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(Google-)Knowing Economics

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Abstract

How is economics made public? Specifically, how is economics made public on Google? Here we explore a methodological problem – studying google-knowing – and simultaneously explore the more pragmatic problem of the public-making of economics. We argue there has been very little attempt either to make economics public or to understand what is currently in the public sphere about economics. This is especially stark when compared to other knowledge contributors to society, like science. We start to remedy this gap by using a methodological figure: the google-knower. Google-knowing is central to how knowledge is created and circulated in society in the digital age and raises a range of questions at the heart of how we understand and make sense of our (economic) world. In this paper, we make common cause with google-knowers by searching on Google for economics. We find a picture of a discipline marked on the one hand by secrecy and gatekeeping and on the other by an insistence that it is not boring. We also argue that using the figure of the google-knower as a methodological tool offers insights into classic questions in epistemology, such as objectivity, knowledge as a commodity, a knowers' identity and expertise.

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Analytical table of contents Preface Introduction: rationality Part I. Representing: 1. What is scientific realism? 2. Building and causing 3. Positivism 4. Pragmatism 5. Incommensurability 6. Reference 7. Internal realism 8. A surrogate for truth Part II. Intervening: 9. Experiment 10. Observation 11. Microscopes 12. Speculation, calculation, models, approximations 13. The creation of phenomena 14. Measurement 15. Baconian topics 16. Experimentation and scientific realism Further reading Index.
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This study examines the affordances that journalistic science blogging offers at the boundaries between science communicators, researchers, non-scientists, and other readers. Taking a framework of boundary phenomena, it examines, as a case study, the blog Not Exactly Rocket Science and in particular two posts that spawned a collaboration between a scientist and a farmer. Two existing boundary phenomena, boundary objects and boundary organizations, are examined as possible models for understanding the interactions facilitated by this science blog. These existing phenomena are argued to not adequately account for and describe the interactions between people and information facilitated by the case study posts. To better understand science blogging boundaries, a new category of boundary phenomenon – the boundary layer – is proposed.
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Research has already highlighted the strained relationships between scientists and journalists. Scientists generally criticize journalists for being over-simplistic, while journalists criticize researchers for being non-communicative. However, with the advent of Web 2.0, some researchers became more communicative by creating their own blogs. This article explores the various channels used for the dissemination of science news and how journalists and scientists who blog see each other. First, the study interviews science journalists in Belgium and France, to examine the criteria that they use to evaluate the credibility of science blogs. Second, interviews conducted with science bloggers reveal the reasons that prompted them to create a blog, and, if applicable, why they have become disillusioned with science journalism. This article discusses the online relationships between science journalists and science bloggers. The findings of this study show that science journalists do not generally see science blogs as valuable sources of information. At the same time, it confirms that some scientists use their blogs to circumvent traditional media.
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A better understanding is needed about how the online environment affects the communication of science information to the public.
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Abstract This paper presents the results of a recently conducted survey of 1500 professional economists living in the United States and Canada. The study was undertaken in an attempt to ascertain professional economists’views of the worth and usefulness of their own scientific research. The response rate of the survey was 49 percent (734 respondents) yielding statistical results which suggest that economists do believe their research has some social value. Economists in this survey believe, however, that the spillover benefits from that research are not substantial and are probably limited to certain groups.