that the
globalisation of culture itself reinforces English language domination and reinforces
stereotypes of an ‘Other’who is ‘trapped in states of class, racialised and gendered immo-
bility’(Roman 2004, cited in Oxley and Morris 2013, 311). They identify that Cosmopolitan
Cultural GC includes an understanding of western dominance of culture, promoting an
ethical stance; however, the focus is on the individual to become more culturally compe-
tent rather than on significant, systemic changes to the status quo. As our social cartogra-
phy is framed by acknowledging a modern/colonial imaginary, we would extend their
critique by pointing out a lack of recognition that there are onto-epistemic possibilities
beyond modernity and promote a discussion of what/whose ethical perspective might
be mobilised or fail to be considered when citizens are to ‘evaluate cultural practices’
(Oxley and Morris 2013, 311).
COMPARATIVE EDUCATION 9
Neoconservative-neoliberal-liberal
When recognising the neoliberal-liberal interface through the competency discourse, we
found that our heuristic was missing a key interface. Schattle (2008)finds that the neolib-
eral discourse of competency aligns GCE with traditional subjects and basic skills, and in
the U.S. this includes an emphasis on traditional literacy and raising standards, thus
suggesting a neoconservative-neoliberal-liberal interface. He notes a telling paradox
whereby ‘some manifestations of global citizenship education are packaged in ways
that can appeal to the political right’(85). Gaudelli’s(2009) typology also identifies a
‘type’of GC that maps onto a neoliberal-liberal-neoconservative interface. According to
his description, National GC includes a re-centring of the nation that maps onto a neolib-
eral orientation (global-market participation through nation-state), a liberal approach
(international relations), and a neoconservative orientation (focus on international
relations as part of national security). In the current context of resurgent nationalisms –
particularly militarised, securitised, and intensely xenophobic nationalisms –there is a
need for further examination of this as a de facto GCE orientation and its potential
impacts on education and global relations. It is important that we account for and consider
possible responses to its growing popular circulation and recognise that it is absent from
most of the typologies.
Critical, liberal-critical, critical-liberal-neoliberal, and critical-liberal
Authors of typologies often present approaches to GCE mapped onto the critical orien-
tation in opposition to those mapped onto neoliberal and liberal. Whereas we found dis-
tinct names and descriptions of different ‘types’of GCE within a liberal orientation, we
found the category of ‘critical’GCE can conflate what are quite distinct ‘types’. Broadly,
these include ‘types’of GCE that acknowledge and address social injustices. Some of
the typologies acknowledge critical GCE approaches are important but find they are not
evident in practice (Oxley and Morris 2013, Marshall 2011; Schattle 2008).
Critical GCE approaches and those that interface with them to varying extents put into
question the roots of current mainstream Eurocentric notions of GC and cosmopolitanism
(Stein 2015). They include approaches to GCE that provide a critique of current power
structures and modernisation (Gaudelli 2009), some that include critiques of western
exploitation and violence (Shultz 2007; Oxley and Morris 2013; Stein 2015), and those
that acknowledge complicity in that violence, as well as alternative concepts of progress
(Andreotti 2014). Overall, we found two key trends within how typologies describe critical
‘types’of GCE. First, critical can refer to any approach that raises the status quo as proble-
matic, grouping together quite distinct approaches. Second, most critical approaches
retain a strong interface with liberal orientations either explicitly or implicitly, including
some with neoliberal-liberal interfaces.
Camicia and Franklin (2011) describe Critical Democratic Cosmopolitanism as a more
desirable framing of GCE than Neoliberal Cosmopolitanism. The former emphasises
global community and is ‘best related by principles of social justice and an ethics of rec-
ognition’(314). Drawing on Habermas (1990, 1996), they root Critical Democratic Cosmo-
politanism in notions of deliberative democracy: ‘global citizens aim at reaching an
understanding of other global citizens rather than adhering to strictly strategic
10 K. PASHBY ET AL.
communication such as that found in the economic sphere’(Camicia and Franklin 2011,
314). Further, Critical Democratic Cosmopolitan discourses involve communicative
action based on ‘a deep commitment to multiculturalism, critical awareness of global
power asymmetries, emancipation and social justice’(314). We map this ‘type’of GCE in
an interface with a liberal orientation as it pushes at the status quo and raises issues of
power but relies on existing institutions and processes, and thereby may reproduce the
modern/colonial imaginary.
