No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.
The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
... ]" (Resident 4_VA). This created a sequence of shocks in the community, fitting well the concept of "shock therapy" as described by Klein (2007). Shock therapy is a sequence of brutal tactics with the aim of disorienting people and ultimately advancing neoliberal agendas. ...
... Shock therapy is a sequence of brutal tactics with the aim of disorienting people and ultimately advancing neoliberal agendas. Examples of "shocks" have included wars, terrorist attacks, market crashes, and natural disasters (Klein 2007). In Vila Autódromo, shocks included the use of not only direct and illegal tactics, such as cutting electricity and trash collection, but also indirect (and sometimes not so obvious) ones, such as disempowerment of leaders, splitting the community, and the use of mainstream media to damage their image. ...
... In Vila Autódromo, shocks included the use of not only direct and illegal tactics, such as cutting electricity and trash collection, but also indirect (and sometimes not so obvious) ones, such as disempowerment of leaders, splitting the community, and the use of mainstream media to damage their image. Creating shocks was the tool to destabilise the order of the community and create a dire need of change (Klein 2007). That was the Rio city hall tactic in Vila Autódromo. ...
The aim of this research was to explore and describe the long-term social impact the Rio 2016 Olympic gentrification had in Vila Autódromo from the perspective of former and current residents. Vila Autódromo is a small favela located next to the Rio 2016 Olympic Park. It was almost totally removed during the process of preparing the area to host the Games. In this research, I interviewed 13 residents who passed through the process of eviction threats and displacement. Five still live in Vila Autódromo, whilst eight moved to social apartments provided by the city hall. Interviews revealed that the legacy of Rio 2016 for Vila Autódromo residents can be understood from three broad themes: (1) disempowerment of the community, (2) resistance and resilience during the process, and (3) life after the Games. The residents see the city hall as the main culprit of their displacement, as they were denied their right to the city. However, they also mention the catalytic role of the Olympic Games during the process. They conclude that the legacy of Rio 2016 for them is a very sad story.
... I was interested in commercial harvesters after learning how the presence of commercial harvesters affected the ways locals experienced mushroom picking in Fort McMurray (see Chapter 5). These initial findings from my early work fed into larger questions about how "disaster capitalism" (Klein, 2008) could occur on smaller, informal and more entrepreneurial scales (Faas, 2018). ...
... Instead, most disaster theorists and critical geographers emphasize that wildfires, like other so-called "natural" disasters, are human-caused and the result of socially produced vulnerabilities (Oliver-Smith & Hoffman, 1999;Quarantelli, 2000). In line with this approach, scholars across disciplines have also argued that disasters are produced through processes such as neoliberalism and the breakdown of social reproduction (Katz, 2008;Jackson, 2019), capitalist speculation (Klein, 2008), and colonial dispossession (Bonilla, 2020;Holleman, 2017;Luft, 2016). While this thesis is interdisciplinary and responds to multiple fields, it is centrally concerned with questions of the relationships between disaster, opportunity, and the specific conditions of settler colonialism. ...
... Aligned with my interest in what occurs after disasters, there is a growing body of literature which considers post-disaster socio-political and economic change. Recent work in this area has been dominated by journalist Naomi Klein (2008)'s concept of "disaster capitalism", where large capitalist actors take advantage of the overwhelming nature of disasters to shift governance towards neoliberalism and private service provision. This concept has been exceptionally generative in terms of understanding how disasters act as "shocks" which allow for intentional and broad-ranging shifts in the political environment. ...
This thesis explores processes of opportunism and socio-political change following so-called “natural” disasters through a multi-sited case study of the post-wildfire morel mushroom (Morchella sp.) harvest in Western Canada. Morels are edible fungi which fruit en masse the first spring season following large wildfires in western North America. This work follows harvesters who picked morels after the 2016 Horse River wildfire on Treaty 8 territory (near Fort McMurray, Alberta), and the 2018 Shovel Lake wildfire on Nadleh Whut’en, Stellat’en, and Nak’azdli Whut’en Territories (British Columbia).
Thinking with and beyond the concepts of disaster capitalism and disaster colonialism, this thesis extends analyses of post-disaster change from considerations of states and large corporations to smaller-scale actors. As such, I consider the roles of hobbyist local harvesters, precarious pieceworkers in the wild mushroom industry, Indigenous Guardians of the Land, and forest ecologies more broadly. I demonstrate that while disaster capitalism and disaster colonialism are pervasive in the post-disaster landscape, they are not inevitable. Instead, I argue that post-disaster opportunity is emergent, contingent, and includes possibilities for reworking, resistance, and resurgence.
In this work, I argue that settler-colonial aims to subsume nature produce the ecological conditions which make the commercial mushroom harvest possible. This industry, in turn, disproportionately benefits settler harvesters over Indigenous Nations and forest ecologies. I also demonstrate that the materiality of wildfire memories affects different groups’ capacities to harvest mushrooms, influence others, and define the ethical standards of the harvest. Finally, I examine how settler claims to post-disaster opportunity on Indigenous lands¬ are connected to broader affective “settler common sense” and “white possessive” claims to adventure, freedom and commerce. Together, these findings demonstrate how the concurrent and often contradicting post-disaster opportunism demonstrated by small-scale actors relate to broader politics about natural disasters, environmental politics, resource extraction, and Indigenous governance within Canada and in other settler-colonial contexts.
... He describes the wellordered harmony of the universe through a metaphysics of number as a cosmogenesis in which the One, the principle of unity at the origin of all things, creates the Two, the Dyad, the principle of duality and multiplicity and finally overpowers dualism through a third term that bridges the two elements while maintaining the nature of the One in a minuscule and balanced form. 26 These principles of unity and multiplicity are at the base of the system of relationships that constitute at the same time physis, the cosmos, and the human life. ...
... made him wildly possessive, surrounded him with jealous and distrusting fear." 26 In "The Municipal Pigeon," he first notices the flight of a woodcock and then puts traps on the roof of his house to capture the bird in order to eat it; and in "The Wasp Treatment," he uses bees as a profitable remedy for rheumatism. In "The Poisonous Rabbit" his feelings of compassion for the caged rabbit are mixed with feelings of greed: "If it belonged to me, Marcovaldo thought, I would stuff it until it became a ball." ...
... In his book, Collodi intertwines the human, the natural, and the supernatural in order to give young readers a fantastic but still moralizing imaginary world. 26 Taking into consideration the landscape in particular, I share Antonio Lugli's opinion on the landscape's role within children's literature: "The landscape becomes part of the narration, like another character able to modify more or less deeply the reader's state of mind." 27 Then, the landscape, namely nature, shifts from being just the background of the action to the foreground of it, side by side the story's characters. ...
