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Digital dating abuse is a term used to describe physical, sexual, or psychological/emotional violence that occurs between romantic partners through the use of texting, social media, and related online mediums. Survey data were obtained from a nationally representative sample of 2,218 American middle and high school students (12–17 years old) who have been in a romantic relationship. About 28% of students in a relationship in the previous year had been the victim of digital dating abuse. Males were more likely to report having experienced it (32% compared to 24%), though no other demographic differences emerged. Several covariates did emerge as significantly related to experience with digital dating abuse, including depressive symptoms, sexual intercourse, sexting, and being the victim of cyberbullying. Experiencing offline dating abuse was by far the strongest correlate. Implications for prevention and policy within schools and the community are discussed, along with considerations for future research in this important area.
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Journal of Interpersonal Violence
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© The Author(s) 2020
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DOI: 10.1177/0886260519897344
Original Research
Digital Dating Abuse
Among a National
Sample of U.S. Youth
Sameer Hinduja, PhD1
and Justin W. Patchin, PhD2
Digital dating abuse is a term used to describe physical, sexual, or
psychological/emotional violence that occurs between romantic partners
through the use of texting, social media, and related online mediums.
Survey data were obtained from a nationally representative sample of 2,218
American middle and high school students (12–17 years old) who have
been in a romantic relationship. About 28% of students in a relationship
in the previous year had been the victim of digital dating abuse. Males
were more likely to report having experienced it (32% compared to 24%),
though no other demographic differences emerged. Several covariates
did emerge as significantly related to experience with digital dating abuse,
including depressive symptoms, sexual intercourse, sexting, and being the
victim of cyberbullying. Experiencing offline dating abuse was by far the
strongest correlate. Implications for prevention and policy within schools
and the community are discussed, along with considerations for future
research in this important area.
digital dating abuse, teen dating violence, adolescent development, online
harassment, cyberbullying
1Florida Atlantic University, Jupiter, FL, USA
2University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire, Eau Claire, WI, USA
Corresponding Author:
Sameer Hinduja, Florida Atlantic University, Parkside Drive, Jupiter, FL 5353, USA.
897344JIVXXX10.1177/0886260519897344Journal of Interpersonal ViolenceHinduja and Patchin
2 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)
Much of adolescent development now takes place online, allowing youth to
create, explore, produce, and define their identities and relationships through
texting, social media interaction, multiplayer gaming, and related forms of
connectivity. Most youth seem to use online technology in positive ways
(Ahola Kohut et al., 2018; Bers, 2010; Blank & Lutz, 2018; Lytle et al., 2018;
Metzger et al., 2018), but numerous recent studies have empirically identified
problem behaviors that have arisen (Werner et al., 2010), including cyberbul-
lying (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015; Kowalski et al., 2014), sexting (Hinduja &
Patchin, 2012; Rice et al., 2012; Temple et al., 2012), catfishing (D’Costa,
2014), revenge porn (Citron & Franks, 2014; Englander & McCoy, 2017),
and sextortion (Patchin & Hinduja, 2020; Wolak et al., 2018).
Another novel behavioral problem at the intersection of adolescence and
technology which manifests itself within the context of a romantic relation-
ship has been termed “digital dating abuse” (also referred to as “electronic
dating violence”). Defined as “a pattern of behaviors that control, pressure, or
threaten a dating partner using a cell phone or the Internet” (Reed et al., 2016,
p. 1), digital dating abuse is the 21st century evolution of teen dating violence,
which has been an issue of concern for decades (Lavoie et al., 2000; Levy,
1991; O’Keeffe et al., 1986; Spencer & Bryant, 2000). The Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention (CDC, 2017) succinctly conceptualize teen dating vio-
lence as physical, sexual, or psychological/emotional violence that occurs
within a dating relationship. Digital dating abuse can be considered a type of
cyberbullying, defined as “willful and repeated harm inflicted through com-
puters, cell phones, and other electronic devices” (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015,
p. 11) and potentially can involve behaviors classified as cyberstalking, which
uses technology to repetitively harass another person with the intent to con-
trol, coerce, intimidate, annoy, or threaten them (Spitzberg & Hoobler, 2002).
With regard to its frequency among youth, findings from the CDC’s national
Youth Risk Behavior Survey in 2017 (the latest year available) identified that
8% of high schoolers experienced a physical form of dating abuse while 7%
experienced a sexual form of dating abuse (CDC, 2018). Nevertheless, a recent
meta-analysis on prevalence rates of teen dating violence suggests that the CDC
percentages may be conservative. Wincentak et al. (2017) examined 96 studies
of physical dating violence involving youth aged 13 to 18 and found an overall
victimization rate of 20% (with a variability range of 1%–61%). They also
examined 31 studies of sexual dating violence and identified an overall victim-
ization rate of 9% (with a variability range of <1% to 64%).
There are multiple ways in which teens can exploit online communications
to cause harm to a romantic partner (Dank et al., 2014; Korchmaros et al., 2013;
Van Ouytsel et al., 2016). Teens may be excessively mean-spirited and hurtful to
their significant other when interacting with them online for the same reasons
Hinduja and Patchin 3
that those who cyberbully or troll others do (Hinduja & Patchin, 2009; Leisring
& Giumetti, 2014; Melander, 2010). In addition, privacy violations can occur as
youth incessantly check up on, keep track of, and even stalk their partners via
their device(s) (Baker & Carreño, 2016; Draucker & Martsolf, 2010; Lucero
et al., 2014; Randell et al., 2016). Teens can also hack into or otherwise obtain
unauthorized access into their partner’s personal social media or email accounts
(Borrajo et al., 2015). Relatedly, some aggressors have improperly obtained and
used private pictures or videos to blackmail, extort, or otherwise manipulate
their romantic partner into saying or doing something against their will (Patchin
& Hinduja, 2020; Wittes et al., 2016; Wolak et al., 2018).
Given that participation in romantic relationships increases when moving
through adolescence into young adulthood (Carlson & Rose, 2012; Connolly
et al., 2004; Lefkowitz & Gillen, 2006; Manning et al., 2006) and that in
recent years, partners are constantly in touch with each other via their devices
(Draucker & Martsolf, 2010; Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 2008; Toscano,
2007), more opportunities for digital dating abuse can arise (Breiding et al.,
2014; Hickman et al., 2004; Ybarra et al., 2016). A handful of studies in the
United States over the last decade illuminate the prevalence of this phenom-
enon among youth. One benchmark study of 3,745 7th to 12th graders across
three states in a current or recent dating relationship found that 26.3% had
experienced some type of “cyber dating abuse victimization” in the prior
year, while 11.8% reported perpetration (Zweig, Dank, Yahner, & Lachman,
2013). This can be compared to an examination of over 4,200 9th graders
from 11 states, where 56% revealed they were victimized and 29% were
aggressors (Cutbush et al., 2010), a smaller study of high schoolers from
Texas, where 22.3% had experienced victimization and 17.7% were perpetra-
tors over the last year (Temple et al., 2016), and a study of almost 800 7th
graders from four schools, where 51% reported this type of victimization
while 32% revealed they had perpetrated the behavior (Cutbush et al., 2018).
