Iron Ironworks of West Africa

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Iron Ironworks of West Africa
Helène Timpoko Kienon-Kabore
1
,
Elise Fonyama Thiombiano-Ilboudo
2
,
Caroline Robion-Brunner
3
and Lassina Simporé
2
1
SHS/ISAD, Université Félix Houphouët-Boigny,
Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire
2
Université Ky Zerbo de Ouagadougou,
Department of History and Archeologycordially,
Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso
3
Chargée de recherche CNRS laboratoire
TRACES/UMR 5608 Université de Toulouse,
le Mirail, France
Introduction
The study of ancient iron smelting in Africa has
been, in recent decades, the center of interest of
many researchers in archaeology, history, anthro-
pology, and so on. The stake and the interest of
this study is the knowledge of the history of tech-
niques in West Africa in which the approach of
ancient metallurgy of iron is inscribed. At the very
beginning of these investigations, the origins of
technology were most often discussed. At the
current state of research, the scientific debate is
no longer at the level of the origins of this metal-
lurgy especially as it has sparked publications that
have finally confirmed the autochthony and the
age of this industry in Africa, which probably did
not know that a single center of origin and diffu-
sion: 1000 BC in Niger, site of Termit; 800 BC in
Nigeria, Jos region; 1000 BC in Central Republic
of Africa; and 1200 BC near the Victoria Lakes
(Bocoum 2002: 61; Robion-Brunner 2018b).
Scientific research carried out in recent
decades on the ancient iron metallurgy has often
emphasized technical, human, and sociocultural
aspects. These revealed knowledge at the level of
science, knowledge and know-how, technologies,
myths, cosmogony, etc. which show a wealth and
an undeniable material and intangible heritage.
The ancient metallurgy of iron, as practiced in
Africa until the middle of the twentieth century, is
a set of technical processes for obtaining iron from
ore, by smelting of oxides. These processes are
part of the operating chain. The latter consists of
several stages that range from prospecting, the
collection or extraction of iron ore, the prepara-
tion, and the smelting of iron ore in the furnaces to
the transformation of the magnifying glass into
finished products in the forge. This operating
chain is rich in the technological specificities of
each metallurgy, which leads to a diversity and an
exceptional wealth of practices. However, contact
with the West, colonization and the introduction
of iron bars, and iron recovery in West African
societies will lead to real changes in the produc-
tion of iron, especially in the region. Forge, where
technical and cultic practices continue today in
our societies south of the Sahara.
In this approach we present the technical and
cultural richness of this iron technology known
largely thanks to the ethnographic investigations,
to the vestiges and sites of this industry discovered
© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019
C. Smith (ed.), Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51726-1_3326-1

all over West Africa, and to the adaptation of the
techniques of the blacksmiths the demands of the
modern world, which is driving a real technolog-
ical change.
The Ancient Metallurgy of Iron in West
Africa: A Wealth of Innovative Processes
Apart from archaeological research, much of the
knowledge of the technical and sociocultural
aspects of the operating chain of early iron pro-
duction is known through ethnographic and
experimental investigations. Indeed, these deliver
results that complete the data of archaeology, thus
allowing the understanding of the metallurgical
activity, abandoned more than half a century ago.
Traditional iron metallurgy has several stages.
At each of them, ritual and forbidden techniques
are omnipresent and mark the inseparable charac-
ter between material technical aspects and imma-
terial ritual aspects.
From the Mine to the Smelting of Iron Ore
All operations to obtain the bloom include pro-
specting, collecting where ore extraction, iron ore
preparation, furnace construction and reduction of
ore in furnaces.
Ore Prospecting or Prospecting
In Africa, prospecting methods are varied and
very diverse depending on the time, space, and
prospecting period. The operation of prospecting
or finding the ore is most often the responsibility
of the most experienced men with a ritual knowl-
edge to complete the stage. During the pro-
spection, divination practices often precede the
operation. In particular, Gulmanceba metallur-
gists in Burkina Faso practiced geomancy to
determine if the output would be successful by
determining the directions to be taken for pro-
specting, the favorable moments, and the sacri-
fices to be made before the prospection campaign
(Thiombiano-Ilboudo 2010: 249).
In addition, several indices based on very old
knowledge can locate the iron ore. In fact, the
knowledge of nature and the observation of cer-
tain plants are determining factors that make it
possible to locate the iron ore during the pro-
spection. The presence of certain plants such as
wiliwiga (Guiera senegalensis), wędga (Saba
senegalensis), and kubrsak (Cassia sieberiana)
reveals the existence of iron ore under certain
formations of ferruginous cuirass (Kiénon-
Kaboré 1998: 87). In the Moosé of central, north-
ern, and northern central Burkina Faso, the obser-
vation of the smoke emanations released from the
ground after the rain or in the evening after falling
temperatures was a sign of the existence of the
ore. The prospecting techniques are indeed
diverse and denote the wealth of these metal-
lurgies of iron in West Africa which are not
exhaustive in this study.
Obtaining Iron Ore
The techniques of obtaining the ore are various,
and most often it is about collection of surface,
open excavations, trenches, and wells (of circular
or rectangular form some of which with galleries).
In Africa in general, extraction by circular or
rectangular well is one of the most common
extraction methods.
At this stage of the operating chain, rituals are
still ubiquitous. Minors must abide by certain
rules, such as not having sex the day before the
operation or with the same women before the start
of the extraction. The exploitation of iron is
surrounded by a large number of rites and taboos,
so as not to offend the living spirit of the iron on
which depends the smooth running of operations
(Kiénon-Kaboré 2003). Prohibitions related to the
extraction of ore are a means to secure the pro-
duction of iron by establishing a climate of peace
and social harmony between blacksmiths to avoid
any social tear that could be fatal to the duties
assigned to them (Kienon-Kaboré 2017).
The work in mining operations is very difficult
and therefore requires a large workforce. To
extract iron ore, miners use several types of equip-
ment such as picks with extremely rigid blades,
daba, traditional flashlights to illuminate the inte-
rior of wells, baskets and ropes to raise the ore,
etc. The work was done at the chain. The persons
in charge of the extraction and the transport are
generally men; however in some societies as
among the Gulmanceba, the women took part in
2 Iron Ironworks of West Africa