As Cheryll Glotfelty notes in her introduction to The Ecocriticism Reader: Landmarks in Literary Ecology (1996), while many scholars had previously recognized the value of “the interconnections between nature and culture” they nevertheless remained rather isolated within their disciplines. Glotfelty points to the establishment of the ASLE (Association for the Study of Litera- ture and Environment) in 1992 as a landmark recognition of this “emerging” field of study. Although “the influence of place on the imagination” has always formed an important aspect of literary and cultural studies, an ecocrit- ical approach contributes by bringing to the discussion the “ethical and aes- thetic dilemmas posed by the environmental crisis” and, with that, an expan- sion of the “notion of the world to include the entire ecosphere.”1
Departments and sections of foreign literatures and cultures in North America have perhaps been even more isolated in this regard. Until recently, their primary role has been to represent well-defined “national” literary and cultural traditions and less so the intricacies and contradictions inherent in the very concept of nation. This has certainly been the case for Italian Stud- ies, a field that has only relatively of late come to include in its offerings and approaches a wider and more diverse range of subjects and issues. Queer studies, colonial and postcolonial studies, migration studies and, as in the case of this present collection, environmental concerns and ecocritical ap- proaches to the cultures and peculiarities of the Italic peninsula, are indeed rather recent additions to the spectrum of research and curricula in Italian Studies.
... The country of Poland is an important case regarding capitalism's spatial fixing within universities due to its postsocialist capitalistic transformation in the 1990s (Ghodsee and Orenstein, 2021;Ost, 2006), its Western European membership in the EU in the 2000s as well as due to recent reforms intended to modernize Polish higher education (Waligóra and Górski, 2022). The starting point is that capitalism has been able to fix Poland (for a description of the process in the nineties, see Klein, 2008; for a recent statistical account, see Piketty, 2020), and the research problem is formulated as follows: How does capitalism manage to fix Polish universities? ...
... After 1989, when a peaceful democratic revolution occurred in Poland, persons who were state "experts" on communism on one day became "experts" on capitalism on another (Bernhard, 1993). Aided by "the basic idea that markets determined value" (Connelly, 2020: 768), the capitalist liberalization of Poland was the most rapid among all those in post-Soviet countries (the "shock doctrine," Klein, 2008, was led by the former Communist Party member, Leszek Balcerowicz, supported by USA neoliberal advisor, Jeffrey Sachs; for a discussion about the role of western experts in postcommunist Poland, see: Kostera, 1995). The state was rapidly selling its state-owned industries to private (often foreign) investors, abandoning the planning and subsidization of the economy while refusing guarantee prices (Dunn, 2004). ...
In this paper, we show how capitalism and feudalism reinforce each other to enable the former's success in the higher education context. In this regard, Polish universities are an interesting case due to Poland's capitalist shock therapy in the 1990s, its Western European membership in the European Union in the 2000s and due to recent reforms intended to modernize Polish academia. Based on 36 interviews with Polish early career academics from urban universities with experience working in watchdogs of higher education, we examine respondents' perspectives on the current capitalist reforms. They treat ongoing changes as a solution for the problems experienced and defined as "feudal": political labeling, abuse of power and discrimination against women. Understanding capitalism and feudalism through their organizing principles, the main contribution of this study is that it demonstrates how capitalist organizing principles fix existing feudalist organizing principles to flourish in Polish university. Hence, it is difficult for early career academics to recognize that capitalist organizing principles are in fact reinforcing rather than eliminating (as the advocates of capitalist reforms often claim) feudal problems in Polish academia.
... There was no institutional environment, which is formed over a long period and is vital for the functioning of a market economy (Stiglitz, 2002). In the end, we can say that the goal of the reformists was determined by more ideological factors and served not to improve the economy, but to destroy the economic system of the Soviet Union once and for all (Klein, 2007). ...
The study "Social Consequences of Privatization of the Healthcare System" will look at the topic from the perspective of political economy. Since gaining independence, Georgia's healthcare system has been characterized by an unwavering move towards the commercialization of healthcare at all stages of reforms, therefore, the purpose of our research is to determinate social consequences of privatization and commercialization of the healthcare system in the context of past overall reforms in Georgia. Who benefits as a result of commercialization? Was this type of development inevitable? What was the driving force of these processes - urgent necessity or ideology? For this purpose, the method of analysing time rows were used in the study. We compared individual aspects of the functioning of the health care system until 1990 and currently, considering the main health indicators of the World Health Organization. The study looks at the consequences of neoliberal reforming of health care for the population and medical workers, but also at the beneficiaries of these developments.
... Estos momentos de quiebre son oportunidades para emprender proyectos nuevos y audaces de manera radical. Se puede conceptualizar este momento como un potencial contragolpe al capitalismo del desastre (Klein, 2007). Estos momentos redefinen lo que es aceptable o radical, cambiando lo que los hacedores de política llaman la ventana de Overton (Crabtree, 2020;Lehman;. ...
La pandemia del COVID-19 es un fenómeno global que no solamente tiene que ver con la salud pública y la epidemiología del virus sino también con las estructuras socioeconómicas y políticas que construyen y transforman el espacio urbano. Se ha llegado a decir que la pandemia del COVID-19 cambiará la manera de vivir y trabajar en las ciudades y qué tendrá implicaciones en la planeación, movilidad, comercio, gestión de los servicios básicos como el agua y saneamiento, entre otros. Hasta ahora el análisis sociológico-urbano de la pandemia ha estado ausente en la narrativa dominante, lo que ha hecho difícil entender los procesos de cambio que están en curso y que determinan en alguna medida la eficacia de las intervenciones de política en materia de salud pública y la manera en cómo la emergencia está influyendo en la propia dinámica urbana. Este texto propone una metodología de análisis sociológico de la pandemia, de corte construccionista, en donde se resalta la utilidad de la gestión de riesgo de desastres en la gestión del riesgo del COVID-19 en la interfaz ciencia-política pública y, por ende, se busca ir más allá del encuadre sectorial sanitarista prevaleciente.
... In addition, kinetic elites, in the form of personnel belonging to national and international institutions (as well as the staff of organisations, volunteers and tourists), move to, and around, these islands due to being islands of migration. This movement of people also induces a movement of capital, to the point that Franck (2018), drawing on Klein (2007), defined "disaster capitalism" as the dynamics revolving around the migration crisis. Her reference was primarily to those commercial actors providing the technology and infrastructure for border enforcement, but also to everything that involves accommodating, feeding, detaining, managing, and deporting people on the move. ...
We are living in the age of mobility, with people, objects, data, increasingly more mobilethan ever before. The system we know as “Fortress Europe” is founded upon this mobility.Conceived of in accordance with neoliberal economic principles, the Schengen areas sup-ports freedom of internal movement within the European Union, with the aim ofstrengthening the external borders of the EU. However, the Dublin Convention placed the“burden” of dealing with people arriving from outside the EU on a small number of coun-tries. The Mediterranean islands of Lampedusa and Lesvos are emblematic of the conse-quences of this system, having come to symbolise the European “migrant crisis”. Theirsituation results from their strategic geographical positions, but also reflects more complexprocesses that have transformed them into borderscapes.This book originated from the notion that tourism and human migration are among thegreatest manifestations of contemporary human (im)mobility in a globalised world, andboth have a direct relationship to matters of justice and power. Thus, the phenomenon of“migrant support volunteer tourism” is recognised herein as one of the previously underex-plored possible intersections connecting the fields of tourism and migration studies. Withinthese pages, the traditional analysis of volunteer tourism, which generally interrogatesthose spaces in which volunteers work, is challenged, and the mobile aspect of volunteertourism and what falls outside of the volunteering spaces considered.The book aims to understand how and why the phenomenon of migrant support volun-teer tourism has developed on these two islands, and how volunteer tourists co-constructthe borderscaping of Lampedusa and Lesvos by examining their representations of theislands, and how their spatial practices and lived experiences, tactics and forms of resistan-ce to Fortress Europe manifest.
