ArticlePublisher preview available

Policy Design and Public Support for Carbon Tax: Evidence from a 2018 U.S. National Online Survey Experiment

Authors:
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the authors.

Abstract and Figures

Public support for policy instruments is influenced by perceptions of how benefits and costs are distributed across various groups. We examine different carbon tax designs outlining different ways to distribute tax revenues. Using a national online sample of 1,606 U.S. respondents, we examine support for a $20/ton carbon tax that is: (1) Revenue Neutral: revenue is returned to citizens via tax cuts; (2) Compensation‐focused: revenue is directed to helping actors disproportionately hurt by the tax; (3) Mitigation‐focused: revenue funds projects reducing carbon emissions; and (4) Adaptation‐focused: revenue is directed to enhancing community resilience to extreme weather events. We find devoting revenue to mitigation raises overall support for carbon tax by +6.3% versus the control (54.9%) where no information on spending is provided. Other frames raise support in specific subgroups only. Revenue neutrality raises support among lower‐income households (+6.6%) and political independents (+9.4%), while ompensation increases support among lower‐income repondents (+6.1%).
This content is subject to copyright. Terms and conditions apply.
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Policy design and public support for carbon
tax: Evidence from a 2018 US national online
survey experiment
Nives Dolšak
1
| Christopher Adolph
2
| Aseem Prakash
2
1
School of Marine and Environmental Affairs,
University of Washington, Seattle, USA
2
Department of Political Science, University
of Washington, Seattle, USA
Correspondence
Aseem Prakash, Department of Political
Science, University of Washington, 39 Gowen
Hall, Seattle, WA 98195, USA.
Email: aseem@uw.edu
Abstract
Public support for policy instruments is influenced by
perceptions of how benefits and costs are distributed
across various groups. We examine different carbon tax
designs outlining different ways to distribute tax revenues.
Using a national online sample of 1,606 US respondents, we
examine support for a $20/ton carbon tax that is: (1) revenue
neutral: revenue is returned to citizens via tax cuts; (2) compen-
sation-focused: revenue is directed to helping actors dispro-
portionately hurt by the tax; (3) mitigation-focused: revenue
funds projects reducing carbon emissions; and (4) adaptation-
focused: revenue is directed to enhancing community resil-
ience to extreme weather events. We find devoting revenue to
mitigation raises overall support for carbon tax by 6.3 per cent
versus the control (54.9 per cent) where no information on
spending is provided. Other frames raise support in specific
subgroups only. Revenue neutrality raises support among
lower-income households (+6.6 per cent) and political indepen-
dents (+9.4 per cent), while compensation increases support
among lower-income repondents (+6.1 per cent).
1|INTRODUCTION
Public support is critical for policy success. Public administrators therefore seek public input to design policies that
citizens view as fair and effective (Page and Shapiro 1983; Lodge 1994; Majone 1999; Lodge and Stirton 2001;
Howlett 2009). Designing such policies becomes challenging when policies are perceived as imposing differential
costs and benefits across sectors (Soss and Schram 2007). And if these costs or benefits are perceived as concen-
trated on specific sectors (Lowi 1964; Wilson 1980), interest groups mobilize to support or oppose the policy. The
Received: 23 April 2019 Revised: 25 November 2019 Accepted: 21 January 2020
DOI: 10.1111/padm.12657
Public Admin. 2020;98:905921. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/padm © 2020 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 905
... Ultimately, only 58 articles were selected. In addition to the database search, the authors manually picked two additional papers through reference searching from the most recent published papers (i.e., [16][17][18][19][20][21][22][23]) Thomas et al. [24] suggest that a combination of manual and database searching can present extensive improvement of systematic reviews. The search ultimately resulted in 60 articles for the quality appraisal process. ...
... From the 29 quantitative studies, 25 found that the use of revenue has a positive and significant relationship with public support. People give support if the income is recycled back to society [18,20,52] mainly through free health insurance and college tuition [16], measures that facilitate change [17,50,[53][54][55] and reduction in goods and services tax [56]. Earmarking also increased public support [57], primarily when it is used for environmental purposes (e.g., [10,22,58,59]), for example, investing in the development of renewable energy [20,60]. ...