Oxley and Morris’s(2013) detailed typology offers many distinctions. Their description
of ‘types’of Advocacy GC, including Advocacy Critical GC, presents strong interfaces with
the liberal orientation as well as somewhat of a conflation within the critical in comparison
to others. In contrast to the Cosmopolitan types of GC referring to mainstream models,
often framed within universal principles such as human rights, Oxley and Morris (2013)
identify Advocacy types of GCE as taking on a more ‘relativist’,‘holistic’and ‘advocacy-
based’approach (311). The sub-types within these two categories are both linked and con-
trasted. Oxley and Morris (2013) describe the Advocacy Social GC as related to transna-
tional activism, including ‘capitalist, institutional, cosmopolitan universalism and
localised, grass-roots post-colonial relativism’(311) thereby representing a liberal-neolib-
eral-critical interface. Focused on activism largely organised through civil society organis-
ations, Advocacy Social GC is linked with Cosmopolitan Cultural GC in its representation of
specific groupings within national contexts (e.g. based on ethnicity, race, gender), and
Oxley and Morris (2013) argue the need to distinguish Social GC for setting objectives
that are more both relativistic, radical and even violent (312). They then describe Critical
GC as a type of Advocacy GC that, unlike Social GC directly opposes Cosmopolitan GC
for ‘aligning [with] western exploitation and imperialism as part of a “civilising mission”’
(citing [Tully 2008; Roman 2004], 25). This appears to be a distinction between a critical
and liberal orientation, according to our heuristic.
Oxley and Morris (2013) identify that Advocacy Critical GC conceptions generally
promote counter-hegemonic approaches and commitments to social transformation. Criti-
cal GC involves ‘postcolonial ideas’that directly relate to human rights and, in a positive
manner, represent ‘the potential for associations between certain conceptions of critical
GC and forms of moral and political GC’(313). We identify this as a liberal-critical interface.
They contrast cosmopolitan approaches from Critical GC which is associated with postco-
lonial scholars advocating a ‘localised and morally relativist stance’(313). From our heur-
istic’spositioning, critical approaches are not simply morally relativistic but work to
unsettle the hegemonic categories that normalise an inherently unequal status quo
held up by a modern/colonial imaginary. Oxley and Morris (2013) suggest Advocacy Criti-
cal could be a ‘radical subset of Social GC’but is distinct because lies outside a pragmatic
approach working within institutional boundaries. They present Spiritual and Environ-
mental Advocacy GC as topical foci from which to both advocate for Cosmopolitan GC
and relate beyond Western Enlightenment paradigms. Therefore, their discussion of Advo-
cacy as an overall category linking to Cosmopolitan GC types and identification of Critical
GC as a sub-category, determining postcolonial approaches as not pragmatic, reflects very
important internal distinctions within critical orientations. This explains the number of
types of GC in their typology that map across interfaces with liberal orientations as they
intended to distinguish these. We agree that thinking about implications for practice is
important when considering applications of GCE, but in other typologies, there is an
COMPARATIVE EDUCATION 11
openness to explore what does not currently appear viable. We explore these further in
relation to the work of Shultz (2007) and Stein (2015).
Whereas we identified liberal-critical interfaces in Oxley and Morris’s(2013) description
of Critical GCE, Andreotti (2014) explicitly names an overarching liberal-critical interface as
Critical Humanism. Critical Humanism expands the notion of consensual human progress
to include the rights of those who have historically been marginalised; working against
patriarchy, sexism, class divisions, racism and hetero-normativity (e.g. approaches
grounded on critical theory). It critiques the primacy of economic growth imperatives in
nation states influenced through lobbying by elites and corporations and therefore
builds on an expansion of consensual human progress. Similarly, Schattle (2008) describes
that Environmental GCE may challenge some liberal assumptions, such as the desirability
of economic growth; however, he also finds it is complementary to liberalism. We there-
fore map his description of environmental GCE onto the liberal-critical interface.