the works. The extraction periods were those of
the dry season, between January and April, so as
not to be hampered by rainwater. This period
allowed the blacksmiths to take advantage of the
season free of field work to make the material and
not lose an annual campaign of culture, for those
who were metalworkers and farmers. The search
for the ore was a decisive step, but the preparation
of the latter before its introduction into the furnace
conditioned the success of the operation.
Ore Preparation
Regarding ore processing, metallurgists used sev-
eral processes. These include crushing, sizing,
washing, drying, and roasting. All these treatment
techniques can be grouped into two types, namely,
physical and thermal treatments. Physical treat-
ments include sight sorting, crushing, sizing, and
washing (Robion-Brunner 2008: 205). They make
it possible to reject the iron-poor parts and to
improve the behavior of the ore during the
smelting process.
In the Moosé and Gulmanceba of Burkina
Faso, and the metallurgists of Benin, the ore was
either simply crushed and calibrated in small
pieces the size of a chicken egg by experienced
people, or it underwent other treatments that allo-
wed to modify the nature of the ore to facilitate
smelting (Kienon-Kaboré 2003: 102). On the
other hand, at the Senufo of Koni, in the north of
Côte d’Ivoire, at the extraction of the ore, they
obtained a powder that had first to be moistened,
shaped into small balls the size of an egg hen,
which was then allowed to dry before loading into
the furnace (Kiethéga 1996: 311). Some ores were
washed to rid them of clay loam that could hinder
the smelting of iron ore and reduced to powder
and then to an egg-sized ball (Essomba 1983).
Heat treatments –roasting, for example –are
the firing of an ore in an oxidizing atmosphere and
at temperatures well below the melting point
(800–900). This operation allows dehydration
(disappearance of water molecules), decarbon-
ation (transformation of carbonates into oxides
by release of CO
2
), or desulfurization (release of
sulfur contained in sulfides) of the ore (Robion-
Brunner 2008: 205). It is noted that all these
treatment techniques serve a specific purpose,
facilitating smelting while achieving good yields.
Furnace Construction
Before the smelting, the furnace construction is of
paramount importance. However, it is important
to note that given the diversity of furnaces in West
Africa, it would be imperative to take them all up
with the stages of their construction. We will
discuss the construction of a simple and well-
known furnace type that encompasses the wealth
of knowledge in the field. The furnace and acces-
sory construction techniques are diverse and
result from the multitude of techniques employed
in African societies. There are furnaces with nat-
ural draft or forced draft or furnaces underground,
semiunderground, open-pit, pit, etc. In this
approach we present the example of the forced
air draft furnace which also shows the technical
richness of these metallurgists. Water, clay, and
straw are the essential materials. The termite
mound soil is also used for the construction of
the furnace because of its better soil quality which,
according to the metallurgists, withstands the high
temperatures of smelting. The clay is kneaded
with straw which is allowed to rest for several
hours. Meanwhile, a bundle of millet stems
made and cut to the size of the future furnace is
attached in three places to have the frustoconical
shape of the future furnace. Then, the metallurgist
clears the ground and digs a circular pit (about
20 cm deep) to the shape of the base of the furnace
(about 1 m in diameter), in the center of which it
makes a hole. He arranges for the pit to have an
inclined slope on the west side. After that, the
bundle of millet stalk is transferred there and
serves as a mold for the construction of the fur-
nace. The kneaded clay is placed all around it and
plastered with a corncob, fingers, and other suit-
able equipment. Three days later, the bundle of
millet stalk is removed or burned inside the fur-
nace that has taken shape. This last operation has a
double advantage. The heat helps to harden the
furnace, and the resulting ash, which remains in
the crucible, allows the magnifying glass not to
weld to the ground.
The construction of the furnace is followed
immediately by the realization of the accessories.
Iron Ironworks of West Africa 3

The manufacture of pots and secondary nozzles
obeys the same principles as the furnace, with the
difference that the latter two do not use the same
molds. For pots of the blower, a terrine of about
30 cm in diameter is essential. The mold of the
secondary nozzles is a cylindrical wood 1 m long
and about 14 cm in diameter. The main nozzle has
the shape of a funnel and serves as the junction
point of the two secondary nozzles, at the opening
of the furnace, where it fits first. It plays the role of
air duct here; otherwise the air could disperse at
the junction of the two secondary nozzles.
A forked wood is used to keep the furnace tilted.
With the furnace construction completed, the
blacksmith prepares for the smelting stage. The
basic elements are the ore, the fuel, and the oxi-
dizer (air) essential for the rest of the operation.
Combustible
A variety of fuel was used for the smelting of the
ore, and each had specific qualities that acted on
the good smelting of the ore. The most sought-
after species were those with a high calorific value
and also exhibited crush resistance in order to
descend without crumbling or settling, a condition
for the regularity of good combustion.
The choice of species is determined by the
qualities specific to the species. Metallurgists
have most often used green charcoal because it
has a higher heating value than dry wood. In
Burkina Faso, in the province of Bulkiemdé, met-
allurgists most often use Khaya senegalensis,
Guiera senegalensis,Detarium microcarpum,
Burkea africana,Cassia sieberiana,Terminalia
macroptera, and Butyrospermum parkii.
Burkea africana,Detarium microcarpum, and
Terminalia macroptera are much more commonly
used in blacksmithing. One mentioned has the
reputation of making the iron easy to handle the
purification and gives a very good quality to the
metal. Khaya senegalensis,Guiera senegalensis,
Burkea africana, and Cassia sieberiana are used
for both smelting and forging. In the majority of
blacksmiths, Cassia sieberiana, the roots of
Guiera senegalensis, and the Khaya senegalensis
carbonized together facilitate the smelting of iron
ore. The Burkea africana, considered as the best
in forge and the furnace, is the species most
sought after by all blacksmiths of Bulkiemdé
(Kiénon-Kaboré 2003).
The Smelting of Iron Ore
This stage also begins with sacrifices and rituals
that differ from one society to another. The mode
of loading depends on the blacksmith and the type
of furnace. Sometimes ore and charcoal are alter-
nately laden, as is the case in some Moosé,
Gulmanceba, Bwa, and Dagara populations of
Burkina Faso, Bassars of Togo, Niger, and Ivory
Coast. Some metallurgists dispose of the charcoal
in the middle of the furnace after making a cruci-
ble, and then the ore is put all around it.
The forced air draft furnace by the use of bel-
lows works most often in the morning (5 am–18
pm). This type of operation allows metallurgists to
have control over the intensity of the air. They
may decide to stop, increase, or slow down the
supply of air depending on the progress of the
operation.
On the other hand, most natural air draft fur-
naces work at night. These are the case of the
furnaces of Yatenga and some of Niger. The
smelting takes place every night between 6 pm
and 5 am; the smelting operation takes into
account the wind conditions. Indeed, the absence
or excess of air can affect the operation of the
furnace by smothering or very rapid combustion
of coal. This reason may have guided the black-
smiths to run the natural air draft furnaces at night,
where the winds are moderated in some parts of
Africa, to avoid malfunctioning.
The magnifying glass obtained after the
smelting can be used directly in the forge for the
manufacture of finished products or undergo puri-
fication at the smelting sites to facilitate refining at
the forge.
The knowledge of the operational chain of the
old iron metallurgy through ethnographic data
shows the wealth of this traditional industry
which includes geological, technical, mineral,
chemical, meteorological, etc. They contain
values of all kinds that disappear over time and
the modernization of different African societies.
The work of the forge is also an important step
which also includes technical and cultural knowl-
edge and know-how.
4 Iron Ironworks of West Africa