To be sure, these numbers vary significantly. A recent critical review of digi-
tal dating abuse studies discovered a youth victimization incidence range
from 6% to 91% (Brown & Hegarty, 2018, p. 47) due to significant “vari-
ability in terminology use, construct definitions, the specific behaviors elic-
ited, and other issues related to instrument design.”
In terms of gender differences, a number of studies have identified that
girls experience digital dating abuse more so than boys (Dick et al., 2014;
Felmlee & Faris, 2016; Yahner et al., 2015; Zweig, Dank, Lachman, & Yahner,
2013; Zweig et al., 2014), although others have found mixed differences
(Wright, 2015) or even the opposite (Cutbush et al., 2018). With regard to
offending, some studies have found that girls are more likely to be aggressors
(Cutbush et al., 2010), while others have found no difference (Peskin et al.,
4 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)
2017) or have found that it depends on the type of digital dating abuse perpe-
trated (with boys engaging in more threatening, pressuring, and sexual forms,
and girls using more monitoring and possessive forms) (Reed et al., 2016,
2017; Zweig, Dank, Yahner, & Lachman, 2013).
Research has linked digital dating abuse to a number of emotional and
psychological struggles including depressive symptomatology, anxiety, anger
(Reed et al., 2015, 2016; Zweig, Dank, Yahner, & Lachman, 2013), and sui-
cidality (Van Ouytsel et al., 2017). It also seems to occur in a constellation of
other social and relational problem behaviors including teen dating violence
(Bennett & Guran, 2011; Temple et al., 2016; Yahner et al., 2015), stalking
(Cutbush et al., 2010), bullying and cyberbullying (Van Ouytsel et al., 2017;
Yahner et al., 2015), risky sexual activity (Dick et al., 2014; Van Ouytsel
et al., 2016), and sexual assault (Bonomi & Kelleher, 2007; Olshen et al.,
2007). Finally, digital dating abuse has been associated with other online risk
behaviors (Van Ouytsel et al., 2016), general forms of delinquency (Zweig
et al., 2014), and certain adverse childhood experiences (Smith-Darden et al.,
2017). All of this highlights the significant impact of this form of victimiza-
tion on the lives and trajectories of adolescents today.
Additionally, research on traditional teen dating violence has identified an
overlap where students report experience with both victimization and perpe-
tration (Jennings et al., 2011; Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 2010; Straus, 2011);
a finding duplicated in other digital dating abuse research (Duerksen &
Woodin, 2019; Reed et al., 2016; Stonard, 2018; Zweig, Dank, Yahner, &
Lachman, 2013). More research is necessary to corroborate this and to deter-
mine the direction of causality, but it potentially mirrors what has been found
in the cyberbullying literature with targets and aggressors often being one
and the same (Kowalski & Limber, 2007; Mishna et al., 2012).
The current work seeks to clarify the extent to which youth are experienc-
ing digital forms of dating abuse, as well as to identify salient correlates
related to those experiences. No previous study to our knowledge has exam-
ined these behaviors with a large, nationally representative sample of stu-
dents in the United States. As such, we hope to share findings that are more
generalizable to youth across the nation so that educators, counselors, and
health professionals are equipped to prioritize the most relevant covariates in
their prevention and response efforts.
Data for this study came from a questionnaire administered to a national sam-
ple of English-speaking 12- to 17-year-old middle and high school students
Hinduja and Patchin 5
residing in the United States. Distributed via email in the fall of 2016, it
examined the perceptions of, and experiences with, bullying, cyberbullying,
and related adolescent behaviors, including teen dating violence. The utiliza-
tion of electronic surveys has become a popular, cost-effective method for
obtaining large diverse samples (Lenhart et al., 2015; Schauer et al., 2016;
Strickland & Stoops, 2019; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2014). Active parental con-
sent and child assent was obtained for all participants. Nested age, sex, and
region quotas were used to ensure a diverse sample of respondents that was
representative of students across America. The total sample size was 5,539,
and the participation rate for this survey was approximately 15%. The project
methodology was approved by the institutional review board of a university
of one of the authors.
Dating abuse. Two measures of dating abuse were utilized in this study. Digital
dating abuse represents responses to five questions assessing experience with
abusive behaviors carried out via technology during the last year (Table 1). For
example, 21.5% of respondents said their significant other had looked through
Table 1. Experience With Digital Dating Abuse (In the Last Year) (n = 2,218).
Form of Victimization M SD %
Digital dating abuse victimization (Cronbach’s α = .854) 0.28 0.45
He or she looked through the contents of your phone,
tablet, or other device without permission
He or she prevented you from using your cell phone,
tablet, or other device
He or she threatened you in a cell phone text message 9.5
He or she posted something publicly online to make fun
of, threaten, or embarrass you
He or she posted online, or shared with others, a private
picture of you without permission
One or more of the above 28.1
Traditional dating abuse victimization (Cronbach’s α = .840) 0.36 0.48
He or she tried to keep you from doing something you
wanted to do
He or she called you names or criticized you 22.7
He or she pushed, grabbed, or shoved you 10.1
He or she threatened to hit or throw something at you 9.8
He or she slapped, hit, or punched you 9.0
One or more of the above 35.9
6 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)
Table 2. Relationship Between Traditional and Digital Forms of Dating Abuse.
Digital Dating Abuse Victimization
No Yes Total
Traditional dating abuse
No n = 1,301 n = 120 n = 1,421
58.7% 5.4% 64.1%
Yes n = 294 n = 503 n = 797
13.3% 22.7% 35.9%
Total n = 1,595 n = 623 n = 2,218
71.9% 28.1% 100.0%
Note. χ2 = 755.5(1); Cramer’s V = .584; p < .001.
the contents of their phone, tablet, or other device without permission, while
8.7% said their romantic partner posted online, or shared with others, a private
picture of them without permission. Responses to these questions in the origi-
nal survey were “never,” “once,” “a few times,” or “many times” but were re-
coded and combined to represent those who had experienced any of the
behaviors or not (Cronbach’s alpha = .854).
Similarly, traditional dating abuse also represented five questions
assessing experience with abusive offline behaviors during the last year.
For example, 26.8% of respondents said their partner tried to keep them
from doing something they wanted to do, while 9% had been slapped, hit,
or punched. The response choices were the same for traditional dating
abuse and were also combined and dichotomized for the purpose of analy-
sis (Cronbach’s α = .840).