... Међутим, поменуто друштво потреба развило се у друштво ризика уласком у "једну друштвену епоху у којој настаје солидарност из страха и постаје политичка снагаˮ (Bek 2001, 73). Клајн такође види страх као снажно средство за достизање економских и политичких интереса у глобализованом друштву (Klein 2007). Она говори о екстремној злоупотреби страха у политичке сврхе како би се друштво припремило на политичке промене и предстојеће катастрофе. ...
Fear is one of the basic human emotions that is due to the safety need and preservation of life. The phenomenon of fear is closely related to the social structure and significantly influences the behavior of actors. The paper shows the instrumentalization of fear as a mechanism of social control. Fear is a multidimensional phenomenon (biological, psychological, cultural and social dimensions of fear) and its interpretation requires the application of the multidisciplinary approach. In the paper is applied the method of content analysis of professional literature and sociological discourse, on which the terms of fear and its theoretical propositions were conceptualized. The paper aims to start a debate on the mentioned topic.
... Patrick Daly and Yenny Rahmayati (2012) critically discussed the understanding of recovery as "building back better", considering the relationship between change and recovery in postdisaster environments and the importance of cultural heritage within that relationship. Naomi Klein stressed the risk of government and corporate interests exploiting postconflict and postdisaster reconstruction processes for political or economic gain (Klein, 2007) . 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 3 Integrated conservation and cultural heritage already have a substantial and successful history of use as urban development resources and contributors to inclusive, sustainable, and innovation-driven development (Pereira Roders & van Oers, 2011;Nocca, 2017;UNESCO & World Bank, 2018). Consequently, after crises, heritage can be at the heart of urban economic, health, and social recovery strategies. ...
... It forced the recognition that global warming and the deregulation of our climate is a root cause of the sharp increase in the number of natural disasters including storms, droughts, flooding, fires, and zoonotic spillover. Each event intensifies the pressure on carers and care workers who are on the frontlines; and with each calamity, care workers and caregivers do more-saving lives, caring for crops and animals-with less means, as each disaster is followed by more austerity, in what Naomi Klein (2007) calls the shock doctrine. Climate, COVID-19, capitalism, and care-they are all interconnected, and we need bold, transformative policies and actions with democratic approaches that involve those people on the frontlines in finding the solutions. ...
... Ar šis primestinai vykdomas socializmas taps socializmu turtingiesiems (prisiminkime 2008 metais vykusį bankų finansinį gelbėjimą, kai milijonai paprastų žmonių prarado ir taip nedideles santaupas)? Ar epidemija taps tiesiog dar vienu ilgos liūdnos istorijos, kurią Naomi Klein pavadino "katastrofų kapitalizmu" (Klein 2007), skyriumi, ar iš jos iškils nauja (galbūt nuosaikesnė, bet taip pat labiau subalansuota) pasaulio tvarka? ...
... Las emociones orillan la toma de decisiones rápidas y periféricas, especialmente cuando las condiciones son sumamente complejas como para entenderlas de inmediato y cuando hay mucha tensión social. Naomi Klein (2007) señala que esto se puede ver con claridad cuando hay desastres naturales, económicos, políticos o naturales, ya que, por un lado, la sociedad tiene una clara necesidad de resolver, mientras que, por el otro, hay actores que buscan abusar de esta necesidad y toman decisiones que van más allá de resolver el desastre. Debido a que urge actuar para resolver, la sociedad no revisará con cuidado lo que sea que se le proponga, por lo que será un buen momento para tomar decisiones que en otro momento se negaría a apoyar. ...
El discurso del miedo consiste en comunicar riesgos asegurándonos que hay algo que temer, con una narrativa de control que asegura mantenernos a salvo a través de cierta intervención. Este discurso masificado a través de las redes y los medios de comunicación masiva tiene una predominancia de contenido emocional por encima del contenido racional. Se recurre al miedo como una fuente poderosa de persuasión en tanto vuelve saliente nuestra vulnerabilidad, activa el deseo de sobrevivir y aumenta las decisiones rápidas no fundamentadas en un pensamiento central y cuidadoso. El objetivo de este artículo consiste en abordar, desde la literatura de la psicología social, cómo funciona la persuasión a través del miedo, de qué forma activa heurísticos y rutas periféricas y los efectos que tiene en la toma de decisiones. Desde esta literatura se analiza un ejemplo de mensajes políticos sobre un gobernante mexicano, su contenido y sus repercusiones en el electorado. Finalmente, se discute la forma en que las personas reciben la información y se cuestiona el papel pasivo que se les ha asignado, donde se les asume como meros recipientes y no agentes transformadores. De igual forma se discute los límites del discurso del miedo.
... Os gastos militares e com os aparatos de repressão, em contrapartida foram ampliados sobremaneira, apesar dos cortes (COGGIOLA, 2001, p. 38-39). ISSN 2357-7975 O binômio repressão política aliada à liberalização econômica, implementado nas ditaduras da América do Sul, foi chamada de "terapia do choque", por NaomiKlein (2007). Nesta estratégia, há primeiro um choque proporcionado pela aplicação sistemática da violência estatal, por meio de detenções arbitrárias e desaparecimentos, de modo a instar medo e neutralizar possíveis resistências, depois, implementa-se uma nova política econômica, em harmonia com os interesses do capital internacional. ...
A proposta do presente artigo é investigar de que maneira ocorreu o processo de securitização (política e econômica) na América do Sul e seus reflexos na Argentina durante a sua última ditadura militar (entre 1976-1983). Trata-se de pesquisa exploratória e bibliográfica, que utiliza fontes interdisciplinares, nacionais e estrangeiras. Como resultados parciais da pesquisa, entende-se a possibilidade de aplicar as categorias da teoria da securitização no contexto da ditadura argentina, de modo a identificar o objeto referente, os atores securitizantes e o ato de fala capaz de definir a ameaça à segurança. A figura do inimigo interno, qualquer um que se manifestasse contra autoridade ou ideologia da ditadura, foi amplamente utilizada. É digno de nota a inclusão também do “subversivo econômico”, qualquer um que representasse ameaça aos interesses econômicos da elite dirigente, incluindo empresas competidoras e integrantes do movimento sindical, que foram duramente reprimidos em ações conjuntas entre as forças de segurança e parte do setor empresarial colaboracionista.
... Generally, disaster studies speak to how quotidian processes facilitate catastrophic effects on a population by a potentially destructive agent from the global ecosystem (Hoffman and Oliver-Smith 2020). The results may highlight or exacerbate existing systemic inequalities of race, class, and gender (Jackson 2011;Schuller 2015), among other vectors, often due to pressures of so-called neoliberalism and disaster capitalism (Klein 2007). In their insightful, timely contribution, Faas et al. (2020) propose a research agenda that sees the COVID-19 pandemic as "the product of connections between people, with their social systems, nonhumans, and the material world more broadly" (333). ...
... is commodity-based economy is central to the country's development model within an open and free market, which is friendly to foreign investment and nancial operations. Indeed, Chile is worldwide known due to the neoliberal policies applied since the mid-1970s (Klein, 2007;McChesney, 1999;Paley, 2001;Valdés, 1989). ...