Another example of a ‘type’of GCE that exists at the more critical side of the liberal-criti-
cal interface is Gaudelli’s(2009) identification of the Marxist conception of GC. Prevalent
among pockets of teachers in the U.S., it critiques capitalism as responsible for universal
exploitation and dehumanisation and promotes change at a structural level through
improving labour conditions (Gaudelli 2009; citing May 2008; Povinelli 2001; Standish
2009]). Gaudelli’s(2009) Marxist GC is relatable to what Shultz (2007) identifies as
Radical GC whereby global citizens (in the North) understand that capitalist systems
produce poverty and oppress most of the world’s population, particularly in Global
South contexts, and feel a responsibility to challenge states and corporate structures.
However, she notes Radical global citizens do not significantly question how the structures
reinforce the modern/colonial imaginary. They ‘learn that the world is determined by
structures that prevent authentic change or relationships from developing’(257), failing
to offer new ways of relating as they remain tied to extant liberal structures and subjectiv-
ities. We therefore have mapped Marxist and Radical GCE onto the critical side of the criti-
cal-liberal interface.
Shultz’s(2007) typology is notable for distinguishing Radical GC from Transformational
GC, pointing to an overlooked conflation within broadly defined critical ‘types’. She notes
that Radical global citizens focus so much on structural barriers and removing or redistri-
buting them that they take them as given. Similarly, Stein (2015) presents and critiques
what she calls the Anti-oppressive position on GCE. She argues this position challenges
Eurocentric notions of cosmopolitanism by recognising ‘how colonial, racialized, and gen-
dered flows of power and knowledge operate to the advantage of the Global North’(247).
Yet, unlike how Oxley and Morris (2013) suggest such approaches to be more ‘pragmatic’
(313) than ones influenced by postcolonial analyses, she identifies an inadvertent assertion
of innocence in this position associated with a lack of recognition of one’s complicity in the
systems being critiqued. Also, Stein (2015) suggests that the Anti-oppressive position on
GCE presents change as engineered through rational policy and a sense of moral
agency. Correspondingly, despite seeming to critique universalism, the Anti-Oppressive
position can ‘overlook the possibility that it, too, maintains some Eurocentric assumptions’
(247), thus reflecting a critical-liberal interface.
Andreotti (2006) identified ‘Critical’GCE as attending to justice, complicity in harm, mul-
tiple ideas of progress and critically examining origins/implications of assumptions while
looking at opportunities for other possibilities for signification. It was largely described as a
12 K. PASHBY ET AL.
critique of a ‘soft’liberal orientation. Shultz (2007) identifies Transformationalist GC in con-
trast to Radical GC, and we find it to be the only other ‘type’that maps squarely onto the
critical orientation. Transformationalist approaches view globalisation as a complex and
dynamic set of relationships –international, national, and local –which create new pat-
terns of inclusion and exclusion: ‘As a result, new ways of negotiating between local
and global actions and agendas, resolving conflict, and acting in solidarity need to be
established’(Shultz 2007, 255 drawing on McGrew 2000). Differently from how Oxley
and Morris (2013) distinguish between a pragmatic human rights approach and a
morally relativistic, localised approach; whereas a Radical global citizen focuses on chan-
ging existing structures, Shultz (2007) argues Transformational global citizens see that
‘power relations become negotiated in localised contexts as spaces through the connec-
tion of transnational networks and coalitions of solidarity’(Shultz 2007, 257).
Few descriptions of critical GCE fit directly in the critical orientation. Instead, as indi-
cated in our social cartography (see Figure 1), they tend to interface with a liberal orien-
tation across a continuum of more strongly offering an alternative to extant structures,
systems, and subjectivities (more critical) or more strongly aligning with universal
morally liberal commitments (more liberal). From the reflexive position we take with our
heuristic, looking at how approaches to GCE exist within a modern/colonial imaginary,
we argue distinctions within the critical orientation are important to opening up possible
alternatives, particularly given the strong liberal orientation across ‘types’of GCE.
Critical-postcritical
Given that the ‘types’of GCE described as critical very often intersect with a liberal orien-
tation, it is important to also note some critiques of critical approaches evident in the work
of Stein (2015). She indicates the possibility of an additional interface: critical-post critical.
The ‘Incommensurable Position’of GC, draws on post and decolonial approaches, resisting
‘normative commitments and prescriptive futures’(Povinelli 2013, cited in Stein 2015, 248).
This ‘type’of GC is forged through ‘radical co-presence’(248) and questions the prescrip-
tive and teleological approaches to GCE that tend to dominate across many orientations,
including critical ones.