Covariates. We included several demographic variables, such as age, gen-
der, sexual orientation, and race in our analyses to control for their potential
influence (Table 2). Age was included as a continuous variable representing
the respondent’s age in years (range 12–17; M = 14.9). Gender represents
the student’s self-reported gender identity (male, female, transgender [male
living as female], and transgender [female living as male]). Due to small
numbers (n=20), transgender students were removed from the analysis and
the resulting gender variable was dichotomous (1 = male and 0 = female),
resulting in a sample evenly divided across gender (49.9% female, 49.7%
male). Sexual orientation was determined by asking participants to self-
report their sexual orientation. The clear majority of the sample said that
they were heterosexual (92.8%), while 0.7% said they were lesbian, 0.5%
said they were gay, 2.8% said they were bisexual, 2.3% said they were
Hinduja and Patchin 7
questioning, and the remaining 0.9% selected “other” as a response choice.
These responses were dichotomized where 1 = heterosexual and 2 = non-
heterosexual. Race was a categorical variable where 1 = White, 2 = Afri-
can American, 3 = Hispanic, and 4 = Other. Comparable to the population
of middle and high school students in the United States (Office of Adoles-
cent Health, 2016), 69% of the sample was White/Caucasian, 11% was
Black/African American, 11% was Hispanic/Latin American, and 9% was
another race.
Next, we explored a series of other variables that could be related to expe-
rience with digital abuse. Depressive symptoms was a dichotomous single-
item variable where students who responded yes to the following question
were coded as 1: “In the past year, did you feel so sad or hopeless almost
every day for two weeks or more in a row that you stopped doing some of
your usual activities?” Those who responded no were coded as 0. Perhaps
digital dating abuse leads to depressive symptoms or those who are exhibit-
ing depressive behaviors make better targets of digital abuse, given the rela-
tionship between (offline) teen dating violence and depression (Banyard &
Cross, 2008; Exner-Cortens et al., 2013; Holt & Espelage, 2005). Had sexual
intercourse was a dichotomous single-item variable where students who
reported that they had had sex in the previous year were coded 1 (if not, they
were coded 0). Having sex with someone establishes a connection with them
that could be subject to manipulation or abuse (Demissie et al., 2018; Hird &
Jackson, 2001; Jackson et al., 2000). Sent a sext was a two-item measure
which asked respondents to report if they had ever sent (a) a boyfriend or
girlfriend, or (b) someone who was not a current boyfriend or girlfriend a
sext. Respondents were informed that “Sexting is when someone takes a
naked or semi-naked (explicit) picture or video of themselves, usually using
their phone, and sends it to someone else. The image or video is called a
‘sext’.” Students who reported that they had ever sent a sext to anyone were
coded 1, while the others were coded 0. Here again, if a student sends a sext
to another person, the recipient could have control over the sender, since the
sender might fear that the images be distributed to others or that authorities
might be told (Choi et al., 2016; Henry & Powell, 2018; Stanley et al., 2018).
Finally, victim of cyberbullying represented students who had been cyberbul-
lied more than once in their lifetime. Cyberbullying was defined as “when
someone repeatedly threatens, harasses, mistreats, or makes fun of another
person (on purpose to hurt them) online or while using cell phones or other
electronic devices.” Those who had been cyberbullied were coded 1, while
the others were coded 0. As dating violence sometimes has been conceptual-
ized as a form of bullying (Corvo & deLara, 2010; Linder et al., 2002), digital
dating abuse may be considered another form of cyberbullying.
8 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)
Among the 5,539 total respondents of our national sample, 40% reported that
they had been in a romantic relationship at some point in the previous year.
As we are interested in experiences with digital dating abuse within the last
12 months, we excluded the 60% who had not been in a relationship during
that time, leaving us with a final sample size of 2,218. As a result, the sample
includes more older students (those who are more likely to have been in a
We began by calculating prevalence rates for experience with digital dat-
ing abuse, for the total sample, and then different demographic groups. We
utilized t-tests to determine if there were any statistically significant differ-
ences across gender, sexual orientation, race, and age with respect to experi-
ence with digital dating abuse (reference groups noted in the table). Next, a 2
× 2 cross-tabulation table was utilized to assess the relationship between
digital dating abuse and traditional dating abuse (using chi-square and
Cramer’s V). We then computed a series of logistic regression models, testing
the unique influence of each of the covariates of interest while controlling for
age, gender, sexual orientation, and race. Quantitative statistical analyses
were performed using SPSS 18, and p value < .05 was considered statisti-
cally significant (two-tailed).
As displayed in Table 1, 28.1% of teens who had been in a romantic relation-
ship at some point in the previous year said they had been the victim of at
least one form of digital dating abuse. In addition, 35.9% had been the victim
at least one form of traditional (offline) dating abuse. Table 2 depicts a sig-
nificant connection between digital and traditional forms of dating abuse: the
vast majority of students who had been abused online had also been abused
offline. Specifically, 81% of the students who had been the target of digital
dating abuse had also been the target of traditional dating abuse (503 of 623).
Similarly, most of the students who had been the victim of offline dating
violence also had been the victim of online dating violence, though the per-
centage (63%) was lower (503 out of 797).
Next, we examined the demographic factors related to experience with
digital dating abuse. Males were significantly more likely to have experienced
digital dating abuse (32.3%) compared to females (23.6%) (see Table 3). No
other differences emerged with respect to demographic characteristics (sexual
orientation, race, and age).
Finally, we explored the relationship between several covariates and expe-
rience with digital dating abuse. As a reminder, each of the covariates was
Hinduja and Patchin 9
entered into separate models while controlling for demographic controls
(age, gender, sexual orientation, and race). For comparison purposes, we first
estimated a base model to calculate the amount of variance explained by only
the demographic controls. Given that gender was the only factor significantly
related to digital dating abuse, it is not surprising that the amount of variance
explained by the control variables was less than 2%. Moreover, as expected,
experience with traditional (offline) dating abuse was strongly associated
with experience with digital dating abuse. Specifically, students who had
been victimized offline were approximately 18 times more likely to have also
experienced online abuse compared to those who were not victimized offline.
In fact, this one measure explained close to half of the variance in experience
with digital dating abuse (R2 =.42) (see Table 4).
All of the other covariates explored were also significantly related to
digital dating abuse. Students who reported depressive symptoms were
about four times as likely to have experienced digital dating abuse. In
addition, students who said they had engaged in sex (Exp[B] = 2.53) or
who had sent a sext (Exp[B] = 4.81) were significantly more likely to
have been targeted for digital dating abuse. Finally, those who had been
the target of cyberbullying were also likely to have been the target of digi-
tal dating abuse (Exp[B] = 3.33).
Table 3. Experience With Digital Dating Violence by Gender, Sexual Orientation,
Race, and Age.