... Specifically, Democrats were found to have more support on carbon tax than the Republicans and Independents [36,53,67,69]. The support for Democrats increases when carbon tax revenue is recycled to the public [17] by providing health insurance and free college tuition. Their support also increased when the policy includes job guarantee, retraining fossil fuel workers, or offering unionized clean energy jobs [16]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Several international organizations such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), United Nations (UN), and World Bank recommend that policymakers implement an environmental tax to reduce climate change, protect the environment and gain more income for governments. Effectiveness of the policy depends on a carefully designed framework, which essentially adopts the social and economic contextual of a country and public support. Researchers have been focusing on examining the factors that influence public acceptance of an environmental tax. This paper aims to systematically review the empirical studies using the RepOrting Standards for Systematic Evidence Syntheses (ROSES) protocol. The information is relevant for policy makers in designing a feasible and acceptable carbon tax policy. Furthermore, the paper provides suggestions for future research. Related articles were selected using two leading databases, namely Scopus and Science Direct, and one supporting database, namely Google Scholar. Thematic analysis was conducted on 60 articles and four main themes were derived with 32 subthemes. The analysis indicates that people are more supportive when they (i) are well informed about a policy's effectiveness and the policy content, particularly the use of revenue, (ii) have high trust in the government , (iii) have a positive attitude toward protecting the environment, (iv) perceive the policy is fair in terms of costs distribution and social sharing, and (v) are concerned about the climate change issue.
... In response to this opposition, interest has grown in deploying carbon tax revenues to boost public support. Carbon tax revenues can be directed towards environmental spending 4,6,7,17,[21][22][23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30] or can be paired with tax cuts, although this latter approach may be less effective than green spending at reducing public opposition 23,24,28,30,31 or only effective for some voters 22,32,33 . However, earmarking through either spending or tax cuts may lack high visibility 6,34 , and voters may distrust that governments will deliver or maintain these benefits 23,33,35,36 . ...
... In response to this opposition, interest has grown in deploying carbon tax revenues to boost public support. Carbon tax revenues can be directed towards environmental spending 4,6,7,17,[21][22][23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30] or can be paired with tax cuts, although this latter approach may be less effective than green spending at reducing public opposition 23,24,28,30,31 or only effective for some voters 22,32,33 . However, earmarking through either spending or tax cuts may lack high visibility 6,34 , and voters may distrust that governments will deliver or maintain these benefits 23,33,35,36 . ...
Article
We find limited evidence that individual or household rebates (also called dividends) have increased public support for carbon taxes in Canada and Switzerland. In the presence of partisan and interest group conflict over climate policy, policymakers should not assume that voter support for carbon pricing will automatically increase with the inclusion of rebates. Rebates do not offer a panacea to public opposition to carbon taxation. Taxpayers often remain unaware of the rebate’s existence or underestimate the rebate’s value.Public support for carbon pricing remains structured by partisanship and ideology, even when individuals or households receive material benefits.In the presence of partisan and interest group conflict over carbon taxes, when the costs of carbon taxation are salient, policymakers should not assume that voters’ support for carbon pricing will automatically increase with rebate inclusion.Efforts to increase the political efficacy of dividends must focus on ensuring that citizens understand this policy instrument and must test whether increasing dividend visibility can increase support. Rebates do not offer a panacea to public opposition to carbon taxation. Taxpayers often remain unaware of the rebate’s existence or underestimate the rebate’s value. Public support for carbon pricing remains structured by partisanship and ideology, even when individuals or households receive material benefits. In the presence of partisan and interest group conflict over carbon taxes, when the costs of carbon taxation are salient, policymakers should not assume that voters’ support for carbon pricing will automatically increase with rebate inclusion. Efforts to increase the political efficacy of dividends must focus on ensuring that citizens understand this policy instrument and must test whether increasing dividend visibility can increase support.
... In response to this opposition, interest has grown in deploying carbon tax revenues to boost public support. Carbon tax revenues can be directed towards environmental spending 4,6,7,17,[21][22][23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30] or can be paired with tax cuts, although this latter approach may be less effective than green spending at reducing public opposition 23,24,28,30,31 or only effective for some voters 22,32,33 . However, earmarking through either spending or tax cuts may lack high visibility 6,34 , and voters may distrust that governments will deliver or maintain these benefits 23,33,35,36 . ...