This article offers a case study of the Chilean investigative broadcasting journalism uncovering disasters and socio-environmental conflicts. Drawn from an analysis of 17 long-form stories aired by the two main television shows on current affairs in the country, we show that in-depth reporting on Chilean television was chronicling some of the most acute environmental issues since 1990s. Indeed, almost 13 hours of footage assembly a visual memory of conflicts in a society fueled by an extractivist based economy. It is noticeable a geographic diversity when covering the environment, as well as when covering waste production and pollution. Despite a relative diversity in sources, there is a sharp unbalance on gender representation. This article addresses the much-needed research on environment and communication while most of these studies pay attention to industrialized nations. It also contributes to building a situated knowledge considering the specificities of in-depth journalism in South America.
... Estos "baldíos" eran en realidad espacios económicos con diferentes usos para las comunidades campesinas locales; se trataba, en definitiva, de una estrategia de desposesión. Hacemos una analogía entre este proceso y lo que Naomi Klein (2007) describe como la "doctrina del shock", para referirse a procesos de usurpación y expolio ambiental perpetrados por grandes corporaciones multinacionales en áreas de África, América y Asia afectadas por desastres naturales. La Historia Ambiental muestra aquí todo su potencial como herramienta reflexiva y de análisis crítico de nuestro presente, nos informa acerca de prácticas sociales de larga duración y concomitantes. ...
En este trabajo se presenta una propuesta teórico-metodológica para desarrollar una Historia Ambiental de la Edad Media. Aunque para ilustrar las posibilidades de esta temática se acompañará el texto de un ejemplo práctico a modo de resultado, la cuestión se centrará más en aspectos relativos a las posibilidades, métodos y marco teórico de esta interdisciplina, que resulta de un trabajo de investigación que lleva desarrollándose ya más de 10 años. Se plantea que la Historia Ambiental es una oportunidad para introducir una investigación interdisciplinar, temáticamente puesta al día, epistemológicamente simétrica, al incorporar el registro documental y el arqueológico, que abre el debate ontológico, por abordar el estudio de los elementos humanos y no humanos, y que está políticamente situada, por ser un tipo de Historia con evidentes implicaciones en nuestro presente, que de forma activa reclama la ecología desde las humanidades.
... Además, podemos entrever gracias a la documentación más reciente, de época Moderna, cómo las élites sociales aprovecharon la catástrofe para ir apropiándose de los territorios que quedaron baldíos, dentro de una estrategia de la nobleza generalizada en Castilla el siglo XVI y amparada por la propia monarquía (Marcos, 1999). Vemos en este episodio similitudes con lo que Naomi Klein (2007) ha descrito como la "doctrina del shock", relacionándolo con episodios contemporáneos de expolio ambiental de comunidades locales por parte de grandes empresas multinacionales. La Historia ambiental se revela aquí como una potente herramienta de análisis crítico de nuestro presente. ...
Introducción. Las humanidades ambientales son un contexto interdisciplinar y transversal donde la reflexión específicamente humanística acerca de la relación naturaleza-cultura confluye con la aportación de otras disciplinas y saberes. Su objetivo no es crear una nueva ciencia, sino un equilibrio diferente entre formas de producir conocimiento, que posibilite abordar de manera más compleja los problemas ambientales contemporáneos. Este marco es necesario para cuestionar el paradigma de la ecología reduccionista, basada en cuatro tipos de sesgos interrelacionados, que son: uno ontológico (que separa lo natural de lo cultural), uno epistémico (que prioriza unas formas de conocimiento -las ciencias naturales- sobre otros saberes en el campo de la ecología), uno narrativo (relativo a los relatos construidos sobre lo que es y no es “natural”) y, finalmente, uno político (que formaliza todos los anteriores a través de determinados instrumentos de gestión). Los efectos de la ecología reduccionista son múltiples y afectan especialmente a los territorios rurales biodiversos, generando sistemas ineficientes de gobernanza ambiental y un importante rechazo social. Se presenta aquí una propuesta de investigación básica y de desarrollo experimental en humanidades ambientales, implementada en un territorio rural, el concejo de Santo Adriano en Asturias (NE de España). Tiene 4 objetivos principales, orientados a cuestionar cada uno de los sesgos de la ecología reduccionista: 1. Demostrar empíricamente mediante un programa de investigación en ecología histórica la inconsistencia del dualismo naturaleza/cultura cuando hablamos de paisajes rurales. 2. Demostrar la necesidad de pensar los problemas ambientales desde una perspectiva humanística, así como la aplicabilidad y potencial innovador y transformador de este tipo de conocimientos. 3. Construir nuevas narrativas sobre los territorios rurales y metodologías para compartirlas. 4. Desarrollar herramientas de co-gobernanza del patrimonio, como el ecomuseo, donde llevar a la práctica algunas de estas propuestas. Metodología. Para alcanzar estos objetivos se trabaja sobre dos conceptos principales: ecología histórica y ecodesarrollo. La ecología histórica es el marco de la investigación básica e intersección de disciplinas diversas que permiten trazar la relación ser humano-medio a través del tiempo, como la arqueología del paisaje, la historia ambiental o la etnografía. El concepto de ecodesarrollo posibilita una investigación aplicada, que busca dar respuesta desde una perspectiva local a los retos ambientales y de desarrollo de carácter más global. Asimismo, es el contexto donde se crean entornos experimentales en los que se ensayan nuevas formas de producir conocimiento, se construyen narrativas a partir de él y se testan instrumentos alternativos de co-gobernanza. Este despliegue metodológico se ha llevado a cabo sobre cuatro principios fundamentales: desacelerar, descolonizar, complejizar y aterrizar el conocimiento, para que sea localmente significativo, innovador en sus planteamientos, creativo, sistemático, abierto y transferible-reproducible. Resultados. En esta comunicación hacemos un balance tras diez años de trabajo utilizando este marco. La investigación básica ha aportado conocimiento empírico que demuestra la antropización de los paisajes locales al menos desde el Neolítico; no se trata de paisajes naturales, sino de ambientes resultantes de un proceso coevolutivo entre seres humanos y no humanos a lo largo del tiempo. El dualismo naturaleza-cultura se demuestra inconsistente. Desde la investigación aplicada y de desarrollo experimental se ha creado un ecomuseo, que ha permitido ensayar formas innovadoras de gobernanza del patrimonio, activando recursos endógenos y generado empleo no deslocalizable en torno a ellos, así como una mayor diversidad de la oferta turística, basada en unas narrativas construidas localmente. Discusión. A través de la investigación propuesta se demuestra que las humanidades son un campo del saber imprescindible para pensar los problemas ambientales y buscar posibles soluciones de futuro a los retos que plantean.
... Furthering such evolution, in The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for a Human Future at the New Frontier of Power (Zuboff, 2020), what was an instance of disaster exploitation with the 9/11 attacks (Klein, 2011) became a golden opportunity for the development of surveillance capitalism. Making use of the fear that despite all of its network of security agencies, the USA, not to say the western world itself, was still vulnerable to be attacked, an unholy alliance was formed. ...
Cinema, like all forms of art, carry within itself the hopes, dreams, anxieties, and horrors of a society. Movies are social constructs meant to entertain their audiences by bringing them romantic stories, heartfelt dramas, fast paced adventures, and even dreadful horror. The production of films is something quite complex and entails the influence of many different individuals. From director and actors to producers and sponsors, every human element will bring its own social influence in the final product.