Stein (2015) describes the Incommensurable Position as a stance ‘in which existing
scripts for thought and action are not outright rejected, but their limitations are illumi-
nated through encounters with and across difference’(247). Like the Anti-Oppressive Pos-
ition, it recognises the oppressive nature of the enactment of symbolic and material
violence on the part of the Universalism ascribed to by ‘the West’. However, unlike the
Anti-Oppressive Position, and interfacing with Shultz’s(2007) description of Transforma-
tionalist GC, the Incommensurable Position presents a possibility of engaging differently
with existing ordering of the world. Stein (2015) notes that many de- and post-colonial
‘thinkers explicitly draw on possibilities offered by relationships across difference that
do not need to be reconciled through consensus or synthesis’(247). Adding the critical-
postcritical interface to the heuristic reflects increasingly prevalent discussions, building
from earlier typologies (e.g. Andreotti 2006; Shultz 2007) by challenging the critical
approach as the ‘edge’of available critiques. Because the modern/colonial imaginary is
so powerful, it is extremely challenging to imagine outside of it. Thus, our identification
of an emergent yet still developing postcritical GCE is meant to capture the importance,
COMPARATIVE EDUCATION 13
but also the difficulty, of imagining GCE otherwise –meaning that there are few existing
examples of this in practice, particularly in mainstream Global North contexts.
There are multiple different genealogies of critique generally falling outside of GCE
scholarly discussion but possibly informing a postcritical orientation to GCE. Andreotti
(2014, 45) puts forwards an as-of-yet uncaptured GCE narrative: ‘Other’. Non-anthropo-
centric, non-teleological, non-dialectical, non-universal, non-cartesian, ‘Other’narrative
frames are often unintelligible because most people are overly socialised in neoliberal,
liberal, and critical discursive orientations. This hints at a postcritical orientation, and
we have included it on the typology as a question because Andreotti suggests it may
be more useful to think of such approaches to GCE in terms of absences rather than cat-
egories. While Andreotti (2014) refers to a set of principles guiding the Apu Chupaqpata
Global Education Centre in rural Peru as a possible example of ‘Other’GCE, she acknowl-
edges its illustrative limitations when read outside the context of ontologies of that
region. Therefore, the ‘absences’of examples gesture to possibilities that are viable
but unimaginable from within the modern/colonial imaginary that currently frames
most GCE approaches.
Stein’s(2015) incommensurable position and Andreotti’s(2014)‘Other’narrative draw
on decolonial critiques challenging the colonial horizons of hope and strategies for change
that tend to dominate across the majority of orientations to education and social change,
despite their internal diversity. These critiques identify the circularity of approaches that
ignore or minimise that the conditions of possibility for our existing (modern/colonial)
system are both violent and unsustainable. Accordingly, diagnoses and proposed
changes premised on the continuity of that system will ultimately reproduce more of
the same. Therefore, there is a hesitancy to prescribe predetermined alternatives
because one risks projecting colonial desires and entitlements onto those alternatives if
trying to imagine them from within our colonial system.
A supplementary analysis of existing GCE orientations
Thus far in this article, we have in some ways repeated the descriptive mode of many pre-
vious typologies of GCE, albeit on a meta scale, by offering a mapping that is somewhat a
‘typology of typologies’. However, we have also tried to emphasise the importance of
going beyond merely describing types of GCE, and toward a deeper analysis by using
social cartography and drawing on a heuristic that considers interfaces between main dis-
cursive orientation and locates GCE scholarship within a modern/colonial imaginary.
Unpacking the conflations and contradictions within and between different typologies
demonstrates important ways that, despite a consensus as to the dangers of neoliberal
orientations to GCE, many of the liberal orientations interface and possible reinforce
rather than significantly challenging them. Similarly, the proliferation of liberal orientations
tends to obscure the deeply rooted ways these orientations can mask issues of inequity.
Critical approaches are identified in various typologies, but they too represent a conflation
of key debates regarding the extent to which structural change should focus on changing
existing structures or forging entirely new ways of relating.