... In response to this opposition, interest has grown in deploying carbon tax revenues to boost public support. Carbon tax revenues can be directed towards environmental spending 4,6,7,17,[21][22][23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30] or can be paired with tax cuts, although this latter approach may be less effective than green spending at reducing public opposition 23,24,28,30,31 or only effective for some voters 22,32,33 . However, earmarking through either spending or tax cuts may lack high visibility 6,34 , and voters may distrust that governments will deliver or maintain these benefits 23,33,35,36 . ...
Article
Full-text available
Revenue recycling through lump-sum dividends may help mitigate public opposition to carbon taxes, yet evidence from real-world policies is lacking. Here we use survey data from Canada and Switzerland, the only countries with climate rebate programmes, to show low public awareness and substantial underestimation of climate rebate amounts in both countries. Information was obtained using a five-wave panel survey that tracked public attitudes before, during and after implementation of Canada’s 2019 carbon tax and dividend policy and a large-scale survey of Swiss residents. Experimental provision of individualized information about true rebate amounts had modest impacts on public support in Switzerland but potentially deleterious effects on support in Canada, especially among Conservative voters. In both countries, we find that perceptions of climate rebates are structured less by informed assessments of economic interest than by partisan identities. These results suggest limited effects of existing rebate programmes, to date, in reshaping the politics of carbon taxation.
... We combine the predicted probabilities of donating (combining "probably yes" and "yes", as well as "probably no" and "no") in post-estimation simulations [60,61]. Following Dolšak et al., [62], we only combine the predicted probabilities of donating in post-estimation simulations in order to avoid losing precision in our results (as would occur if we collapsed the scale prior to estimation). Our ordered probit results are sample average treatment effects (SATEs), which average the expected percentage change of respondents offering support [62]. ...
... Following Dolšak et al., [62], we only combine the predicted probabilities of donating in post-estimation simulations in order to avoid losing precision in our results (as would occur if we collapsed the scale prior to estimation). Our ordered probit results are sample average treatment effects (SATEs), which average the expected percentage change of respondents offering support [62]. Because ordered probit coefficients are on a log-odds scale, they are more difficult to interpret then coefficients in a linear regression. ...
Article
Bangladesh faces a severe rural to urban migration challenge, which is accentuated by climate change and the Rohingya crisis. These migrants often reside in urban slums and struggle to access public services, which are already short in supply for existing slum dwellers. Given the inadequacy of governmental efforts, nonprofits have assumed responsibility for providing essential services such as housing, healthcare, and education. Would local slum-dwellers in Dhaka be willing to support such nonprofits financially? We deploy an in-person survey experiment with three frames (generic migrants, climate migrants, and religiously persecuted Rohingya migrants) to assess Dhaka slum-dwellers' willingness to support a humanitarian charity that provides healthcare services to migrants. Bangladesh is noted as a climate change hotspot and its government is vocal about the climate issue in international forums. While we expected this to translate into public support for climate migrants, we find respondents are 16% less likely to support climate migrants in relation to the generic migrants. However, consistent with the government's hostility towards Rohin-gya, we find that respondents are 9% less likely to support a charity focused on helping Rohingya migrants. Our results are robust even when we examine subpopulations such as recent arrivals in Dhaka and those who have experienced floods (both of which could be expected to be more sympathetic to climate migrants), as well as those who regularly follow the news (and hence are well informed about the climate and the Rohingya crisis).
... For instance, future research might test the public's reaction to alternative compensation schemes, including targeted benefits for the least well off to see what might be more attractive to those on the left in a cross-national context (cf. Dolšak et al., 2020). ...