Forging the Object
This phase is the transformation of the metal into a
finite object. The blacksmith has a wide range of
gestures and technical processes determined
according to his raw material, his skills, his
knowledge, the complexity of the object to be
manufactured, and economic constraints
(Robion-Brunner 2008: 216).
The Workshop of Forge
In the forge workshops, the magnifying glass
obtained by the metallurgists was intended for
the manufacture of tools for field work, weapons
of war, and domestic, cultural, and religious
objects. The workshop had a variable layout,
workshop tools were diverse, and staff depended
on the origin of blacksmith. The blacksmith’s
workshop at Bulkiemdé in Burkina Faso has a
small forge of reduced size. It consists of a conical
thatched roof shed. Circular in shape, it measures
approximately 3 m in diameter and is composed of
bellows, which are always two in number, with a
fireplace and an anvil. Bellows are constructed in
the same way as those of furnaces, with the only
difference being that forges are small (Kiénon-
Kaboré 2003). The same type of development is
found in the Gulmanceba blacksmiths of Fada
N’Gourma in eastern Burkina Faso where the
roof is covered with a roof of millet stalks
(Ilboudo-Thiombiano 1991). The spatial organi-
zation of the forge respects a certain number of
prohibitions and mystical facts. The forge work-
shop can be family or community and most often
located outside the family yard, in the center of the
village.
Forging Equipment
The blacksmith uses specific tools for making
finished products in the forge. These elements
are most often common to African forges. The
forge material is composite. We have iron anvils
fixed on a tree trunk, chisels (for cutting), limes
(for sharpening), pliers (to seize the red iron),
hammers (for pinging), buckets, and cans. The
anvil is the central element of the forge given its
technical and cult role. It is a frustoconical mass of
variable size, embedded in a tree trunk or inserted
directly on the ground. Some companies use a
mass of stone. At the level of the blacksmiths of
Bulkiemdé, when the blacksmith decides to stop
his trade, it remains the only element of the forge
implanted to serve for ritual ceremonies of care or
protection. Aside from the anvil, master piece of
the forge, there are other types of tools each hav-
ing a specific function. The pincer is the most used
among these secondary tools. It is used to intro-
duce, remove the heated object from the fireplace,
and soak the iron in water. The chisel often has
two different dimensions (a smaller one to cut
small pieces of iron and the largest to cut larger
blocks) serves, using the pincers and the hammer,
to cut the supports of objects to make up. The
needle is used to drill holes in tools that require
them. To polish the sharp parts of knives, blades,
and lances, the blacksmith uses a kind of scraper.
The blacksmith uses fabrication techniques
that start with hammering, dipping, welding, and
other techniques of recoiling and chemical surface
treatment for some delicate objects such as blades,
lighters, knives, etc. (Kiénon-Kaboré 2003).
The Products of the Forge
With this forging material, the blacksmith manu-
factures tools, the majority of which consists of
instruments for domestic use such as ladles and
spatulas. The tooling for field work, such as the
axe, the ermine, and the la, is the most requested
and most made by the blacksmith. Apart from
these indispensable items for farmers, the artisan
blacksmith also manufactures small domestic
materials such as large needles used to make
holes on the damaged parts of the wooden gourds
in order to repair them. The tools of decoration of
the leather, the iron for spinning cotton, and the
making of mats are also the fact of blacksmiths.
Other objects such as rings, amulets, and bracelets
that serve to protect themselves from diseases and
evil spirits are also the work of blacksmiths. Arti-
sans use techniques of making objects that denote
technical know-how and wealth. Each object has
its own approach specificity that highlights a cer-
tain subtlety.
The forge in African societies has extensive
functions. It is used not only to make the neces-
sary tools for society but also plays an important
cultural and worship role.
Iron Ironworks of West Africa 5