In addition to the three primary GCE orientations and their varied interfaces, the emer-
ging neoconservative and postcritical orientations suggest a need to continue revising
and refining existing typologies, at least if the intention is to be more comprehensive
14 K. PASHBY ET AL.
and thorough in mapping existing discursive configurations, and also to ensure that GCE is
responsive to the challenges of the present. As we signalled in our framing of this article
and our approach as situated cartographers, we intend for our mapping of the existing
conversations with the GCE field to open up different kinds of conversations. Towards
this effort, we offer a supplementary analysis of the GCE typologies we have reviewed.
We describe this analysis as supplementary because we do not intend to negate or
replace our ‘typology of typologies’, nor the individual typologies we have reviewed,
but rather to rethink inherited distinctions and divisions within the study and practice
of GCE. In particular, we draw attention to how, despite the considerable diversity of
GCE orientations, as a field our interventions nonetheless remain largely framed by a
limited range of possibilities, and thus, closed offfrom imagining viable alternatives. We
suggest that identifying and grappling with these limits will be necessary if GCE is to be
mobilised in a more relevant way for addressing the complexities, paradoxes, and
intense conflicts that characterise the present. For this supplementary analysis, we identify
three different layers of analysis and intervention with regard to global education and
social change: methodological (the level of doing); epistemological (the level of thinking);
and ontological (the level of being).
At the methodological level, change happens through enacting different approaches to
practice and policy –i.e. changing the means of achieving a particular end, without necess-
arily rethinking the end itself. Neoliberal and liberal orientations to GCE mostly uphold a
methodological focus, emphasising questions such as:
How can we teach students the values that will support democracy, fairness and progress for
all humanity? How can we encourage students to take responsibility for people beyond their
own nation’s borders? What kinds of activities can enable students to connect with and under-
stand global issues so that they can be helpful in solving them (e.g. climate change, migration,
economic globalization)? How can learning about other cultures prepare people to work and
collaborate more effectively and efficiently across cultural difference? How can global learning
be more systemically incorporated into curriculum and assessed through evaluation?
Intervening at the epistemological level offers a potentially deeper transformation than
the methodological level, by rethinking not only strategies for change, but also the
ends or change that we want to achieve. In particular, more critical orientations to GCE
tend to emphasise this epistemological level, drawing attention to the ways that certain
worldviews are granted more power and legitimacy than others, and how this in turn
both reflects and reproduces material inequalities. GCE, and education in general, is under-
stood to support the development of individuals’convictions which in turn dictates the
communities they will align with and the direction of social change they will pursue. At
the epistemological level, to make change is to change one’s convictions in order to
change one’s behaviour and relationships and to convince others to do the same. Relevant
questions would include:
How can we imagine a responsibility towards others (both human and other-than-human
beings), rather than a responsibility for others? What kinds of analyses can enable students
to understand how they are a part of global problems, and how they can work to mitigate
or eradicate these problems at a structural level (e.g. the impact of consumption levels on
climate change, the role of Western military interventions in prompting migration, the racia-
lised and gendered international division of labour, etc.)? Whose definitions of citizenship tend
to dominate in GCE discourses, and why? How might we redefine and repurpose the concept
COMPARATIVE EDUCATION 15
of global citizenship to advocate for more inclusive forms of representation, and the redistri-
bution of resources? How can our ideas of global citizenship be informed not just by the
national citizenship formations of Western nation-states, but also of other countries and
other kinds of political communities (e.g. Indigenous nations)? How can we learn to learn
from different ways of knowing in order to imagine the world differently?
Epistemological interventions, particularly critically-oriented responses, have been crucial
in denaturalising both liberal and neoliberal approaches to global citizenship that repro-
duce universalising –and thus, structurally exclusionary and evolutionary –visions of
the world. However, in current hyper-polarised political contexts, addressing change at
the epistemological level has also incited indictments of and negative responses to critical
approaches. For instance, different stances on GCE can coincide at a neoliberal-liberal
orientation leading paradoxically to claims that the critical orientation fosters moral rela-
tivism and coercively seeks to control not only people’s actions but their ideas as well,
thereby forestalling the liberal values of open dialogue and debate and individual
choice (e.g. Standish 2009,2012, as discussed in Winter 2018).
This may enable a neoconservative-neoliberal-liberal interface, for example through a
backlash against political correctness in favour of competency models and nation-centric
rationalities. Such responses tend to ignore (or, frame in reverse) the uneven distribution
of power that characterises not only global relations but also purportedly neutral dialogues
between different ideas. If the basis of action and collaboration in GCE is perceived to be
consensus about a shared idea or set of values, then conversations about different orien-
tations may become contests over the position of epistemological hegemony –contests
whose outcomes will likely be determined by pre-existing relations of power.