Article
Full-text available
en Carbon taxes are frequently advocated as a means of reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, yet their political feasibility remains a challenge. To enhance their political appeal, carbon tax proponents have proposed revenue recycling as a means of alleviating public concern with this instrument's visible costs. Analyzing data from identical survey-experiments administered in the United States, Canada, and Germany, we examine the extent to which returning revenues to the public has the potential to broaden the political acceptability of carbon taxes across ideological and national contexts. While public opinion is sensitive to the cost attributes of carbon taxes, we find that in some cases, opposition to carbon taxes can be offset by a reduction in income taxes. However, these effects tend to be modest in size, limited to some ideological groups, and varied across countries. Moreover, we demonstrate that fairness perceptions are a crucial mechanism linking revenue recycling to carbon tax support in all countries examined. 摘要 zh 碳税作为减少温室气体(GHG)排放的一种手段经常被提倡,但其政治可行性仍然是一个挑战。为了增强其政治吸引力,碳税的支持者提出了收入回收的建议,以减轻公众对这一工具的可见成本的担忧。通过分析在美国、加拿大和德国进行的相同调查实验的数据,我们研究了将收入返还给公众在多大程度上有可能扩大碳税在不同意识形态和国家背景下的政治接受度。虽然公众舆论对碳税的成本属性很敏感,但我们发现,在某些情况下,对碳税的反对可以通过减少所得税来抵消。然而,这些影响往往规模不大,仅限于某些意识形态群体,并且在不同国家之间存在差异。此外,我们证明,在所有被调查的国家中,公平观念是将收入回收与碳税支持联系起来的关键机制。 Resumen es Los impuestos sobre el carbono se defienden con frecuencia como medio para reducir las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero (GEI), pero su viabilidad política sigue siendo un reto. Para aumentar su atractivo político, los defensores del impuesto sobre el carbono han propuesto el reciclaje de los ingresos como medio para aliviar la preocupación pública por los costes visibles de este instrumento. Analizando los datos de encuestas-experimentos idénticos realizados en Estados Unidos, Canadá y Alemania, examinamos hasta qué punto la devolución de los ingresos al público tiene el potencial de ampliar la aceptabilidad política de los impuestos sobre el carbono en distintos contextos ideológicos y nacionales. Aunque la opinión pública es sensible a los atributos de coste de los impuestos sobre el carbono, encontramos que en algunos casos, la oposición a los impuestos sobre el carbono puede ser compensada por una reducción de los impuestos sobre la renta. Sin embargo, estos efectos tienden a ser modestos en tamaño, limitados a algunos grupos ideológicos y variados entre países. Además, demostramos que la percepción de equidad es un mecanismo crucial que vincula el reciclaje de los ingresos con el apoyo a los impuestos sobre el carbono en todos los países examinados.
... Regressive effects of carbon pricing can be addressed through revenue recycling, that is, returning tax revenues to citizens via tax breaks or using them for a designated purpose such as green infrastructure (Farrell & Lyons 2016), thereby increasing public support for climate mitigation (Dolšak et al. 2020). Take the case of British Columbia, which introduced a carbon tax in 2008. ...
Article
There is overwhelming consensus about the science of climate change. Climate politics, however, remains volatile, driven by perceptions of injustice, which motivate policy resistance and undermine policy legitimacy. We identify three types of injustice. The first pertains to the uneven exposure to climate change impacts across countries and communities within a country. Socially, politically, and economically disadvantaged communities that have contributed the least to the climate crisis tend to be affected the most. To address climate change and its impacts, countries and subnational units have enacted a range of policies. But even carefully designed mitigation and adaptation policies distribute costs (the second justice dimension) and benefits (the third justice dimension) unevenly across sectors and communities, often reproducing existing inequalities. Climate justice requires paying careful attention to who bears the costs and who gets the benefits of both climate inaction and action. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 25 is May 2022. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
... For example, in addition to a revenue use option which is mitigation-focused (viz. directed towards projects which reduce carbon emissions), Dolšak et al. (2020) also included an adaptation-focused alternative for increasing community resilience to extreme weather events. *Debt reduction was also included in this subcategory. ...