Variable Sample Size (%) % Victim of Digital Dating Abuse
Total 2,218 28.1
Male 1,144 (51.9) 32.3***
Female 1,059 (48.1) 23.6
Heterosexual 1,986 (89.5) 27.8
Nonheterosexual 232 (10.5) 30.6
Whitea1,530 (69.0) 28.0
African American 251 (11.3) 28.7
Hispanic 236 (10.6) 28.0
Other 201 (9.1) 27.9
12 181 (8.2) 21.6
13 339 (15.3) 25.7
14a315 (14.2) 26.0
15 448 (20.2) 32.1
16 477 (21.5) 30.2
17 458 (20.6) 27.7
aRepresents reference group.
***p < .001, t-test.
10 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)
Table 4. Logistic Regression Examining Correlates of Digital Dating Abuse.
Variable %
Victim of Digital Dating Abuse
B (SE) Exp(B) 95% CI
Demographic controlsa.018
Victim of offline dating
35.9 2.89 (.121) 17.96*** [14.17, 22.76] .421
Depressive symptoms 21.3 1.36 (.157) 3.88*** [2.86, 5.27] .112
Had sexual intercourse 24.2 0.93 (.112) 2.53*** [2.03, 3.15] .061
Sent a sext 25.1 1.57 (.107) 4.81*** [3.91, 5.94] .154
Victim of cyberbullying 27.5 1.20 (.107) 3.33*** [2.70, 4.11] .099
Note. CI = confidence interval.
aAll analyses include individual indicator (bivariate) while controlling for age, gender, sexual
orientation, and race.
***p < .001.
Digital dating abuse is a pattern of technology-facilitated, controlling behav-
iors, exhibited by one person toward another within a current or former
romantic relationship. Research on this phenomenon is still incipient, and
this study adds some details to the nascent knowledgebase based on a large,
nationally representative sample of youth. It is clear that a nonnegligible
number of middle and high school students have experienced digital dating
abuse; specifically, about one-third of boys and about one-quarter of girls
have been victimized.
Within the context of a gendered and heteronormative developmental per-
spective of teen dating violence, and understanding that boys and girls have
grown up learning certain problem-solving tactics in their sex-segregated
friendships (Rose & Rudolph, 2006), it has been argued that youth of a cer-
tain sex may use behaviors more typical of the opposite sex when dealing
with conflict in relationships (Wincentak et al., 2017). Specifically, girls may
use more violence on their boyfriends to try to solve their relational prob-
lems, while boys may try to constrain their aggressive impulses when trying
to negotiate discord with their girlfriends (McIsaac et al., 2008; Shute &
Charlton, 2006). In an effort to better understand this, we examined the indi-
vidual indicators used in our composite measure of digital dating abuse vic-
timization, hypothesizing that one specific form might be unduly influencing
the overall results. Boys were significantly more likely to experience all
types of digital dating abuse—including physical aggression (aligning with
Hinduja and Patchin 11
previous teen dating violence research uncovering the acceptability of girls to
hit their boyfriends; Simon et al., 2010).
Moreover, we found significant overlap between digital dating abuse and
its traditional counterpart (paralleling findings from other studies involving
local convenience samples of students; Duerksen & Woodin, 2019; Stonard,
2018). It is impossible in these cross-sectional studies to determine which
came first, but the correlation is consistent with what has been observed in
other forms of online and offline harm (e.g., bullying; Hinduja & Patchin,
2015; Kowalski et al., 2012; Waasdorp & Bradshaw, 2015) and self-harm
(Patchin & Hinduja, 2017). Indeed, the correlation was so substantial that
we examined their connection using exploratory factor analysis (principal
component) and found that all 10 variables from Table 1 loaded into a single
factor (Eigenvalue = 6.26; minimum individual component = 0.704).
Considering the two forms of dating abuse (traditional and digital) as dis-
tinct entities actually may be inappropriate, but further research is necessary
to know with more certainty.
Finally, we uncovered a number of risk factors significantly associated
with digital dating abuse. Those who reported that they had sexual inter-
course were 2.5 times as likely to have experienced digital dating abuse.
Perhaps dating abuse is more likely when a relationship progresses to the
point where the couple has engaged in sex, or if intercourse occurs early in
the relationship it creates an unhealthy power dynamic where one can take
advantage of the other due to fear or embarrassment of that information being
disclosed (Choi et al., 2016; Demissie et al., 2018; Hird & Jackson, 2001;
Jackson et al., 2000). Most notably, those students who had sent a sext to
another person were nearly five times as likely to be the target of digital dat-
ing abuse as compared to those who had not sent a sext. It may be that send-
ing explicit images to others opens one up for extortion, manipulation, or
coercion (e.g., sextortion; Patchin & Hinduja, 2020). Threats of distribution
to a third party might force a partner to endure abuse or to resist reporting
such abuse to the authorities (for fear of being prosecuted themselves for
violating child pornography laws; Crofts et al., 2015; Mabrey & Perozzi,
2010; Nelson, 2018; Podlas, 2011).
Results from this study came from a national sample of 12- to 17-year-old
students, and while many efforts were taken to ensure the sample was diverse
and representative (e.g., sampling quotas by sex, age, race, and region of the
country), it is impossible to know whether results here are truly generaliz-
able. This is particularly true given the online nature of the sampling frame
and the relatively low response rate. While lower than other methods of data
collection and not ideal (Baruch & Holtom, 2008; Kaplowitz et al., 2004), it
is still satisfactory for a preliminary inquiry to an understudied problem
12 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)
(Fricker & Schonlau, 2002; Manfreda et al., 2008). We mentioned earlier that
prevalence rates of digital dating abuse across the literature base vary widely
because of sampling and measurement differences. As a nascent but increas-
ingly important topic of empirical scrutiny, a crucial step for future inquiry
should be the development of a universal definition and measurement tool
that can produce standardized observations (we offer our own as an option).
It should be mentioned that this study was unable to ascertain the temporal
ordering of key variables in a way that would have allowed predictions to be
made regarding causality. While it is plausible that having sex with someone—
or sending that person a sexually explicit image—lends itself to a power
dynamic conducive to abuse, it is also possible that one could utilize abusive
tactics to wear a person down enough to comply with a request for sex or
explicit images. Similarly, exhibiting depressive symptoms might make a per-
son a good target for abuse, while also being also its consequence. In short, a
longitudinal exploration of these relationships is certainly warranted.
Finally, the standard caveats concerning self-report surveys must also be
offered here (Brenner & DeLamater, 2014; Hindelang et al., 1981; Phillips &
Clancy, 1972). We inquire about sensitive and deviant behaviors and there-
fore need to be mindful about potential underreporting. We attempted to
minimize this by using an anonymous reporting mechanism and reminding
respondents that their responses would be kept confidential to the maximum
extent allowable by law. It is also true that retrospective surveys that inquire
about past behavior could be inaccurate due to historical mistakes (Jenkins
et al., 2002). We asked about experiences within the last year in an effort to
account for this problem.