The remains of all this inheritance are most
often remnants of iron metallurgy and are com-
posed of extraction wells, heaps of slag, furnaces
of smelting, etc.
Sites of the Ancient Metallurgy of Iron:
A Technological Diversity in West Africa
The witnesses to this technical heritage, which
show the former importance of iron metallurgy
in these societies in the south of the Sahara, are
most often found in rural areas. The remains and
sites at the level of urban areas are most often
destroyed by rampant urbanization. A large part
of the whole of this technical heritage is currently
in ruins for natural and anthropogenic reasons.
These are diversity of sites and archaeological
remains reminiscent of a recent past very active
in the production and marketing of iron metal. In
this article, we have chosen to present only few
examples of metallurgical sites in West Africa in
order to show the technical and heritage wealth of
this industry. Each country of this part of Africa
has benefited from more or less extensive research
that has revealed many iron production sites, but
we will only present those in Benin, Burkina Faso,
Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, and Togo. The research pre-
sented for each country mentioned above is not
exhaustive.
Benin
Research on ancient iron metallurgy in this coun-
try has made it possible to chronologically date
the beginning of iron metallurgy during the first
millennium BC in the Mono region (Randsbord
and Merkyte 2009). During the first millennium
AD, the iron production is becoming more wide-
spread. Iron is produced in the Atakora from the
fifth century AD (Ndah 2009: 435), in the Dendi
Region from the fifth century AD (Robion-
Brunner 2018a), and in the northeast of Benin,
in Boo country, from the twelfth century (Banni-
Guénné 2012).
In the Atakora region, metallurgical sites of
ancient iron have been identified in the Tanguiéta
region, Boukombé, Koukouabirigou,
Koutacoingou, and Tèkouantè, and in the
Natitingou region, Perma, Bouyagnidi, and south
of Tayakou at the edge of the waterway called
Ouankou. At Kèténkè, a site was located 10 km
east of the village. It is composed of a large
furnace of the Boonga type of central and northern
Burkina Faso. It can reach a height of 3,75 m with
a circumference of nearly 4, 30 m.
In northeastern Benin, research has highlighted
several iron metallurgical sites (Banni-Guénné
2013). On the smelting sites of Ségbana, Kaiama,
and Bensékou, Oumarou Banni Guene identifies
two types of processes which he calls process
Munga and Fufuna which are, respectively, the
fact of sedentary and itinerant blacksmiths in the
Borgou in Boo country. The Fufuna furnaces are
smaller compared to those of the larger Munga
process (Photo 1).
In the Dendi country, five smelting traditions
divided into three groups have been distinguished:
that of the reusable furnace with tapped slag
(tradition 1), that of the non-reusable furnace
with internal slag (tradition 2), and finally those
of the reusable furnace with internal slag
(traditions 3–5; Fig. 1; Robion-Brunner 2018a).
The localization of iron traditions shows that the
northwest is more diverse than the southeast. All
the traditions are present around the village of
Pekinga. This area seems to have welcomed
blacksmiths belonging to diverse geographical
origins. The craftsmen expressed their identity
through their skills. We still do not know whether
their settlement was contemporary, but what is
certain is that Pekinga was a crossing zone.
A series of 12 radiocarbon dates and oral tradi-
tions confirm that iron production started at least
at the end of the first millennium AD and progres-
sively decreased since the beginning of the twen-
tieth century. Data are currently insufficient to
assess the beginnings and fluctuations in iron pro-
duction over this long period and to conclude
whether the different traditions were contempo-
rary or consecutive. Nevertheless, the variability
of the metallurgical remains probably reflects sig-
nificant modifications in population settlements.
Moreover, some of these variations are very close
to other West African remains. At least four tradi-
tions have the same spatial organization, the same
type of furnace, and the same type of slag as those
6 Iron Ironworks of West Africa

observed at Korsimoro by Serneels (Serneels et al.
2012,2014) and near Niamey by Guillon (Guillon
et al. 2016).
More than 30 iron smelting sites have been
located on the Abomey-Bohicon plateau and
around the cities of Dogbo and Kétou (Fig. 2).
Their activity began timidly during the first mil-
lennium BC and expanded from the second half of
the first millennium AD east of Sodohomé. At its
peak around the fifteenth century, it stopped
abruptly at the beginning of the sixteenth century
before the establishment of the kingdom of Daho-
mey. However, during this reign (1650–1900),
iron objects were manufactured locally, but from
iron imported either from neighboring regions or
from European countries (Burton 1864). One of
the possible reasons given for the end of iron
production in the Mono is the arrival in the middle
of the sixteenth century of an episode of drought
in this region already subject to the effects of
Dahomey Gap. This climatic factor in a dry sub-
humid environment makes biomass regeneration
problematic and thus the availability of wood and
therefore coal, an essential fuel for operating
reduction furnaces and forging furnaces
(Randsbord and Merkyte 2009). The study of
archaeological remains and iron production vol-
ume showed the existence of three periods
corresponding to different production levels and
techniques (Randsborg and Merkyte 2009:
Fig. 2):
1. Between the eleventh and twelfth centuries
AD, iron was produced between Tado and
Sodohomé in small bellows furnaces.
2. Between the thirteenth and fourteenth centu-
ries, the furnaces operated with natural venti-
lation distributed in the tank by several small
tuyères, the smelting workshops established
outside the housing areas multiplied and occu-
pied a wider region ranging from Cheito in the
west to Kétou in the northeast and Pobé in the
southeast, and their production met a wider
regional demand, probably including long-
distance trade.
3. Between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,
the furnaces, still naturally ventilated, were
now equipped with several large tuyères. Real
pre-industrial districts are being set up, but
refocused on the southwestern part of the
area. Their production, in excess, is then turned
toward an export extra-regional. Through
topographical surveys and cubages, it is
established that the latter have produced more
than 60,000 tons of slag over six centuries
(Randsborg and Merkyte 2009).
As this estimate does not take into account all
reduction workshops (calculations are based on
data from 12 smelting sites out of the 30 identi-
fied), iron production was expected to be even
higher, placing the Mono region on the list of the
most important iron centers in West Africa.
The dimensions of the tuyères and their num-
ber are directly related to the morphology of the
smelting structure. Sometimes markers of the eth-
nic origin of metallurgists, these elements often
materialize population movements in a region.
Crossed with ethnohistorical data, the analysis of
archaeological remains makes it possible to trace
the history of the iron industry and blacksmiths
(Randsborg and Merkyte 2009). Thus, the large
tuyère furnaces set up in the fifteenth century are
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Photo 1 Furnace
Munga. (Photo Banni-Guéné 2013)
Iron Ironworks of West Africa 7

associated with the arrival of Gbe-speaking peo-
ples in the Mono. Gradually driving the Yoruba
people to the East, who used to use small nozzles,
these new populations bring a technique that
seems more efficient, allowing the increase in
iron production.
Burkina Faso
Burkina Faso, like other sub-Saharan African
countries, has been a major iron-producing area
over the past centuries. The importance of this
industry is perceptible through the sites and ves-
tiges discovered throughout the territory. Some
metallurgical sites have brought decisive data to
the understanding of the history of ancient iron
metallurgy in Burkina Faso. We can cite those of
Ronguin, Tiwêga, Kindbo, Yamané, Korsimoro,
Wolgteng-gooden, Tougaré, Beli in the Markoye
region, etc.
Research in recent years has made it possible to
advance a little more in the understanding of iron
metallurgy in Burkina Faso. Among these investi-
gations, those of Yamané-Nimpoui and Korsimoro
have made it possible to renew the knowledge of
ancient iron metallurgy in Burkina Faso.
The site of Yamané-Nimpoui is located 70 Km
north of Ouagadougou. It houses numerous rem-
nants of iron metallurgy composed of iron slag,
nozzles, furnace walls, and well-preserved furnaces.
The excavations made it possible to identify a first
type of furnace which measures about 3, 5 m high
and a second type whose bases are very eroded. One
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Fig. 1 Localization of the five smelting traditions in the Dendi country
8 Iron Ironworks of West Africa