Article
Full-text available
Carbon pricing could assist in the dual pursuit of mitigating global climate change and contributing to government coffers. The way in which a government allocates carbon tax revenues is a key factor in the public’s acceptance of carbon pricing policy and ultimately in its enduring success. To that end, this article presents an innovative, simple classification framework of carbon tax revenue usage which has four modalities to cater for various policy design features. These are: a constrained approach as opposed to an unconstrained one; a revenue-neutral recycling approach as opposed to a revenue-raising one; an approach according to public preference; and a thematic approach. Thereafter, various attributes are examined to assist policymakers in selecting an appropriate modality. The classification framework will be useful for policymakers as a quick point of reference before embarking on more complex and in-depth policy deliberations. Key policy insights • Carbon pricing is the most cost-effective regulatory approach for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and is recognized as a significant contributor to government revenue. • Carbon tax revenue use can be classified into four overarching modalities to cater for various policy design attributes. • There is no dominating revenue use option from an economic or political viewpoint, owing to trade-offs across various fiscal policy objectives. • Carbon taxes are elements of broader tax reform and therefore revenue use options should be aligned with a jurisdiction’s broader fiscal policy charter.
Article
In this paper, we propose three novel emissions tax mechanisms aimed at minimizing economic losses, incentivizing green R&D investments and reducing environmental emissions in a sustainable manner. We merge industrial organization theory and contests theory into a new model to explore the implication of three contest mechanisms of endogenous emissions taxation (i.e., the output contest mechanism, the green R&D investment contest mechanism, and the net emission contest mechanism), in which firms compete in terms of production and green R&D investments in order to pay less taxes. In this context, in order to identify the optimal mechanism, we compare several economic performance indicators like carbon neutrality, total production, emission level, green R&D investment, consumer and producer surplus, welfare, and value added to society. We find that the net emission contest mechanism is the best to achieve carbon neutrality, maximize green R&D investments and minimize emissions in situations or industries in which the environmental damages are moderate to relatively large. However, in situations or industries in which the environmental damages are relatively small, the green R&D investment contest mechanism could be the best.
Article
Opportunity for direct experience with a range of climate change-related extremes is growing worldwide – from wildfires to transmissible disease. This experience may be associated with attributions to climate change, as well as with pro-environmental attitudes and behavioral intentions. Given the United States' (US) recent devastating wildfires and widespread coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), we conducted two national surveys (study 1: n = 502, study 2: n = 1,493) of US adults examining how subjective attribution is associated with personal experience with extremes, as well as with concern and subjective knowledge about climate change. We also examine the extent to which these factors are associated with pro-environmental attitudes and behavioral intentions, and whether these relationships are amplified or attenuated by subjective attribution. We find that personal experience, concern, and subjective knowledge are associated with the belief that wildfires and COVID-19 are attributable to climate change. These in turn are all associated with pro-environmental attitudes (carbon tax policy support) and behavioral intentions (electric vehicle purchase). Subjective attribution of COVID-19 amplifies the positive relationship between personal experience with COVID-19 and electric vehicle purchase intentions (study 1 and 2), and subjective attribution of wildfire or COVID-19 amplifies the positive relationship between subjective knowledge and carbon tax policy support (study 2). These findings highlight the importance of personal experience and subjective attributions as they relate to individuals’ intentions to perform pro-environmental actions and support policy.
Article
Environmental policy advocates are increasingly proposing ‘bundled’ clean energy policies to combat climate change while also creating jobs and transforming the economy. While such strategies may broaden the appeal of climate policies, these broad constituencies create challenges for policy communicators – how do messages about different aspects of the policy, coming from different messenger groups, influence public support for clean energy policies? This study uses a modified conjoint survey experiment (n = 2145) to test how the interaction between message frames (addressing climate change vs. creating jobs) and sources (business, environmental, or labor groups) influenced policy support for clean energy policies. Results show that job creation frames from business or environmental groups were most effective. We find evidence that certain message/source combinations work across partisanship divides: messages that were effective for one partisan group did not backfire – and often also increased policy support – when presented to the other group.