In that, a movie is, in a postmodernist approach, a parallel reality conceived of different visions. Given that this entails different possible interpretations for films and that, ever since the age of industrialization, class struggle seems like a constant characteristic of capitalism, it’s certain that many movies will often carry Marxist subtexts to them.
From Metropolis (1927) to Joker (2019), this research intends to use discourse analysis to interpret a selection of movies through Marxist lenses, thus adding to the already existing literature on sociological interpretation of cinema.
... We argue that there is no way out of hypernormalization towards some state of 'normality': the normal is already absurd in itself, and this provides a basis to not return to it. For instance, the escape from the Soviet Union from its absurd Communist system only led the Eastern Soviet countries into another form of absurdity in enforced neoliberal practices (see Klein, 2007). There is no 'authentic' state to return to, as all societal structures are socially constructed. ...
... We will very briefly go over the macro-transitions that occurred in Salazar´s Naomi Klein (2008) has emphasized the provocation and usage of crisis situations by regimes to enact sweeping, lasting systemic economic/strategic change, a method she denominates "shock treatment". She states that contemporarily this is "now the preferred method of advancing corporate goals: ...
Abstract
CURBELO KNUTSON, José Andreas. Festive Ritual Traditions as Objects of Cultural Transmission, Social Integration, and Social Control: Challenges and Transformation. 2022. 440f. Thesis (Doctorate in Social Memory and Cultural Heritage) – Graduate Program in Social Memory and Cultural Heritage, Institute of Human Sciences, Federal University of Pelotas, Pelotas, 2022.
The object of this doctoral thesis is to examine the ways in which festive ritual traditions have served as social frameworks of collective memory as well as vehicles of oral cultural transmission and social cohesion/integration within the Atlantic world, a temporal and geographic context marked by the processes of migration and cultural hybridization. It also seeks to determine the effects of pressures of political, economic, demographic, and - above all - technological nature on the survival and adaptation of local festive ritual traditions, their meanings and resignifications, and the value systems they represent and reinforce. Utilizing the methodologies of oral history, participant observation, and audiovisual documentation, the following themes of analysis intersect the selected case studies from the interior regions of Uruguay, Spain and Portugal (all regions marked by emigration/immigration): Territory, Social cohesion and integration, Migration, and Collective Memory. Taking into account the multi-faceted nature of local festive ritual traditions (music, foodways, dance, commensality, political/religious significance, etc.), the case studies presented are as follows: La Janda/Campo de Gibraltar, Cádiz (chacarrá or fandango tarifeño), Sotavento algarvio (rural dances with accordion, charolas), northern Uruguay (rural dances with accordion, kermesses, weddings and other religious-associated events within immigrant-descended groups). Historical and cultural background is provided about the societies represented in each case study, and critical analysis and comparison is carried out regarding the factors and dynamics that have played a part throughout time in the resilience, adaptation, resignification, and/or oblivion of the cultural expressions in each case study.
Key-words: collective memory; transmission; festive rituals; accordion; Algarve; Cádiz; Uruguay
... One of the more prescient critics of our time, 7 Naomi Klein, describes in The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (2007) the decisive role that the continuous manufacture of crisis situations plays in sustaining a ravenous, profit-minded financial class. 8 She argues that, thanks to paradigms formulated by right-wing economists such as Milton Friedman, institutions are now systematically trained to treat crises as opportunities to introduce normally unpalatable policies, structures, and newly exploitative practices. 9 The logic is that a "shock" disorients a populace long enough to do away with anything with particularly deep roots that the market cannot control so that when business returns to "normal," the power relations are permanently shifted in favour of the reshaped terrain. ...
... The book might also have benefitted from more of a problematisation of the "information crisis" subtitle; while the authors provide useful caveats about the limits of the metaphor, situating information literacy in terms of an exceptional or abnormal state could be seen as distancing it from broader contextual framings, including an interrogation of power and inequality. The frequent use of crisis to launch problematic policy on distracted citizens (Klein, 2007) provides a further illustration of the need to consider this positioning carefully. ...
... Increasing academic interest has been directed at hurricanes and other catastrophes in the Caribbean and their aftereffects (see, e.g., Small Axe Issue 2020 with articles on crises related to hurricanes by Garriga-López, 2020;Jobson, 2020;Lightfoot, 2020;Welcome, 2020), embedded in larger discussions on racial capitalism and neoliberalism. Responding to the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, Naomi Klein (2007) coins the term "disaster capitalism," that is the capitalization of disaster for the market; yet this is directly connected to colonialism, referred to as the "coloniality of disaster" by Yarmiar Bonilla (2020) in the wake of Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico. ...
This article looks at Richard Georges’ poetry collection Epiphaneia, which is set on the British Virgin Islands in the aftermath of hurricane Irma. While Georges’ poems are placed amidst destruction, they go beyond narratives of devastation; instead, they articulate a poetics of livingness on the hurricane-struck island. This paper first draws out critical debates on the coloniality of climate that show the longue durée and complexity of a history of catastrophe in the Caribbean context. It addresses how Epiphaneia challenges one-sided discourses of island dependency and victimization by offering ways to perceive islands in the Anthropocene not as passive victims of catastrophes but as sites of living within what Glissant calls a chaos-world. This article then advances an ecopoetics of the archipelago in the wake of the hurricane. The various tensions held by the island after the storm will be traced through the word ‘still’: the ongoing violence of coloniality, still present; yet continuously resisted due to the island’s and islanders’ resilience and survival, still alive. This paper explores the poetics emerging from the island in the Anthropocene: What poetics are needed to sustain life after, and within, catastrophe? What does it mean to exist and move, still, on the island in the wake of the hurricane?
... Así como en 1964, tal vez con menos pudor, las entidades burguesas se empeñaron de cuerpo y alma en la acción desestabilizadora, sea directa o indirecta, en varios de sus campos de actuación -que abarcan de lo económico a lo social, pasando por lo político e ideológico en sentido amplio-, aplicó su poder de mercado como hacía tiempo no lo hacía, generando índices desastrosos en cuanto a inflación y cotización de la Bolsa, que son los más volubles a su humor cotidiano. Es allí, como Albert O. Hirschman (1985) nos enseñara, que los poderosos ejercen su más fuerte poder voto, promoviendo crisis cuando los gobernantes de turno no se ajustan o sus predicados; aplicaban con ello su terapia del shock, como a ella se refiriera Noami Klein (2007). ...
Durante las dos primeras décadas del presente siglo, Brasil experimentó una coyuntura clave respecto de su desarrollo, que parecía indicar una inflexión, con políticas que buscaban mudar sus estructuras-aunque de forma gradual, con pocas rupturas-, las que, extendidas en el tiempo, podían tener impacto profundo. Esto acumuló tensiones y desgastes, que serían aprovechados por fracciones burguesas refractarias a los cambios para llevar el nuevo modelo a un rápido colapso, abortando el incipiente vuelo verde y amarillo, para retornar al típico desarrollo dependiente y altamente concentrado del pasado. De modo similar a cincuenta años atrás, la clase dominante brasilera renunciaba a alcanzar estados superiores en su ciclo de metamorfosis, prefiriendo volver, como elección racional, a su condición inicial de subordinación al capital transnacional. Este artículo pretende develar esta lógica, apoyándose en un estudio panorámico de los recorridos que algunas de sus instituciones y agentes claves realizaron en ese período.