Re-reading the typologies reviewed here in relation to the three levels, we find that
many mainstream approaches to GCE are articulated from within imaginaries of global
education and social change that exhibit significant distinctions at the methodological
level (ways of doing), assuming an uncontested way forward. Most others intervene at
the epistemological level (ways of thinking), challenging normalised assumptions and
power relations, and presenting a deeper historical and systemic analyses. However,
despite the diversity that characterises the GCE field, we contend that most approaches
are ultimately rooted within the same shared modern ontology (way of being) where exist-
ence is defined by knowledge, humans are separated from nature, and a single form of
(Cartesian, teleological, logocentric, allochronic) rationality prevails. What does not fit
the codified categories of this ontology –what is unintelligible –is perceived as non-exist-
ent, and therefore worthless, as described by Sousa Santos (2007) with reference to
‘abyssal thinking’and its resulting ‘epistemicide’. Conversely, what does not fit might be
misread and instrumentalised in a way that betrays its gifts by grafting it onto a
modern/colonial ontology (Ahenakew 2016). Therefore, the GCE questions one would
ask from a different ontological standpoint would likely not be legible for those over-socia-
lised within a modern/colonial ontology; in other words, they have been largely absent
from GCE conversations. Conversely, GCE approaches that could support learners in
sitting at the edge of the modern/colonial ontology could gesture towards making this
absence noticeable, through questions such as:
How has the modern/colonial ontology restricted our horizons and what we consider to be
possible, desirable, intelligible and imaginable? What kinds of denials and entitlements
keep us not only intellectually but also affectively invested in this ontology? What can
16 K. PASHBY ET AL.
engender a stream of connections and a sense of care and commitment towards everything
that overrides self-interest and insecurities and is not dependent on convictions, knowledge,
identity or understanding? What would it look and feel like if our responsibility to all living
beings on the planet was not a willed choice, but rather something ‘before will’? What
kinds of experiences can enable students to see and sense how they can be simultaneously
part of global problems, and part of global solutions? Is it even possible to imagine a definition
of global citizenship not premised on conditional forms of inclusion, or shared values? If citi-
zenship is not a universalizable concept, then how might we nonetheless use it in strategic
ways, while remaining conscious of its significant limitations, potential harms, and the parti-
ality of any particular approach? How can we open ourselves up to being taught by
different ways of being in order to experience and sense the world differently, being aware
of misinterpretations, idealizations and appropriations that are likely to happen in this
process?
Conclusion
In this paper we have attempted to do several things. First, we have offered a meta-review
of existing typologies of different approaches to GCE, using our heuristic of different dis-
cursive orientations (and their interfaces). We observed common patterns of categoris-
ation, and identified significant conflations and emergent interfaces of different
approaches to GCE. However, social cartographies are not only about mapping what
exists, but also the overlooked tensions, assumptions, and edges of discussions within a
field or overlapping fields; social cartographies can also be used to map significant
absences.
Drawing on decolonial critiques, we have identifiedandemphasisedaparticular
absence by sketching one edge of GCE discussions that could open up generative con-
versations in the current context. This edge is related to the limits of a modern/colonial
imaginary that is inherently violent and unsustainable, and which denies our entangled
existence. Within the GCE field, we have noted a relative lack of engagement with these
limits and their implications for our current and future research and practice. This may
lead us to reproduce the narrow imaginaries of global justice, responsibility, and
change. Further, we have suggested that it will be difficult to identify, let alone work
through and be taught by these limits, if our engagements with GCE ask only methodo-
logical and epistemological questions, and do not engage in ontological questions. We
might mistakenly conflate decolonial approaches to GCE that challenge the continuity of
the modern/colonial imaginary with critical approaches that seek to reform it.
At the same time, we note that the present context of global uncertainty and instability
in relation to political, economic, and ecological concerns might open up a space for dee-
pened engagements with these ontological questions, given that existing approaches to
global engagement and interdependence appear increasingly insufficient for facing the
scope, scale, and intensity of the numerous challenges we face. However, this context
also calls on us to attend not only to decolonial responses to the limits of our inherited
imaginary, but also to map the full scope of possible responses –including those reaction-
ary responses that might be emerging at what we have identified as a neoconservative-
neoliberal-liberal interface.