It is clear that digital dating abuse affects a meaningful proportion of teen-
agers. As this problem continues to be studied, we hope to learn much more
about context, contributing factors, and consequences. Research is slowly
uncovering a number of individual- and familial-level factors that are corre-
lated with being either an abuser or victim of digital dating abuse; focusing
on these can help inform general programmatic strategies implemented
within schools and communities (Peskin et al., 2017; Van Ouytsel et al.,
2017). In this way, youth-serving adults can be mindful of who might be most
susceptible to this phenomenon and can concentrate their efforts on those
teenagers. In addition, recent research by Walters and Espelage (2018) found
that reducing dating violence offending among boys is more likely if attempts
are made to address prior dating violence victimization as well as depression,
while reducing the same among girls can occur if adults work to address prior
delinquency and bullying perpetration. We must be aware that relational
aggression in the form of dating violence seems to occur within a collection
of other associated behaviors, and that there exist root issues that contribute
Hinduja and Patchin 13
to any manifestation of “acting out” (Ellis et al., 2009; Linder et al., 2002;
Werner & Crick, 2004).
There also appears to be a general lack of knowledge associated with what
exactly can be done about digital dating abuse apart from more conversations
with youth about healthy romantic relationships and the positive use of social
media and general internet safety practices (Miller et al., 2018; Peskin et al.,
2017; Stonard et al., 2017; Van Ouytsel et al., 2016). Research to date has
identified that educational and informational efforts can change cognitive
beliefs around the acceptability of dating violence, but specific implementa-
tions have not borne much fruit in reducing offending or victimization (De La
Rue et al., 2017). It is one thing to affect attitudes and beliefs, but if those
attitudes and beliefs do not translate to behavioral changes among youth, we
must more fully explore them and resolve the disconnect.
In addition, there are laws that enable police to step in and address domes-
tic and dating violence in practically every jurisdiction, and a growing num-
ber specific to threats, stalking, sextortion, and revenge porn (DeMatteo
et al., 2017; Hinduja & Patchin, 2015; National Center for Victims of Crime,
2012; Patchin & Hinduja, 2020; Wittes et al., 2016). Law enforcement and
other responding entities need, however, to be perceived as capable, compas-
sionate entities who can deal with the problem in a way that does not make it
worse for the victim—especially when considering the relative vulnerability
of youthful targets. Research has consistently identified a reluctance on the
part of domestic and sexual violence victims to contact authorities (Campbell,
2005; Orth, 2002; Wemmers, 2013), and this is disappointing because it
denies the opportunity to receive help when and where it is most needed. A
deeper understanding of the emotional and psychological mind-set—and the
situational circumstances—of current-day adolescents may markedly inform
the policy and practice we need to develop to address digital dating abuse.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article: The data utilized in this study were col-
lected through a grant from the Digital Trust Foundation (#31-3).
Sameer Hinduja
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Author Biographies
Sameer Hinduja, PhD, is a professor of criminology and criminal justice at Florida
Atlantic University. He received his PhD in Criminal Justice from Michigan State
University. His research seeks to understand the causes and consequences of various
forms of online victimization and to identify best practices in prevention and response.
Justin W. Patchin, PhD, is a professor of criminal justice at the University of
Wisconsin-Eau Claire. He received his PhD in Criminal Justice from Michigan State
University. Since 2002, he has been exploring the intersection of teens and technol-
ogy, with particular focus on cyberbullying, social networking, and sexting.
... La prévalence de jeunes ayant rapporté avoir perpétré de la cyberviolence, dans cette enquête, était de 8 % (Exner-Cortens et al., 2021). D'autres études révèlent des prévalences de victimisation (c'est-àdire le fait d'être une personne victime) plus élevées et estiment qu'entre 28 % et 73 % des jeunes de 12 à 18 ans ayant vécu une relation amoureuse dans les six à 18 mois précédant l'enquête ont rapporté avoir subi au moins une expérience de cyberviolence dans leurs relations amoureuses au cours des 12 derniers mois (Cutbush et al., 2021;Hinduja et Patchin, 2021;Smith et al., 2018;Stonard, 2021). Ce chiffre se situe entre 32 % et 50 % pour la perpétration (c'est-àdire le fait d'infliger) de la cyberviolence (Cutbush et al., 2021;Muñoz-Fernández et Sánchez-Jiménez, 2020;Smith et al., 2018;Stonard, 2021). ...
... Certaines études rapportent des proportions similaires selon le genre (p. ex., les filles et les garçons rapportent avoir perpétré et subi autant d'expériences de cyberviolence dans leurs relations amoureuses) (Lachapelle et al., 2021;Lara et al., 2020;Smith et al., 2018) alors que d'autres rapportent que les garçons sont plus susceptibles d'en perpétrer que d'en subir (Cutbush et al., 2021;Hinduja et Patchin, 2021;Stonard et al., 2014;Stonard, 2021;Zweig et al., 2014). En ce qui concerne les formes de cyberviolence subie, plusieurs études révèlent que les filles rapportent subir plus souvent que les garçons de la cyberviolence sexuelle dans leurs relations amoureuses, même si les prévalences varient selon les études (entre 14 % et 46 % pour les filles et entre 7 % et 30 % pour les garçons) (Dick et al., 2014;Ellyson et al., 2021;Reed et al., 2017;Stonard, 2021;Zweig et al., 2014). ...
... Finalement, les résultats de l'enquête canadienne montrent que les jeunes non binaires sont plus nombreux à rapporter avoir été victime de cyberviolence (33 %) et trois plus nombreux à avoir perpétré ce type de violence dans les 12 derniers mois (21,8 %) (Exner-Cortens et al., 2021). La variation importante entre les études dans les prévalences de la cyberviolence en contexte amoureux est notamment due aux différences dans la méthodologie utilisée, telle que la définition de la cyberviolence employée, les mesures utilisées, la manière dont les questions ont été posées (Caridade et al., 2019;Stonard et al., 2014), l'endroit où l'étude a été réalisée et les caractéristiques sociodémographiques de l'échantillon (Hinduja et Patchin, 2021;Zweig et al., 2014). ...
... Young couples may consider sharing electronic passwords and checking each other's social media platforms to be normal, suggesting that cyber-dating abuse is more acceptable than physical and sexual dating violence (Thulin et al., 2021;Watkins et al., 2022). Cyber-dating abuse is associated with mental health problems, such as depression, anxiety, aggression, and suicidal tendencies (Hinduja and Patchin, 2021;Watkins et al., 2022). Young people have used the Internet much more widely for work, school, and social purposes since the pandemic, putting them at risk for cyber violence (Van Ouytsel et al., 2018;Unwomen, 2020). ...
... Duval et al. (2020) argue that studies on dating violence do not focus on cyber-dating abuse. Our results showed that male participants committed cyber-dating abuse more often than their female counterparts, which is consistent with the literature (Zweig et al., 2013;Hinduja and Patchin, 2021). Therefore, we can state that dating violence and cyber-dating abuse are more prevalent in men than in women. ...