Article
Full-text available
This study aims at better understanding how, and to what extent, perceptions of a policy instrument’s distributional effects impact on policy support, focusing on the case of CO2 taxes on petrol in Sweden. Through a large-scale (N = 5000) randomized survey experiment with a 2 × 3 factorial design, the extent to which perceptions of fairness determine attitudes to a suggested increase of the Swedish CO2 tax is explored. Furthermore, the study considers whether these effects change with the level of the suggested tax increase, as well as whether negative sentiments can be alleviated by combining it with a compensatory measure in the shape of a simultaneous income tax cut financed by the revenues from the tax increase. The results show that a higher tax increase is both viewed as more unfair and enjoys weaker support. Furthermore, compensatory measures can be a powerful policy design tool to increase perceptions of the policy as fair, but the effect of compensation on policy support is conditioned by the individual’s left–right ideological position. Whereas people self-identifying to the right react favourably to compensatory measures, people self-identifying to the left become less supportive of a tax increase when combined with a simultaneous cut in income taxes. Key policy insights • Perceptions of fairness are highly important for explaining public support for climate policy tools, specifically CO2 taxes. • Compensatory measures can be a powerful policy design tool to increase perceptions of the policy as less unfair. • However, the effect of compensatory measures on policy support is conditioned by ideological position, and only successful among people to the ideological right. • In contexts dominated by right-wing ideals, a combination of a tax and a compensatory scheme may be a successful route forward towards increased climate policy support. • In left-oriented contexts the results imply that a CO2 tax without compensation seems more likely to increase support.
Article
Full-text available
Previous literature demonstrates that when street-level bureaucrats believe that the policy as designed is not desirable, they utilize various strategies to change the situation. This study suggests that when street-level bureaucrats believe that fixing a policy through the manner in which it is implemented is not enough, they will try to influence the design of the policy directly. Three factors promote this decision: public perceptions revealed in their interactions with clients, professional ethical values and a supportive organizational environment. We test this argument using Israeli public social workers in the context of urban renewal. We discuss the problems and benefits of involving street-level bureaucrats in policy design and view such actions as related to welfare reform and changes in the state's responsibility for its citizens. We maintain that in this changing environment, street-level bureaucrats’ involvement in policy design should be formally institutionalized.
Article
Full-text available
We provide evidence from a nationally representative survey on Americans' willingness to pay (WTP) for a carbon tax, and public preferences for how potential carbon-tax revenue should be spent. The average WTP for a tax on fossil fuels that increases household energy bills is US$177 per year. This translates into an average WTP of 14% more on average for households across the United States, where energy costs differ significantly across states. Regarding the tax revenues, Americans are most in support of using the money to invest in clean energy and infrastructure. There is relatively less support for reducing income or payroll taxes, returning dividends to households, and other expenditure categories. Finally, Americans support using the tax revenues to assist displaced workers in the coal industry enough to compensate each miner nearly US$146 000 upon passage of a carbon tax.
Chapter
Welche Funktion erfüllt Kulturpolitik in historischer sowie in gegenwärtiger, internationaler Perspektive? Der Band spannt einen Bogen über 220 Jahre Ideengeschichte von Kulturpolitik(en) in nationaler und internationaler Perspektive. Rund fünfzig Beiträge zu Kulturpolitik und Kulturpolitikforschung aus und zu verschiedenen Nationen, aber auch zu supranationalen Einrichtungen wie der EU und der UNESCO geben Wissenschaftlern, Studierenden und Praktikern erstmalig einen umfassenden Überblick über Diskurse und Methoden der Kulturpolitik(-forschung). Mit Texten von Friedrich Schiller, Wilhelm von Humboldt, Matthew Arnold, John Dewey, Hermann Glaser und Karl Heinz Stahl, Paul DiMaggio und Michael Useem, Alfred K. Treml, Dirk Baecker, Edward C. Banfield, Norbert Lammert, John Maynard Keynes, Xi Jinping, Theodor Heuss, Constance DeVereaux und Martin Griffin, Dan Eugen Ratiu, Yudhishthir Raj Isar, Kiran Klaus Patel, Margaret J. Wyszomirski, Jörg Rössel und Sebastian Weingartner, Bruno S. Frey, Michael Hutter, Walter Benjamin, Joseph Beuys, Jacques Rancière, Boris Groys sowie Kazimir Malevich u.v.a.