Cities and urban territories in their accelerated urbanization processes go through logics adjusted to contemporary demographic, spatial, economic, social and political trends that cannot be avoided. In this way, certain disasters are presented as opportunities to transform urban planning from the power and interest of certain sectors (urban shock) or from the social sense of urbanism (urban revolution). This chapter analyzes three global disasters that become urban shocks and raise the question of whether they produce massive urbanization or incomprehensible de-urbanization. For this, it is analyzed under five dimensions or parameters: demographic or migration trends, urban gaps, settlement logics, residence-work relation and outsourcing of urban fixed capital. To conclude that, the incoherent assimilation of de-urbanization processes leads to voracious urbanization and therefore to the production of ghost cities, smart cities and abandoned and degraded territories.KeywordsPopulation declineUrban planificationCapitalismUrbanization
This article argues that Jair Bolsonaro’s handling of Covid-19 in Brazil was consistent with his ‘different kind of branding.’ Contrary to the expectations of marketing experts and place branding scholars, Bolsonaro’s branding tactics were predicated not on portraying Brazil positively to commoditize it to (trans)national audiences but on producing the image of Brazil as a white conservative Christian country through maintaining epistemic and informational crises, delegitimizing expert systems, and engaging in necropolitical calculation. Methodologically, to describe the ‘brand-new’ Brazil projected in Bolsonaro’s presidency (2019–2022), I build three case studies centering on the boycott of Covid-19 vaccines, his strategy of letting the virus spread freely in favor of a supposed herd immunity, and the ‘shadow board’ that helped him build a necropolitical strategy. I suggest that Bolsonaro’s ‘chaotic’ branding project harnessed features of currently existing neoliberalism, including informational entropy, the digital production of ‘alternative facts’, entrepreneurial ethos, the delegitimization of expert systems, and the association between free market and political conservatism.
Violent crime is on the rise in many American cities and the annual cost to police and the community increases proportionally. Violent crime scenes are similar to the calamity experienced with natural or human-made disasters. Understanding how it could have been prevented, what services were needed, and what remaining gaps still exist in services and resources is critical. The narrative can be shifted by treating violent crime like naturally occurring disasters and applying comprehensive emergency management strategies to prepare, mitigate, respond, and recover from this whole community hazard. This dynamic emergency management-based approach outlines coordination across key agencies and stakeholders, and has the potential to mitigate the impact of violent crime in major urban cities in the United States (US). Using the District of Columbia (DC) as a sample study area, this policy proposal is supported by a qualitative analyses of available data, including from the limited existing literature and from related DC agencies. Findings demonstrate how the DC Homeland Security and Emergency Management Agency (DCHSEMA), can coordinate response and hold agencies accountable within its current capacity while supporting the interoperability of all related violent crime agencies involved. These findings have both national and international implications.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, most Indian schools were closed for nearly two years, despite extensive evidence showing most children could not access online learning. In our interviews with those affected by school closures in North India, teachers and parents who could access online learning described it as ‘the only option’. This aligns with the dominant framing of EdTech, both nationally and globally, as a positive and inevitable feature of learning futures. However, parents who could not access online learning stressed that it was not an option for them and called for in-person learning to resume. Although several alternatives to online learning were available, and all interviewees described some of these, for many this did not dislodge the idea that online learning was ‘the only option’. This marginalisation of alternatives is a form of ‘technological inevitabilism’ that facilitated a lack of urgency in reopening schools and a widening of education inequities.
How do high mountain communities, facing the grave effects from climate change and economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on the local tourism industry, perceive and navigate multiple protracted disasters? This article takes up this question from the perspective of a specific mountain community, that of Mustang, a culturally Tibetan region of Nepal bordering the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), China. Our findings stem from collective ethnographic research conducted with Mustangi communities in Nepal and among the diaspora in New York City to investigate the nexus between high mountain livelihoods, particularly tourism, and the consequences of two distinct yet interlocking disasters: climate change and the global health crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic. We argue that the pandemic has undermined elements of Mustang’s economic future and simultaneously prompted a resurgent appreciation for and reliance on more traditional modes of community governance and social support. The fact that these dynamics are unfolding amidst ever-present concerns over the effects of climate change in the Himalayas, against the backdrop of labor- and education-driven outmigration, adds a profound layer of complexity to thinking about the future of tourism but also of Himalayan lives, from built infrastructures to the community resilience needed to sustain both.
Since its emergence in the 1950s, disaster research has been concerned mainly with the development of operational tools for crises management and intervention, resulting in a prevalence of inductive approaches and a limited interest in more general theoretical issues (Calhoun 2004; Quarantelli 2005; Tierney 2007, p. 504). As a research field, disaster studies is still dominated by approaches (mostly North American) that scarcely dialogue with developments in social theory and critical theory. Moreover, little attention has been paid to the theoretical–empirical research on disasters produced in non-English-speaking countries in either the global south or Europe1. Gaillard (2019) denounced the persistence of a form of hegemony from the global north perspective in terms of both concepts and practices, despite the progressive centrality of the ‘vulnerability’ approach, which has sustained a critical turn in disaster research since it first appeared in the 1970s. In spite of this mixed picture, critical disasters research is today a field of increasing relevance for understanding the socioeconomic dynamics of the globalized world.
World Trade Center attacks implied that Enemy Criminal Law (ECL) shifted from being a descriptive theory (Jacobs, 1985) to prescribing how to punish, in Abu Ghraib (2003) or Guantanamo (2004). We pose that this ius puniendi power is directly related to the preceding Terrorism of State (Garzón Valdés), in which enforced disappearance (ED) of persons practices in Latin America stand as its main antecedent. Our intention is to analyse the ECL metamorphosis and the relevant elements it shares with ED in the case of Tucumán (Argentina, 1975–1983) as well as the theories pretending to legitimise the ED and the ECL. In addition, given the fact that necrophilia was a practice with ED, we find it pertinent to complete the concept of bio-politics (Foucault) with that of necropolitics (Mbembé), which, as a normative regulation, would result in a necro-law.
This piece brings four authors, John Voiklis, Laura Niemi, Michelle Ciurria, and Uduak Grace Thomas, into conversation about definitions of trust from different academic disciplines. Voiklis highlights criteria required for trust that draw on literature from multiple sources, including human-robot interactions. Writing from a feminist perspective, Ciurria notes that asymmetrical patriarchal relationships and a contractual approach to trust actually foster distrust between individuals. In turn, that distrust transfers to governments and institutions, including those responsible for science. While hierarchical relationships do not always result in mistrust, for the authors, institutional trust depends at least in part on historical practices and positions. For example, Harriet Washington has written eloquently about the history of abuse and violence towards communities of color perpetuated by scientific institutions, some of which continues to this day. Referencing prior research around trust in zoos and aquariums, Thomas and Voiklis argue that benevolence is the missing link in institutional trust. Meanwhile, Niemi reminds readers not to discount the specificity underlying different issues and the types of institutional actors implicated in each. For example, she questions whether judgments about pharmaceutical companies are made on the same basis as those about zoos.
Since the large-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Western countries have announced unprecedented increases in military spending. In addition to sending arms to Ukraine, states are simultaneously using the war as a smokescreen to justify replenishing, expanding and modernizing their own arms stocks, relaxing existing arms export regulations and announcing other support measures for the arms industry, the big winner of this war, which is also increasingly at the table in policy-making. This leads to rampant militarism and a new arms race.