... They knew about psychological violence the most, while they knew about cyber-dating abuse the least. There is a general lack of knowledge on what exactly can be done about cyber-dating abuse among young people (Hinduja and Patchin, 2021). Our participants who had not received training on dating violence before had more positive attitudes towards dating violence. ...
Background Dating violence is an increasing issue among young people and affects them psychologically. It also includes characteristics like controlling and/or monitoring. Cyber-dating abuse is dating violence characterized as harassing another person in a romantic connection via texting or online emails to control, threaten, or stalk them. Objectives This study was conducted to investigate nursing students' knowledge of and attitudes towards dating, dating violence, and cyber-dating violence. Design This is a descriptive cross-sectional study. Participants The sample consisted of 448 nursing students from three universities in Istanbul, Turkey. Methods Data were collected using a Personal Information Form, the Dating Violence Knowledge Form (DVKF), the Dating Violence Scale (DVS), and the Cyber-Dating Abuse Questionnaire (CDAQ). Results Participants had a mean age of 20.9 ± 1.9 years. Most participants were women (83.7 %). More than a quarter of the participants were involved in romantic relationships (30.6 %). Participants had a mean DVKF score of 82.0 ± 9.1. One in ten participants was subjected to dating violence (11.2 %). Participants had a mean DVS score of 4.69 ± 0.25. There was no significant difference in CDAQ scores between participants who used violence (28.3 ± 11.5) and those subjected to violence (27.0 ± 8.9). There was a negative correlation between participants' DVKF and CDAQ scores (p < 0.05). The results showed that participants had a high DVKF score and disapproved of dating violence. Participants with a higher DVKF score were less likely to use or be exposed to cyber violence. Conclusions In conclusion, we should develop interventions to strengthen young people's mental health because they are subjected to dating violence. Nurse educators and nurses should also plan interventions to protect young people's mental health and raise their awareness of cyber violence.
... According to the theoretical framework, offline dating violence and cyber dating abuse are correlated (Borrajo et al., 2015b;Caridade & Braga, 2020;Hinduja & Patchin, 2020) and, therefore, it can be hypothesized that explanations regarding the association between offline violence and substance use can also explain the association between cyber dating abuse and substance use. Mejía et al. (2019) observed that substance use increases antisocial behavior, and the Directorate-General of Health (2016) also reports that chemical substances have a disinhibiting effect, which may increase violence. ...
... The literature demonstrates that there is empirical support in the relationship between cyber dating abuse and offline dating violence (Borrajo et al., 2015b;Caridade & Braga, 2020;Hinduja & Patchin, 2020). Thus, and since that cyber dating abuse is not only associated with offline dating violence but can even be considered as an extension of it (Borrajo et al., 2015b;Caridade et al., 2020a), it may be hypothesized that the explanations above mentioned can also apply to the cyber dating abuse phenomenon. ...
Dating abuse is a complex and problematic worldwide phenomenon. With the evolution of new technologies, this form of violence has developed into a new subtype – cyber dating abuse. In this chapter, the authors will characterize the forms (e.g., direct aggression and control), associated variables (e.g., Internet addiction, delinquent behavior, psychopathy, jealous, substance use), and short and long consequences (e.g., low self-esteem, depression, anxiety) of cyber abuse. Prevalence rates across several countries will be presented. Since cyber dating abuse seems to be an extension of psychological aggression in cyber dating relationships, this relationship will be explored. This form of violence will be explored with offline forms of violence. As other forms of violence and overall technological use have increased, it is expected that cyber dating abuse is also occurring with increased prevalence. Preliminary results across pandemic situation caused by COVID-19 will be explored, regarding this issue. Finally, it will be discussed several recommendations to prevent but also to intervene to reduce this problematic.
... DDA (Hinduja & Patchin, 2020;Reed et al., 2017) refers to the manifestation of IPV in technology-mediated contexts, by way of use of digital means (e.g., texting and social media) to engage in problematic behaviors within an intimate relationship such as monitoring a partner's location, engaging in coercion, or being directly aggressive (Hinduja & Patchin, 2020;Powell et al., 2018;Reed et al., 2017;Van Ouytsel et al., 2017). DDA is linked with mental health issues, including depressive symptoms, anxiety, anger, and suicidal ideation, and has been linked with involvement in face-to-face IPV, including psychological IPV and sexual coercion (Zweig et al., 2013(Zweig et al., , 2014. ...
... DDA (Hinduja & Patchin, 2020;Reed et al., 2017) refers to the manifestation of IPV in technology-mediated contexts, by way of use of digital means (e.g., texting and social media) to engage in problematic behaviors within an intimate relationship such as monitoring a partner's location, engaging in coercion, or being directly aggressive (Hinduja & Patchin, 2020;Powell et al., 2018;Reed et al., 2017;Van Ouytsel et al., 2017). DDA is linked with mental health issues, including depressive symptoms, anxiety, anger, and suicidal ideation, and has been linked with involvement in face-to-face IPV, including psychological IPV and sexual coercion (Zweig et al., 2013(Zweig et al., , 2014. ...
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Digital dating abuse (DDA), a manifestation of intimate partner violence (IPV), is becoming more relevant. Despite elevated rates of IPV among sexual minority individuals and increased experiences of DDA, research has focused largely on face-to-face forms of IPV (e.g., physical assault) among presumed heterosexual couples. The minority stress theory offers a lens through which we can understand the elevated rates of IPV, including DDA, among sexual minority individuals. The purpose of this study was to explore the role of minority stressors in DDA victimization and perpetration among sexual minority men. A sample of 491 cisgender gay and bisexual men ( M age = 31.35, SD age = 11.60) was recruited online. Consistent with prior research, discrimination was associated positively with internalized homophobia (IHP). Discrimination and IHP were directly linked to DDA victimization and perpetration. Indirect effect from discrimination to DDA victimization and perpetration, mediated by IHP, were significant. This study highlights the relationship between minority stressors and DDA among sexual minority men and indicates the need for more work on DDA among marginalized groups including sexual and gender minorities.
... These types of behavior bring detrimental or clinically impairing consequences, or related disorders, for the social media user's psychological, personal, professional, and social-level functioning [13,14]. The current study assumes that social media abuse is any form of verbal, informational, physical, or sexual violence that occurs between any users and any psychological/emotional abuse perpetrated online, intended to bully, harass, stalk, or intimidate any targets through the use of texting, depressive symptoms, sexting, or any other means [15][16][17][18]. ...
... Moreover, by severe abuse, this study refers to social media users' engagement in actions that lead to severe online and offline consequences, including family break-ups, job quitting, and suicidal actions by the victims [21][22][23]. Severe abusive actions may include, but are not limited to, attributional (specific or globally negative) comments [24], rumors, conspiracy, automation, online harassment [18], cyber-dating violence [15,16], cyber-bullying, sextortion/sexting, revenge porn, catfishing, scamming [25], religious abuse [26], and radicalism [22]. ...