of the main characteristics of the first type of furnace
is the presence of a cylindrical block in the center of
the furnace during the smelting that works with a
natural draft. The coal collected during the excava-
tions made it possible to date one of the structures by
14c dating in the fourteenth century AD (Serneels
et al. 2015:4).
Another important site was identified and exca-
vated at 70 km northeast of Ouagadougou. It is the
metallurgical site of the iron of Korsimoro. In this
region there are several technical traditions, the
first identified of which present certain peculiari-
ties (Serneels et al. 2011:23–54). The first is the
set of large, single-use slag furnaces. These are
circular furnaces aligned on a straight line that
worked with battery (Photo 2). The dates obtained
are between the seventh and tenth centuries
AD. The second type is characterized by large
reusable, trapped slag furnaces that provide dates
between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries
AD. The furnaces are massive buildings scattered
with natural draft of air. They have four openings,
and the cylindrical and massive nozzles (diameter
12–15 Cm) are reused. Technical tradition 3 con-
sists of large, reusable, cast slag furnaces dated
between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries
with a single furnace placed in the center of an
elliptical work area. The releases form a ring with
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Fig. 2 The iron smelting sites of the Mono region with different chronological periods
and different types of nozzles. (According to Randsborg 2009:211)
Iron Ironworks of West Africa 9

a slag mound placed in the west. The nozzles are
relatively small, 3–4 cm in internal diameter and
7–9 cm in outer diameter, and the slags found are
blocks of cast slag. The furnace sometimes has
five openings. As for technical tradition 4, it is
represented by small, single-use, trapped slag fur-
naces dating from the seventeenth century. The
furnace bases are of very low diameter which
contains a massive cylindrical slag. They are pre-
sented by battery of 10–50 units. The diameter
varies between 15 and 25 cm, and the depth is
30–40 cm and reaches exceptionally 80 cm. The
use of bellows is most likely for its operation
(Photo 3).
The diversity of archaeological data and tech-
nical traditions on ancient iron metallurgy in
Burkina Faso shows the dynamism of this indus-
try over the past centuries. Burkina Faso, in view
of these research results, constitutes an important
center of production which the ethnographic data
also confirms.
Ivory Coast
In Ivory Coast, the results of excavations in the
Folon region of Kaniasso in the northwest of the
country have provided important scientific knowl-
edge on the production of ancient iron metallurgy.
Metallurgical technical traditions are identified,
and the first absolute chronology on this theme is
obtained for the first time in Côte d’Ivoire. Differ-
ent technical traditions are identified from the
earliest investigations in the village of Siola,
KAN 1 (eleventh to fifteenth centuries AD),
KAN 2 (fifteenth to twelfth centuries AD), and
KAN 3 (seventeenth to nineteenth centuries)
(Serneel vincent et al. 2013).
The first technical tradition KAN 1 (eleventh to
fifteenth centuries AD) located in area 2000 of
Siola and Doumbala-Kokoroni K-301 is the set
of furnaces constructed of sunken slag nozzles. It
is characterized by the presence of small elliptical
or subcircular mounds consisting of small frag-
ments of slag cast in cords. The nozzles associated
with the KAN 1 tradition are cylindrical and small
gauge. They are reused for the construction of the
furnaces (Photos 4and 5). The furnaces are built
on pillars formed by blocks of irregularly shaped
laterites above; a wall constructed using cylindri-
cal sections of used nozzles is mounted. Initially,
the furnaces are installed above a low elliptical
depression in the bedrock. The furnaces probably
work with a natural draft fed by nozzles, and the
flow of slag through the door during the operation
is the rule. In spite of everything, some internal
slag also forms (Serneels et al. 2013).
Iron Ironworks of West
Africa, Photo 2 Technical
tradition KRS1 (Photo
Serneels et al. 2011)
10 Iron Ironworks of West Africa

The second technical tradition KAN 2 (fifteenth
to seventeenth centuries AD), characterized by
trapped slag furnaces, is composed of broken
blocks of internal slag. This KAN 2 tradition has
been identified at Siola 1200–1300 and
Doumbala-Kokoroni K-201. The furnaces are
subcircular constructions of 1.3 m in diameter.
The material is a clay mixed with some gravel.
These structures are reinforced by sections of used
nozzles, arranged horizontally and which are then
encompassed in the Earth mass (Photos 6and 7).
These pillars are 30 cm wide and 50 cm high.
Then a clay wreath connects the pillars. The fur-
naces have been used repeatedly, and the air sup-
ply is probably based on a natural draft, with at
least six large nozzles. The slag accumulated at
the bottom of the furnace is evacuated after
cooling the furnace.
The third technical tradition KAN 3 (seven-
teenth to nineteenth centuries AD), consisting of
very large furnaces with trapped slag, is charac-
terized by large annular clusters consisting of
large blocks of internal slag surrounding a struc-
tured work area. At the center is a very large
furnace with an external diameter at the base of
more than 2 m. The furnaces are very powerful
constructions (Photo 8). They have a door and
four or five doorways. They are built to serve a
lot of times. The furnaces probably work with a
natural draft. The remains of the KAN 3 tradition
are impressive. In half of the cases, the accumu-
lation of slag is 2.5 m high or higher.
A fourth tradition is highlighted in Siola in area
4000 and dated from the eleventh to the thirteenth
century (Serneel Vincent et al. 2015: 93). In fact,
surveys have made it possible to update furnace
bases after a depth of 50–80 cm. The furnaces are
clearly distinguished from the structures belong-
ing to the other technical traditions of the
Kaniasso District. These are pits dug into the
lateritic bedrock. They have an elliptical shape
(Photo 9) and have a well-marked door, about
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Photo 3 Technical
tradition KRS4 (Serneels et al. 2013)
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Photo 4 Furnace tradi-
tion KAN1 in Siola (Serneels et al. 2013)
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Photo 5 Furnace tradi-
tion KAN 1 in Doumbala (Serneels et al. 2015)
Iron Ironworks of West Africa 11