Article
en The social construction of target populations has emerged as an influential framework for understanding the public policy process. In particular, target populations have been shown to shape the allocation of benefits and burdens by political elites. However, existing studies focus on the elite level, which overlooks whether public preferences are aligned with the allocation of policy benefits and burdens by political elites. Moreover, many studies treat social constructions as homogenous, which this paper calls into question. Using a nation‐wide survey experiment, I investigate variation in public support for affirmative action policies with randomly assigned target populations. The findings indicate that the public formulates policy preferences on the basis of perceived deservingness of target groups similar to political elites. In addition, the findings uncover heterogeneity in the effect of targeting on public opinion based on ideology and racial/ethnic group identity. Abstract zh 对目标人群的社会建构已成为理解公共政策过程的重要框架。具体来说,现有研究已证明目标人群可以影响政治精英对利益和负担的分配。然而,现有研究将重点放在了精英层面,而忽视了公众偏好是否与政治精英对政策利益和负担的分配相一致。此外,许多研究认为社会建构是同质的,本文对此提出了质疑。本研究进行了一项全国范围的调查实验,根据随机分配的目标人群,我们对平权法案政策的公众支持差异进行了研究。研究结果表明,与政治精英类似,公众会依据他们对目标群体的感知价值来形成他们的政策偏好。此外,我们的研究结果发现,这种作用于公众意见的影响会因意识形态和种族或族群身份而产生差异。
Article
Climate action has two pillars: mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation faces collective action issues because its costs are focused on specific locations/actors but benefits are global and nonexcludable. Adaptation, in contrast, creates local benefits, and therefore should face fewer collective action issues. However, governance units vary in the types of adaptation policies they adopt. To explain this variation, we suggest conceptualizing adaptation-aspolitics because adaptation speaks to the issues of power, conflicting policy preferences, resource allocation, and administrative tensions. In examining who develops and implements adaptation, we explore whether adaptation is the old wine of disaster management in the new bottle of climate policy, and the tensions between national and local policy making. In exploring what adaptation policies are adopted, we discuss maladaptation and the distinction between hard and soft infrastructure. Finally, we examine why politicians favor visible, hard adaptation over soft adaptation, and how international influences shape local policy. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Environment and Resources Volume 43 is October 17, 2018. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
Article
Climate action has two pillars: mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation faces collective action issues because its costs are focused on specific locations/ actors but benefits are global and nonexcludable. Adaptation, in contrast, creates local benefits, and therefore should face fewer collective action issues. However, governance units vary in the types of adaptation policies they adopt. To explain this variation, we suggest conceptualizing adaptation-as-politics because adaptation speaks to the issues of power, conflicting policy preferences, resource allocation, and administrative tensions. In examining who develops and implements adaptation, we explore whether adaptation is the old wine of disaster management in the new bottle of climate policy, and the tensions between national and local policy making. In exploring what adaptation policies are adopted, we discuss maladaptation and the distinction between hard and soft infrastructure. Finally, we examine why politicians favor visible, hard adaptation over soft adaptation, and how international influences shape local policy. 2.1
Article
To what extent do survey experimental treatment effect estimates generalize to other populations and contexts? Survey experiments conducted on convenience samples have often been criticized on the grounds that subjects are sufficiently different from the public at large to render the results of such experiments uninformative more broadly. In the presence of moderate treatment effect heterogeneity, however, such concerns may be allayed. I provide evidence from a series of 15 replication experiments that results derived from convenience samples like Amazon’s Mechanical Turk are similar to those obtained from national samples. Either the treatments deployed in these experiments cause similar responses for many subject types or convenience and national samples do not differ much with respect to treatment effect moderators. Using evidence of limited within-experiment heterogeneity, I show that the former is likely to be the case. Despite a wide diversity of background characteristics across samples, the effects uncovered in these experiments appear to be relatively homogeneous.
Article
While transparency is viewed as a means of improving citizen understanding of public policies and eliciting policy support, there are few empirical assessments of these relationships. We address this gap in the literature using an experimental design. We predict that exposure to less detailed policy information improves policy understanding, and that this effect varies according to presentation format. Further, we predict that policy understanding will correspond to greater policy support. Using a nationally representative panel of US citizens we find that exposure to detailed policy information decreases policy understanding and that the effect varies by presentation format. In addition, policy understanding is negatively associated with policy support. These findings culminate in a positive indirect effect—increasing detail reduces understanding, which in turn is negatively associated with policy support. However, interestingly, policy support was highest among those who felt they understood the policy best, yet possessed the lowest levels of actual understanding.