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Severe abuse of social media has currently become a threat to social sustainability. Although “responsible use of social media” has recently attracted academics’ attention, few studies have investigated the psychosocial antecedents of individuals’ intention to use social media responsibly (IUSR). Therefore, the current study tested whether attitudes, self-control, and prosocial norms (ASP) can positively and significantly predict social media users’ IUSR. To this end, the theoretical interrelationships among ASP were explored, and an initial pool of items was developed by reviewing the relevant literature. Then, the items were selected based on a panel of experts’ content validity test. An online questionnaire was used to survey university student social media users (n = 226) in Bangladesh. PLSc-SEM and CB-SEM bootstrapping, followed by an artificial neural network (ANN) analysis, were completed to evaluate the measurement and structural models. Current results show that the three elements of ASP strongly correlate with and significantly influence each other, but attitude and prosocial norms partially mediate the relationships between the antecedents and intention. The predictors in the proposed model substantially predict and explain IUSR, which is supported by results of relevant past studies in different disciplines. Thus, the model expresses its applicability as a modified theory of planned behavior (TPB) in researching individuals’ social media behavior. The study has implications for relevant stakeholders to take crucial measures to promote more responsible use of social media. Limitations and avenues for future study are also presented.
... Literature on violence and technology includes analysis of various types of violence enabled by technology, such as a survey to understand Digital Dating Abuse (Hinduja and Patchin, 2021) and a survey to investigate sexual harassment suffered by young women in online spaces (Salerno-Ferraro et al., 2022). ...
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In challenging social contexts of technology design, such as those involving fighting the violence against children and adolescents, the consideration of human values is critical, as they influence people's social and cultural lives. Considering values when understanding a social problem is not a trivial activity due to the difficulty of working with abstract concepts, the complexity of people's lives, and the lack of artifacts and recommendations to support designers in this task. Drawing on the Socially Aware Design approach, this paper describes the use of value-oriented artifacts to understand the problem and to identify requirements for the design of a computational solution in this context. As a result, the problem of violence against children is characterized in a socially-aware manner: 58 stakeholders were identified in the problem domain, which led to an analysis of 60 challenges of the violence impact and of 31 proposals of solutions were mapped to face these challenges. Stakeholder’s values in the fight against violence context were identified, which enabled the identification of 43 value-oriented requirements for potential technological solutions for the context.
... İlgili çalışmalarda, kadınların, cinsel ve etnik azınlık grupların, özellikle 18-25 yaş arasındaki genç yetişkinlerin SFŞ'ye maruz kalma riskinin yüksek olduğuna dair kanıtlar mevcuttur (Bates, 2016;Dank, Lachman, Zweig ve Yahner, 2014;Fernet ve ark., 2019;King-Ries, 2011;Stonard, 2021;Zweig, Dank, Yahner ve Lachman, 2013). Bunun yanında literatürde, erkekler için daha yüksek mağduriyet oranı bildiren bir çalışma da bulunmaktadır (Hinduja ve Patchin, 2021). SFŞ mağduriyeti ve failliği, cinsiyet ile alt davranışlar özelinde incelendiğinde, özellikle genç kadınların teknolojiyi kullanarak izleme ve kontrol etme davranışları ile minör olarak görülebilecek hakaret etme, lakap takma, partnerin kişisel iletişim kanallarını izinsiz kontrol etme gibi eylemleri daha sık gerçekleştirdiği; erkeklerin ise tehdit ve küçük düşürme gibi daha ciddi eylemlerde bulunduğu görülmüştür (Leisring ve Giumetti, 2014). ...
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Geleneksel flört şiddetinden farklı olarak, fiziksel ve zamansal sınırların ötesine geçen siber flört şiddeti yeni nesil bir toplumsal sorun olarak görülmektedir. Mağdurların psikolojik sağlığını tehdit eden siber flört şiddetinin, sıkça geleneksel şiddet formu ile bir arada görüldüğü bilinmektedir. Bu araştırmada, siber flört şiddeti mağduru ve faili bireylerin geleneksel ilişki şiddetine yönelik kabul edici tutumları ve şiddetin sorumluluğuna ilişkin algıları arasındaki olası ilişkiler araştırılmıştır. Araştırma cinsiyetler ile siber flört şiddeti mağduru ve faili olma durumlarına göre yürütülmüştür. Bulgular, flört şiddeti uygulama ile şiddete yönelik kabul edici tutum ve sorumluluğu atfetme biçimleri arasında ilişki olduğuna; cinsiyet gruplarının şiddete yönelik tutum ve sorumluluk algılarında farklılığa; siber flört şiddeti mağduru ve faili olan kişilerin geleneksel şiddete yönelik tutum ve sorumluluk algılarının farklılaştığına işaret etmektedir. Elde edilen sonuçların güncel literatür ışığında tartışılarak sınırlı Türkçe literatüre katkıda bulunulması; tespit edilen boşlukların okuyucularla paylaşılarak yeni araştırma konularına ışık tutulması hedeflenmektedir.
... En este sentido, principalmente las conductas de control se han señalado como una consecuencia de los celos de acuerdo con algunos autores (Hinduja & Patchin, 2020), es por ello que surge la necesidad de realizar investigaciones encaminadas a estudiar la asociación entre ambas variables, especialmente durante el confinamiento por COVID-19; pues los celos, de acuerdo con autores como Rodríguez y Rodríguez (2020), suelen presentarse de manera más recurrente entre las parejas que no tienen cercanía dando como resultado que comportamientos como revisar el teléfono celular sean más frecuentes ante sentimientos de dudas o sospechas. Por lo anterior es que el presente trabajo se orientó en analizar la relación entre ambas variables en una muestra de hombres gais, pues la evidencia científica sobre la ciberviolencia de pareja en esta población y especialmente durante la contingencia por COVID-19 es prácticamente inexistente. ...
Conference Paper
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La ciberviolencia de pareja es un fenómeno grave que ha comenzado a cobrar relevancia en las últimas décadas, sin embargo su estudio se ha enfocado en parejas heterosexuales, por tal motivo se realizó el presente trabajo que tiene por objetivo analizar la prevalencia de la ciberviolencia de pareja y su relación con los celos en una muestra de 22 hombres gais durante la contingencia por COVID-19. Entre los resultados se encontró que el control cometido y sufrido se presentaron con mayor frecuencia a través de conductas como revisar el teléfono celular de la pareja sin su consentimiento, asimismo no se identificaron correlaciones significativas entre ambas variables. Como conclusión, es necesario seguir explorando las nuevas formas de violencia en la pareja durante el confinamiento por COVID-19 en aras de elaborar programas más contextualizados que traten esta problemática
Despite the promise of digital technologies to strengthen social work practice, like many other social service organizations, service providers at domestic violence (DV) and sexual assault (SA) organizations have yet to fully embrace their use in their work. Our study explores teen dating violence (TDV) service providers’ perceptions of both the benefits and the risks of using digital technologies in their service delivery system. We conducted in-depth qualitative interviews with TDV staff at agencies throughout the United States (N = 35). Findings suggest service providers are actively negotiating the ways technology can nurture their clients’ safety or perpetuate harm including exacerbating the digital divide. DV service providers contend that while technology can be lifesaving, important considerations must address associated harms.