60 cm wide, placed at one end of the large axis of
the ellipse. This area of Siola 4000 contains rem-
nants of nozzles specific to their shape. These are
large massive nozzles longer than 40 cm, weakly
tapered with a subcircular to elliptical section. The
peculiarity of these nozzles is the existence, in
addition to the normal nozzle, of three perpendic-
ular openings of rectangular or circular section
according to the models (Photo 10). The activity
was intense, with at least 200 furnaces in opera-
tion. However the complexity of the structures
does not allow at this stage the work to clearly
characterize this technical tradition.
Mali
In Mali, many vestiges testify to the production of
iron. The study of those established on the Dogon
plateau revealed the existence of different tech-
niques present in a relatively small territory and
operating at the same time. The work has resulted
in dates extending from the sixth to the twentieth
centuries AD (Robion-Brunner 2008: 237–347).
In total, six (6) technical steel traditions have been
clearly identified based on the spatial organization
of production sites, furnace types, and associated
waste assembly.
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Photo 6 Tradition
KAN 2 in Siola (Serneels et al. 2013)
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Photo 7 Furnace tradi-
tion KAN 2 in Doumbala (Serneels et al. 2015)
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Photo 8 Tradition
KAN 3, site of Siola (Serneels et al. 2013)
Iron Ironworks of West Africa, Photo 9 Furnace tradi-
tion KAN 4, site Siola 4000 (Serneels et al. 2016)
12 Iron Ironworks of West Africa

In the Fiko tradition, furnaces are often orga-
nized in drums of two, occupying a more or less
circular work area. The slag is rejected on the
periphery of the smelting area and forms a
frustoconical cluster whose center has a crater
with almost vertical walls and reinforced by slag
walls.
There are double clusters due to the junction of
two clusters. The furnaces are imposing structures
of elliptical plan (2.5 1.5 m) with a basin-
shaped lower part. At mid-height, the wall of the
furnaces is pierced by a series of embrasures
intended for the installation of massive nozzles.
The vaulted superstructure is 2.5 m above the
bottom. The majority of the slags are poured, but
slabs in the form of slabs are encountered. The
beginning of production on the site of Fiko
remains unknown, but it is clearly attested from
the year 1100 AD and continues until around 1900
(Robion-Brunner 2008).
In the Ouin tradition, a single furnace occupies
the center of a cluster of annular slags. The work-
shops consist of one or more rings. The furnaces
have a circular section of one (1) m in diameter.
They have a lower pit about 50 cm deep, a door,
and 5–8 embrasures with a chimney up to 1.5 m
above the trafficfloor. On the side, a sandstone
block staircase gives access to the upper opening.
The slag is poured and the tuyères massive. The
lower part of the chimney was built using lozenge-
shaped raw bricks. These furnaces share similari-
ties with furnaces from Yatenga (Burkina Faso)
and attributed to Kibsi metallurgists, who were
present before the conquest of the country by the
Nakombsé in the fifteenth century AD (Kiéthéga
2009).
In the Ama tradition, site organization and
furnaces have similarities to that of the Ouin tra-
dition. The furnaces excavated at Amabalaginna
are rather small (diameter 80 cm), of circular
section, with a pit dug in the substrate, a door,
and only five embrasures for the nozzles at the
ground level of circulation and a slightly
frustoconical chimney. The slag is shaped like a
thick, curved plate. The solidified slag therefore
has a central vacuum of the cooling mode. A large
majority of nozzles is clogged with slag.
In the Tinntam tradition, the furnace construc-
tion technique is the cladding on the outside by a
cladding of sandstone blocks surrounding a slag-
bound construction using clay mixed with straw.
On the inner walls a layer of nozzle fragments is
applied, which is then covered by a thin clay film.
The furnaces include a buried pit, a door, and nine
narrow embrasures at the ground level of external
circulation surmounted by a massive chimney
high of about 2 m. The nozzles are thin and
cylindrical and the slags are small cast fragments.
They are frequently contiguous two by two. The
spatial organization of the sites is not always the
same. The other sites of the tradition are much
more modest and are characterized by furnaces
arranged randomly and each surrounded by a
rejection of more or less annular slags.
The Aridinyi tradition is characterized by mas-
sive furnaces built of banco-bound slag. The
lower part is a shallow bowl. And the globally
frustoconical chimney rises about 2 m above
Iron Ironworks of West
Africa, Photo 10 Nozzle
with lateral opening,
Siola 4000 (Serneels et al.
2013)
Iron Ironworks of West Africa 13