Revisiting the romantic and ecological insights into artistic labor and Homo faber of embodied practice, this essay examines Han Song’s 2010 novella “Regenerated Bricks” (“Zaisheng zhuan”). The narrative depicts how the victims of the Wenchuan earthquake, guided by an architect, produce a brick by using the debris, straw, and corpses. Regenerating lives and hopes of the victims and furnishing material for sheltering, the labor testifies to a practice that combines labor and art and a biological rebirth associated with the fertility of the Earth. The brick is not only useful but also aesthetically satisfying and emotionally resonant. Working closely with the workers in the fields and workshops of a cottage industry rather than from urban offices, the elite architect transforms into a “barefoot architect.” Conversely, the culture market, neoliberal ideology, and digital media quickly turn the brick into simulacrum and consumer icon, alienating the brick and the creators from their vital connection with nature and Earth.
This research examines an under-resourced activist group, the PHA Campaign, as it has attempted to ‘save the PHA’ from non-agricultural developments. The Philippi Horticultural Area (PHA), which has been an agricultural hub since the mid-1800s, has shrunk in size owing to a slew of spatial policy amendments. These amendments have left the ‘community’ of the PHA fragmented and divided, as some land owners look to sell their properties to developers, contributing to problems of land speculation. This research shows how the PHA Campaign, through its agroecological Vegkop farm, has sought to stop non-agricultural developments in the PHA, while further positioning itself as a stakeholder in the area. By advocating for the protection of the aquifer which lies beneath the area, the PHA Campaign has framed itself in opposition to the environmentally destructive practices of the hegemonic commercial farming model in the area. This research shows how the PHA Campaign has used the ‘Day Zero’ crisis to give impetus to its environmental activism, as it ‘works’ the possibilities that arise in contexts of crisis through the framework of “slow activism” (Robins, 2014). From three years of ethnographic research in the PHA, this research further shows how the PHA Campaign has positioned its “environmental imaginary” (Cock, 2020) within the broader environmental activist networks in South Africa in order to navigate questions of social justice and ‘representation’ which remain fundamental challenges to environmental activism more broadly.
This article crystallises the links between capitalism and the politics of diseases. Capitalism is an economic and political system that depends not only on the production of capital, but also on the production of social relations. Just as it produces commodities, it reproduces and distributes new social relations by designating rivalries and alliances. Pandemic outbreaks are ideal conditions for capitalism to reinforce or reformulate these categories and put them into practice by naming and metaphorising diseases accordingly. The reconfiguration of capitalism brings about a shift in the typologies of enemies, the metaphors used to describe diseases, and the way diseases are confronted. This article aims to trace the shift in the politics of disease in two film productions dealing with pandemic outbreaks, Panic in the Streets (1950) and Covert One: The Hades Factor (2006), and in the mainstream media coverage of Covid-19 images in light of capitalism’s evolution from the Keynesian model to its contemporary understanding.
In this paper, problems with the philosophy and research relating to various interpretations of ‘closing the gap’ are used to open up a discussion of, and illustrate, the process whereby a narrow interpretation of ‘science’ and neglect of systems thinking result in the generation of huge amounts of dangerous and misleading misinformation and thence the generation of draconian and destructive policies. The paper opens by returning to an unfinished debate arising out of a summary of the unanticipated and counterintuitive effects of interventions designed to close the ‘attainment’ gap between more and less advantaged pupils. This is used to illustrate the importance of studying the unintended as well as intended outcomes of interventions and the importance of considering whether those outcomes are desirable. More of the problems facing those who seek to contribute to evidence-based policy are then illustrated via a discussion of an ‘illuminative’ evaluation of competency-oriented, project-based, education carried out in environments around primary schools. The result is to highlight the need for comprehensive evaluation of educational projects and policies. ‘Comprehensive evaluation’ implies the evaluation of all short and long term, personal and social, desired and desirable, and undesired and undesirable effects of the programmes and policies under investigation. When this criterion is applied, it emerges that most of the published evaluations fall well short of the mark. Indeed, most of the conclusions that are drawn are seriously misleading. As a result, they contribute to the formulation and legitimisation of policies involving alarming levels of authoritarian state intervention in peoples’ lives. The generation of such misleading information is much more widespread and serious than that exposed by the ‘replication crisis’. It is argued that at the heart of this lies the pervasive deployment of reductionist science. Other serious deficits in the thinking and methodology of psychologists and educational researchers are then discussed. It is vital for psychologists to do what they can to rectify the situation. The paper concludes with an extensive discussion of ways in which the British Psychological Society (BPS) in general, and the Psychology of Education Section in particular, might contribute to this process.
Desarrollo Económico, educación y la pandemia. "el buen humor y la moderación de las facciones contendientes parecen ser las circunstancias más esenciales en la moral pública de un pueblo libre" (Smith, 1776: 359). Resumen En este capítulo, se analiza la historia reciente del sector educativo en los Estados Unidos dentro del contexto de la pandemia. Como se argumenta, la educación tiene un consideración apreciable en la historia del pensamiento económico desde Adam Smith. También, la educación representa un elemento medular en el desarrollo económico. Establecida su importancia dentro de la sociedad y dentro del pensamiento económico, el capítulo ubica la educación entre los intereses públicos y privados, y dentro o no del Estado. Además, se coloca la educación, y particularmente la pública, dentro del avance del neoliberalismo. Sin embargo, el objetivo de este capítulo no es solamente ubicar la educación dentro de estos contextos, sino ofrecer un mejor entendimiento de la dirección que se está tomando actualmente la política en los Estados Unidos. Como se examina, la educación ha emergido en este último año como quizás la mayor confrontación que el avance neoliberal ha tenido con el pueblo estadounidense desde el inicio de su avance hace medio siglo. El significado de esta confrontación refleja la profundidad de los cambios en el sector educativo durante la pandemia y el alcance del programa neoliberal. También ha sido revelatoria del proyecto entre sí, con la prensa convencional abiertamente cuestionando sus alcances por quizás la primera vez desde que el programa neoliberal empezó a hacerse presente en la sociedad norteamericana. Si eso es resultado una división entre las facciones del poder o representa una reacción al repudio popular queda para verse. En cualquier caso, se espera tanto un creciente revuelta popular, como nuevas medidas neoliberales para reducir cualquier oposición política al proyecto. Introducción Al iniciar la pandemia al principio del 2020, Naomi Klein planteaba que la salud y la educación iban a ser los sectores más transformados (Klein, 2020). Al igual, el World Economic Forum (WEF) destacaba los cambios en el sistema educativa en su amplia
Theodore W. Schultz (1902–1998) was the Chair of the University of Chicago Department of Economics from 1946 to 1961, providing leadership during a period of transition and expansion. Trained in agricultural economics and connected to the policy universe engaged with farm politics in the US, Schultz quickly linked Chicago research projects to questions about international economic development that were posed and supported by the federal government, private foundations, and policy associations. He is best known for his research contributions to the concept of human capital and his critiques of theories and models in development economics. Awarded the Francis A. Walker Medal in 1972, he shared the Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences with W. Arthur Lewis in 1979.