The placement of environmental approaches in both Schattle (2008) and Oxley and
Morris (2013)asa‘type’of GC is an interesting finding and points to the need for
further work across GCE and environmental and sustainability education (see for
COMPARATIVE EDUCATION 17
example, Sund and Pashby, forthcoming)–particularly around recent discussions of the
Anthropocene and posthumanism. Such analysis could aim towards unpacking the
extent to which environmental foci in GCE open up (e.g. Richardson 2008) or fall into
liberal-neoliberal-orientations (Schattle 2008). In the context of work mobilising around
GCE in relation to SDG Target 4.7, it is particularly important to note distinctions within
critical approaches. A focus on systemic, historical and ongoing colonial and racial violence
may prioritise access to means of development and fail to focus on unsustainability and
the limits of the planet, while those working with unsustainability tend to foreclose sys-
temic, historical and ongoing colonial and racial violence. We wonder if engaging with
questions at the ontological level as suggested above could bring these approaches
together.
To offer a prescriptive, alternative approach to GCE inspired by decolonial critiques
would betray what we read as the spirit of the critique itself, and its recognition of the
difficulty of approaches to change that do not create more of the same –that is, it
would flatten the depth and complexity of the problems we face, and submit to the colo-
nial desire to resolve and transcend complicity in harm without giving anything up
(Jefferess 2012; Spivak 1988). Thus, we do not propose the limits of the modern/colonial
imaginary as the only place from which to continue future conversations about GCE,
and we offer the liberal orientation’s interfaces as possible spaces for negotiation but
also for possible slippage into neoliberal and neoconservative approaches. Nonetheless,
we invite engagements in research and practice with what these limits might teach us
about the enduring colonial systems that have kept this imaginary in place. It may be
that only once we have understood the difficulty and even the impossibility of transcend-
ing this imaginary that something different can become possible.
Notes
1. In this article, the authors apply Camicia and Franklin’s(2011) distinction between neoliberal
cosmopolitan discourse and critical democratic and cosmopolitan discourse without explain-
ing or questioning the distinction.
2. According to google scholar at last check while revising this paper, the citations were:
Andreotti (2006, 685); Andreotti (2014, 23); Camicia and Franklin (2011, 67); Gaudelli (2009,
69); Marshall (2011, 86); Oxley and Morris (2013, 167); Schattle (2008, 112); Shultz (2007,
238), Stein (2015, 17).
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes on contributors
Karen Pashby, Ph.D. is Reader in Education Studies and Co-Lead of the Education and Global Futures
Research Group at Manchester Metropolitan University’s School of Childhood, Youth and Education
Studies. An experienced secondary school educator and teacher educator, her research draws on
postcolonial and decolonial theoretical resources. She examines productive pedagogical tensions
that support critically reflexive classroom practices in education for global citizenship in Global
North contexts.
18 K. PASHBY ET AL.
Marta da Costa, M.A., is a PhD student and tutor in Education Studies at Manchester Metropolitan
University’s School of Childhood, Youth and Education Studies. Her research examines intersections
of race and colonialism in the context of development education in Portugal.
Sharon Stein, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Educational Studies at the Univer-
sity of British Columbia. Her work emphasizes the social foundations and political economy of higher
education, and how these relate to the contemporary decolonization, internationalization, and pri-
vatization of universities. By identifying the limits and harms of existing horizons of justice, respon-
sibility, and change, she seeks to both gesture toward different possible futures and engage with the
educational challenges of transformation. She is the convener of the Critical Internationalization
Studies Network.
Vanessa de Oliveira Andreotti, Ph.D., is Canada Research Chair in Race, Inequalities, and Global
Change and Professor in the Department of Educational Studies at the University of British Columbia.
Her research focuses on analyses of historical and systemic patterns of reproduction of knowledge
and inequalities and how these mobilize global imaginaries that limit or enable different possibilities
for (co)existence and global change.
ORCID
Karen Pashby http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9967-8262
Marta da Costa http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8083-2787
Sharon Stein http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6995-8274
Vanessa Andreotti http://orcid.org/0000-0003-1608-2488
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