it. The inner tank, wide at the base, closes in dome
and is extended by a much narrower duct. A door
and five embrasures are made at ground level of
circulation. An external staircase provides access
to the upper opening. These furnaces produce
mainly internal slags in the form of roughly hemi-
spherical large blocks up to 80 cm in diameter and
40 cm thick for a weight exceeding 100 kg. The
nozzles are massive. The furnaces are arranged
either randomly or in parallel rows. The spaces
between the furnaces serve to reject the slag
blocks. The accumulation of waste forms
retaining walls. This is the case where on the
large site of Aridinyi, the cluster of slag forms a
single massive thick more than 2 m by 100 m long
traveled by narrow streets lined with high slag
walls connecting places occupied by furnaces.
The sites of the Enndé tradition are most often
the juxtaposition of small, low mounds or even
simple debris spreading. The excavation carried
out by S. Perret uncovered a buried furnace base,
with an access pit and a door as well as five
embrasures for the nozzles at ground level of
circulation. The construction is made of banco
and slag. The diameter of the tank reaches about
1 m. The slag in these furnaces has irregular block
shapes with flow structures and many traces of
sediment adhering to the surfaces. These are
bottom slag.
This research helps to understand the develop-
ment of iron production in Dogon countries in the
Bandiagara region.
Togo
In Togo, several researches have identified sites of
ancient iron metallurgy in the regions of Bassar,
Dapaong, and Tado, allowing some to situate this
activity in a chronological context and to know
the operative chain of this industry.
In the Bassar region, iron production began as
early as the fifth century BC and ceased in the
middle of the twentieth century AD. After a chro-
nological hiatus, this activity took off at the end of
the first millennium AD (De Barros 1986). The
workshops are established along two discontinu-
ous mountain ranges rich in iron seams. The study
of the volume of iron production taking into
account the chronology makes it possible to
divide the history of the Bassar iron industry into
five periods (from Barros 1985, 1986, 2013):
1. Between the middle of the fifth century BC and
the first century AD, iron was produced and
transformed into an object around the
Dekpassanware site.
2. Between the end of the first millennium AD
and the middle of the fourteenth century, steel
sites multiplied in the region, and their produc-
tion was small and supplied local needs.
3. Between the middle of the fourteenth century
and the end of the sixteenth century, steel
activity increased and became important.
4. Between the seventeenth century and the
beginning of the nineteenth century, it reached
a surplus production turned toward extra-
regional exports.
5. During the nineteenth century, it continued to
expand, but some intersocietal relations
disrupted trade and production; the latter
ceased at the beginning of the twentieth cen-
tury in the eastern part (Kabu/Bassar), while
around the city of Bandjéli, it was not until the
1950s that local iron was permanently replaced
by European imports.
Thanks to topographical surveys and cubages,
production can be estimated at more than
200,000 tons of slag over the last six centuries
(Robion-Brunner et al. in preparation). This esti-
mate makes the Bassar district one of the most
important iron centers in West Africa.
As elsewhere on this continent, the direct
method of obtaining iron was used. Macroscopic
analysis of the slags shows that external slags are
in the majority in the Bassar region but that they
are accompanied by other types of internal slag. In
total, seven types of slags divided into five iron
assemblies are characterized on the Bassar sites.
This diversity of techniques corresponds to both
different time periods and different geographical
locations. Apart from an iron tradition present at
all times and throughout the region, it seems that
there was a technical change around the sixteenth
century and that the processes differ on either side
of the Katcha River. In the eastern sector, two
technical traditions appeared at the beginning of
14 Iron Ironworks of West Africa

the thirteenth century, and then a third one
appeared in the middle of the fifteenth century in
the northern part. In the western sector, the south-
ern and northern parts are not contemporary. In the
south, metallurgy seems to begin at the end of the
thirteenth century and end at the beginning of the
fifteenth century. Two techniques are used
together but not on the same sites. In the northern
part, the iron industry began in the sixteenth cen-
tury. On these sites, two technical traditions are
used in parallel, but not with the same intensity.
The surveys and excavations conducted at
Tado by the team of Dr. Aguigah Dola have iden-
tified many metallurgical sites (Aguigah 2015).
After analysis of the data, it has been established
that it is a natural-run, semiunderground, flared-
base furnace with a conical upper part.
This diversity of remnants and iron metallurgi-
cal sites is evidence of the importance of this
industry at the technical, economic, military, and
sociocultural level.
Ancient Metallurgy of Iron and Society
The History of techniques cannot, however, be
done outside of society, culture and thoughts that
constitute a whole with the technique strictly
speaking. Indeed, the technique which is the pecu-
liarity that man has to invent the tools and the
processes to act on his environment in a sustain-
able and reproducible way is most often the reflec-
tion of culture, society, and thought, in a word of
the Homo technicus in Its environment (Garçon
et al. 2010: 11).
The Ancient Metallurgy of Iron in Society
The introduction of ancient iron metallurgy has
profoundly affected African societies. Indeed, this
industry has been at the base of the formation of
strong, powerful, and structured states in Africa.
Its role in the structuring of societies has been
decisive in many socioeconomic and political
upheavals. Its military and political consequences
have been an important lever in the establishment
of many kingdoms and empires during the African
Middle Ages. Indeed, during the time of the Afri-
can Middle Ages, the control of the iron mines and
the control of iron gave a certain economic and
military power to the different kingdoms and
empires which succeeded one another: the empire
of Ghana (VIIe in XIe century), Mali (from the
thirteenth to the fourteenth century), and Songhai
(middle of the fifteenth to the sixteenth century).
Their political, military, economic, and social his-
tory illustrates the importance and role of iron in
the organization and structuring of these societies.
In addition, iron, tenacious, ductile, and mal-
leable, which has improved weapons, will also
play an important role in agricultural yields, as
the increase in iron production has fueled trade.
Indeed, iron has been the basis of an important
agricultural revolution and dynamic trade in West
Africa. Metalworking allowed blacksmiths to
make various tools used in agriculture. This
unavoidable material in agriculture has therefore
played an important role in agricultural produc-
tion. The consequence is the multiplication and
increase of agricultural resources. For the African
continent, trans-Saharan trade has been an
exchange network where iron played an important
role after that of gold. Other commercial networks
have existed and participated in this dynamic
trade.
During the production of iron in furnaces and
forging, man has developed over the years inno-
vations of several kinds. The techniques devel-
oped have evolved over time but also in space.
They improve, transform, and evolve to the
rhythm of human thought and adapt to the context
of the moment. What are the innovations in iron
metallurgy?
Technical Changes and Societies
At the level of the operating chain, the technical
changes are especially noticeable today at the
level of the work at the forge. Experiments have
also revealed the use of new equipment. In the
same way the raw materials and the products have
changed according to the context and the new
needs of the society. Blacksmiths continue to use
traditional technical gestures when necessary.
Their role in society has also changed over time.
At the level of the smelting of iron ore, for exper-
imental reasons, the resumption of this activity for
educational and research purposes allowed the use
Iron Ironworks of West Africa 15