Intergouvernementale Organisationen dienen dazu, Außenpolitik so zu koordinieren, dass Staaten ihre gemeinsamen Ziele verwirklichen können und international geltende Regeln und Normen aufrechterhalten werden. Gerade im Bereich der Sicherheitspolitik gestaltet sich eine Delegation von Kompetenzen jedoch schwierig. Bedeutende Organisationen wie NATO und UN-Sicherheitsrat sind immer wieder Austragungsort zwischenstaatlicher Konflikte und ihre Entwicklung reflektiert Phasen von Konsens und Dissens. Dieser Beitrag analysiert Kontinuität und Wandel der beiden Sicherheitsorganisationen aus zwei theoretischen Perspektiven: dem rationalistischen Institutionalismus und dem Neogramscianismus. Dazu stellt er zunächst die historische Entwicklung der beiden Organisationen sowie prägende Ereignisse, Entscheidungen und Wendepunkte vor. Daraufhin werden zentrale Konzepte und Annahmen der beiden Theorie-Perspektiven erläutert und an Beispielen veranschaulicht. In der Analyse werden Erklärungsansätze für die historische Entwicklung von NATO und UN-Sicherheitsrat entwickelt. Aus rationalistischer Sicht stellen die Organisationen ein Instrument zur Wahrung gemeinsamer Sicherheitsinteressen dar. Das Ende des Kalten Krieges bedeutete demnach eine massive Veränderung des Sicherheitsumfelds, auf welche NATO und Sicherheitsrat mit institutionellen Anpassungsprozessen reagierten. Der Neogramscianismus verknüpft Institutionen mit Hegemonie. Organisationen dienen dazu, Regeln und Machtverhältnisse nach innen zu verankern und nach außen rivalisierende Ordnungsvorstellungen abzuwehren. Vor dem Hintergrund globaler Machtverschiebungen sind NATO und Sicherheitsrat in eine fundamentale Krise geraten. Abschließend diskutiert der Beitrag die (In)Kompatibilitäten beider Ansätze.
The paper looks at the historicizing approach adopted in two recent science-fiction books: Kim Stanley Robinson’s novel New York 2140 (2017) and Nora K. Jemisin’s novella Emergency Skin (2019). In both, the authors’ present is approached from the vantage point of a speculatively posited future and looked upon as the historical past of the text. The hypothesized temporal distance is meant to challenge and recalibrate the reader’s perception of contemporary capitalism. Based on Robinson’s and Jemisin’s narratives, the paper discusses the historicity and mimetic potential of science fiction, manifested in the genre’s ability to situate the present as part of a historical process for an enhanced understanding of contemporary trends and their projected trajectories. In the two texts, the dichotomy between the envisioned future and the present-as-past is paralleled by a utopian/dystopian dialectic, wherein the reality of late capitalism is unequivocally identified as dystopian. The utopian and science-fiction perspectives combined produce the effect of cognitive estrangement, which entails a perceptual renewal with regard to capitalism, whose alleged incontestable status is challenged by the exposure of its historical mutability. The aim of the analysis is to demonstrate that historicizing contemporary capitalism within science fiction may challenge the ideological hegemony of neoliberalism, expose its dystopian features, and indicate possibilities for the transformation of a system that proclaims to have no alternatives. Such historicization may produce an epistemic shift in the reader’s perception of the contemporary socioeconomic reality, by emphasizing both its unrecognized flaws and its (r)evolutionary potential.
This article focuses on the necropolitical effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the lived experiences of Indigenous Peoples of Tripura, Northeast India. Our central argument is that Indigenous bodies are governed to die an untimely death. By drawing from Mbembe's (2003) theoretical framework of necropolitics, we uncover the consequences and experiences of necropower. Necropolitics perpetuates the exclusion of historically marginalized groups by permitting disposability during difficult times. Through technologies of control, necropolitics enables a sovereignty over mortality and construes life as the deployment and manifestation of power. In doing so, during extraordinary events, life becomes strategically subjugated to the power of death. In this study, we argue that the biopolitical effects of the COVID-19 pandemic not only affected individuals unequally but also forced hospital staff to decide who would breathe their last breath. Moreover, Indigenous Peoples' lived experiences of untimely death manifest the necropolitical technologies vested within hospitals where decisions are made over life or death.
This introduction provides an initial approach to the conceptual framework of infrastructural harm. It draws upon existing scholarship to discuss infrastructures as relational arrangements co-formative of harm. By approaching infrastructures as sites of ongoing socio-political and environmental antagonism, we pay attention to the ways in which infrastructural harm is generated, accretes, and transmutes across different scales and contexts. We consider harm as a process that exceeds the (in)direct consequences of infrastructure operation to extend to other arrangements. Building upon the diverse case studies discussed in this special issue, we investigate how the political and necropolitical properties of infrastructures are entangled with different technologies, judicial forms, policies, regulations and everyday processes. By foregrounding these diverse manifestations of infrastructural harm, together with its material and immaterial expressions, we expand on the existing literature in order to further explore critical codifications of contemporary socio-technical arrangements.
Tracing the history of activism in post-apartheid South Africa from the Treatment Action Campaign to the Social Justice Coalition, amongst others, one is able to develop an account of various practices and strategies that have been utilised to leverage state resources and lobby support for various causes. This history of rights-based activism has provided various social movements and community-based organisations with a framework with which to engage the state and more localised bureaucratic structures like the City of Cape Town. This article, which is based on two years of ethnographic research, looks at the activist practices and strategies employed by an environmental activist organisation called the PHA Campaign, which operates in a landscape that has been characterised as neoliberal and that explicitly caters to private developers. By looking at how this organisation leveraged the acute water scarcity that threatened the Western Cape from around 2016, or what has been called the “Day Zero” water crisis, this article applies Ahmann’s concept of “working time” to the South African activist landscape and examines how organisations can mobilise how a crisis is framed to their benefit.
Landscape pressures in fisheries governance systems ranging from the impacts of climate change to the detrimental impacts of overfishing are beginning to pressure regime actors to act. One way regime actors have responded to fisheries issues is through the promotion of sustainable seafood certification. In this paper, we utilize the Pathway for Transitions (Geels and Schot, 2007) as a theoretical lens to examine how the sustainable seafood certification innovation represents a transformation pathway through regime actors' power. In addition, we bring light to alternative niche groups which base their governance strategies on local ecological knowledge and work to be inclusive of small-scale fishers. In many traditional fishing communities in Japan, local knowledge structures regarding social-ecological systems are crucial for sustainable governance. While some studies have been done on sustainable seafood certification, how they impact local knowledge structures has yet to be fully examined. We found, despite local knowledge structures theoretically acknowledged, powerful political-economic actors do not draw from them, but instead push for sustainable seafood certification as a way to cope with external shocks. Our research illuminates three groups which highlight important aspects of sustainable governance at the niche level, demonstrating the need to incorporate power dynamics as a factor in sustainability transitions. They include; 1) a NGO actively governing through local knowledge, 2) inclusive governance activities, and, 3) a platform for small-scale fishers’ agency. If regime-level innovations, such as sustainable seafood certification, continue to determine how sustainability should be practiced, local knowledge structures will be lost to standardization. We contend that by acknowledging and utilizing local knowledge from local actors, it could contribute to a more just form of governance through equitable participation of small-scale fishers and their local ecological knowledge validated.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.