of new materials to facilitate the work, most often
because of the absence of the iron ore old material
that is difficult to reproduce, inappropriate, or low
yielding. As an example, the 2005 experiments in
Park W, part of Burkina Faso, for the construction
of the bellows furnace, the nozzles connected to
the blower jars, usually made of earth, have been
replaced by modern iron pipes. However, of all
these changes, changes in the forge are related to
the current needs of companies in sub-Saharan
Africa. These mutations are visible in many Afri-
can societies. In this chapter, we discuss the case
of mutations in Burkina Faso where important
studies have been conducted.
Mutations Related to the Equipment or Operation
of the Forge
As the techniques are evolving, many blacksmiths
have released their creative genius to adapt tradi-
tional techniques to the reality of the moment,
modernity, and the environmental context.
The workshop itself has changed. Forging
workshops vary from one region to another but
also according to blacksmiths and production
techniques.
Zakaria Lingani writes that “the traditional
workshop is a set of places in the house. It is a
shed built outside the concession with a straw roof
placed on some posts”(Lingani 1988: 66).
But, nowadays, it is not uncommon to see iron
poles supporting the forge shop as found in
Gourcy in north and west central Burkina Faso.
In the same way the sheet is introduced in the
construction of the workshop like roof, which did
not exist formerly. Also, the use of a plastic tar-
paulin above the roof is an introduction to moder-
nity in the workshop. All these innovations in the
forging workshop are the fact of the populariza-
tion of iron material and the availability of these
different raw materials, more accessible
nowadays.
In terms of technical changes and innovations,
the equipment of the forge workshop has also
changed. In the device for manufacturing objects,
the use of an electric coil is used instead of tradi-
tional wind tunnels. This electric coil is a recovery
equipment of old cars originally used to cool the
engine of vehicles. It plays an important role in the
energy production system and in the operation of
production. This original duct system for the fire-
place blower is used by Adama Traoré, a smelter
in the village of Kolonkani-Ba (Burkina Faso).
Many blacksmiths use this system.
The innovation also lies in the use of a battery
in blacksmith shops for the operation of the forge
(in Kolonkani-Ba, Sabou, and Ouagadougou). It
is a battery, usually 12 volts, intended to supply
the electrical circuit of cars. Similarly, solar panels
are used to power the home. For example, the
modernization of Adama Kindo forging has two
wind tunnel systems, one manual and the other
solar. The manual system is used in case of solar
energy failure.
Also, the frames of mussels formerly made of
earth are also made of wood precisely boards used
in the process of production.
In Sabou, a town located 100 km west of Oua-
gadougou, many forges are semi-modern. The
forge shop is characterized by a shed under
which are found, as a working device, a fireplace
built of clay bricks, a ventilation system material-
ized by a bicycle or motorcycle man, and a darned
air brewer from a motorcycle chain cover.
The raw material is obtained from recovery
equipment such as rims of motorcycles and vehi-
cles, motorcycle coils, old cooking pots or old
aluminum dishes, old empty cans of drinks cans,
plates, and all other object containing aluminum.
Formerly intended to produce blades of hoes,
arrows, and objects of adornment, the productions
are today very varied. A diverse range of tools is
manufactured in its semi-modern workshops.
These include groundnut shellers, single plows,
multipurpose plows such as plowers, seeders,
plotters, weeders, and scrapers.
In order to participate in the Tougan agricul-
tural and craft fair in 1989, the Souabo and
Toungaré family produced iron from which they
pulled a plow. Iron and plow were presented at
the fair.
From the technical point of view, faced with
the invasion of the industrial metal and the profu-
sion of the artisan welders, the blacksmiths had to
learn to adapt. The smelting gradually
disappeared at the beginning of the twentieth cen-
tury, and production has also changed. Some
16 Iron Ironworks of West Africa

objects remain unavoidable and unequaled,
among which tools for working wood and earth
are still produced by craftsmen. Some blacksmiths
have made a radical change in their production
(Léonce 2009: 67).
Technical progress evolves in time and space,
and man uses his creativity to evolve his tech-
niques according to his environment. The mecha-
nism created by Adama Traoré in the village of
Kolonkani-Ba shows how modern elements can
be used to lighten work and obtain better returns.
It also denotes the inventive spirit and continual
changes in techniques.
The Metallurgists-Smiths from Yesterday to Today
In the majority of blacksmith companies, the
vision of iron in African societies has also marked
the various roles played by the blacksmith, an
important and unavoidable figure.
The place of the blacksmith in these societies is
closely linked to the image of iron, its conception in
these societies where the metallurgical industry is
related to ritual aspects. Indeed, techniques and rites
are complementary and inseparable. In Burkina
Faso, in some blacksmith societies, apart from its
technical contribution through the production of
iron, the blacksmith is the very one who is at the
center of cultural life. The blacksmith plays distinct
roles according to the societies to which he belongs.
Being a blacksmith is a vocation, one is often born
blacksmith, one works iron, and one carries out also
important missions in the company, like that to calm
the conflicts. The blacksmith, a central figure in
society, is at the beginning and end of life. He
heals the body and the spirit, protects, and advises.
The blacksmith is also asked for his mediating role
in conflicts. The blacksmith within these companies
becomes a key figure.
These roles have continued in the villages
because the blacksmith is still feared and
respected in the majority of societies.
In the past, the production of iron and the work
at the forge were an activity most often exclusive
according to the blacksmith companies. In fact,
iron metallurgy was the main activity, but not
permanent, because trade or barter was able to
cover the needs of the blacksmith. During the
drought period, he was looking for his ore,
reducing it to have a good reserve of magnifying
glass. In the rainy season, during which the
demand for finished products increases, he
devotes himself to forging, trade, and/or trade.
But with the gradual cessation of iron production
and the introduction of salvage iron, metallurgists
and blacksmiths intensified field work. Nowa-
days, blacksmiths are also farmers, and the work
at the forge has become a complementary activity.
Their ancestors were metallurgists. They
worked on natural draft or bellows furnaces. But
the present generation did not participate in the
different operations. They remain today black-
smiths, farmers, and healers.
Conclusion
The approach highlights the complexity and diver-
sity of the old iron metallurgy in West Africa. The
process of developing the metal from the search for
ore to the transformation of the magnifying glass
into finished products reveals a wealth and diversity
of operations. The variety of furnace shapes, ore
processing, smelting, and refining operations is a
fundamental feature of iron metallurgy in West
Africa. Thanks to the ethnographic approach, we
know how the metallurgists produced the iron mag-
nifier. The ethnographic aspects shed light on the
archaeological data and show indeed a certain tech-
nical richness which includes knowledge, botanical,
mineralogical, meteorological, and other related
fields. The protection of these technical knowledge
andarchaeologicalsitesrelatedtoironmetallurgyis
more than an emergency. Archaeological remains
that have been abandoned for some time may dis-
appear without proper study or development. The
protection of this technical heritage makes it possi-
ble to safeguard a wealth that contains technical,
educational, moral, and symbolic values for West
Africa. Research on the ancient metallurgy of iron
must emphasize the technical, sociocultural
approaches of each society and deepen local studies
because the data of current investigations have
shown technological and sociocultural wealth that
differ from a society to another at reduced scales.
Iron Ironworks of West Africa 17

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