The overwhelming scope and range of negative impacts of IPV are well-documented. Research underscores that IPV victims/survivors most often experience multiple forms of abuse. Mental health professionals are uniquely positioned through their close and confidential relationship with clients to promote a woman's physical and mental health safety. This chapter reviews the prevalence of IPV in general and clinical populations, describes the forms of abuse, and focuses on critical components of clinical care when working with IPV victim/survivors.
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Research has established the nature and prevalence of offline Adolescent Dating Violence (ADV) and the role of Technology-Assisted Adolescent Dating Violence (TAADV) has been recently but slowly acknowledged, albeit primarily in the United States. Less research however, has examined such types of violence among British adolescences and the extent of overlap between the two forms of abuse. This paper examines the nature, prevalence and overlap of TAADV and offline ADV victimisation/instigation among a sample of adolescents in England. Four-hundred-and-sixty-nine adolescents (aged 12–18) completed questionnaires regarding their experience of TAADV and ADV. Findings revealed that TAADV involvement was prevalent and was generally characterised by both victimisation and instigation, except for sexual TAADV in which females were more likely to be identified as victims only. Technology appears to have provided new opportunities for victimisation and/or instigation of TAADV exclusively that may not have been possible before the development of such communication tools; however, some adolescents reported experiencing both TAADV and ADV. Implications of the findings are discussed and recommendations are made for future policy, practice and research.
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Sextortion is the threatened dissemination of explicit, intimate, or embarrassing images of a sexual nature without consent, usually for the purpose of procuring additional images, sexual acts, money, or something else. Despite increased public interest in this behavior, it has yet to be empirically examined among adolescents. The current study fills this gap by exploring the prevalence of sextortion behaviors among a nationally representative sample of 5,568 U.S. middle and high school students. Approximately 5% of students reported that they had been the victim of sextortion, while about 3% admitted to threatening others who had shared an image with them in confidence. Males and nonheterosexual youth were more likely to be targeted, and males were more likely to target others. Moreover, youth who threatened others with sextortion were more likely to have been victims themselves. Implications for future research, as well as the preventive role that youth-serving professionals can play, are discussed.
Technology creates new opportunities for intimate partner violence (IPV)to occur. There are common risk factors for in-person and technological IPV (tIPV), however considerably less research has investigated technology-specific risk factors. The current study examined the importance of technology use, technological disinhibition, and in-person IPV perpetration in predicting tIPV perpetration. Data were collected from 278 emerging adults via an online survey. Participants reported on their IPV perpetration, technology use, and technological disinhibition. Initial results indicated that both technology use and technological disinhibition uniquely predicted tIPV perpetration, but did not interact. Further investigation showed that social media use, but not texting, uniquely predicted tIPV perpetration. When in-person IPV perpetration variables were included, several forms of in-person IPV perpetration uniquely predicted tIPV perpetration, however technological disinhibition remained a significant predictor. These results suggest that, while there are important technology-related perpetration factors, in-person IPV also remains an important risk factor for tIPV. This points to the necessity for future research to establish how multiple forms of IPV interact and potentially exacerbate each other, as well as to prevent tIPV not only through the discussion of healthy technology use, but to continue to educate about healthy relationships overall.
Crowdsourcing, the use of the Internet to outsource work to a large number of people, has witnessed a dramatic growth over the past decade. One popular crowdsourcing option, Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk), is now commonly used to sample participants for psychological research. Addiction science is positioned to benefit greatly from crowdsourced sampling due to the ability to efficiently and effectively tap into populations with specific behavioral and health histories. The primary objective of this review is to describe the utility of crowdsourcing, broadly, and MTurk, specifically, for conducting research relevant to substance use and misuse. Studies in psychological and other health science have supported the reliability and validity of data gathered using crowdsourced samples. Promising research relevant to addiction science has also been conducted, including studies using cross-sectional designs and those for measure development purposes. Preliminary work using longitudinal methods and for interventions development has also revealed the potential of MTurk for studying alcohol and other drug use through these designs. Additional studies are needed to better understand the benefits, as well as the limits and constraints, of research conducted through crowdsourced online platforms. Crowdsourcing, such as on MTurk, can ultimately provide an important complement to existing methods used in human laboratory, clinical trial, community intervention, and epidemiological research. The combinations of these methodological approaches could help improve the rigor, reproducibility, and overall scope of research conducted in addiction science.
Adolescent dating violence may lead to adverse health behaviors. We examined associations between sexual teen dating violence victimization (TDVV) and sexual risk behaviors among U.S. high school students using 2013 and 2015 National Youth Risk Behavior Survey data (combined n = 29,346). Sex-stratified logistic regression models were used to estimate these associations among students who had dated or gone out with someone during the past 12 months ( n = 20,093). Among these students, 10.5% experienced sexual TDVV. Sexual TDVV was positively associated with sexual intercourse before age 13, four or more lifetime sexual partners, current sexual activity, alcohol or drug use before last sexual intercourse, and no pregnancy prevention during last sexual intercourse. Given significant findings among both sexes, it is valuable for dating violence prevention efforts to target both female and male students.
Bullying, delinquency, and teen dating violence (TDV) victimization have been found to correlate with and potentially predict TDV perpetration. It has also been noted that boys and girls differ in their levels of TDV involvement, both as victims and perpetrators. The authors tested whether sex moderates the predictive effects of bullying perpetration, delinquency, and TDV victimization on TDV perpetration in 1,716 high school students (812 boys, 904 girls) from the Illinois Study of Bullying and Sexual Violence. Because sex was found to moderate the bullying perpetration‒TDV perpetration and delinquency‒TDV perpetration associations, male and female data were analyzed separately. TDV victimization predicted TDV perpetration in boys and delinquency predicted TDV perpetration in girls. Results varied moderately as a function of TDV subtype (relational, verbal, threatening, physical, and sexual). It would appear that TDV perpetration varies as a function of both sex and TDV subtype. Efforts to control, reduce, and eliminate TDV perpetration in boys may be most effective when they address prior TDV victimization and depression, whereas efforts to control and eliminate TDV perpetration in girls may be maximally effective when they target prior bullying perpetration and delinquency.
Purpose of review: Dating and sexual violence victimization are not uncommon in early adolescence and increase in prevalence throughout adolescence into young adulthood with profound health and social consequences. Greater attention to what works in prevention is needed to inform current policies and practices. Recent findings: Adolescent dating violence (ADV) and sexual violence victimization, including cyber dating abuse, are highly prevalent among adolescents. Studies have found sex category differences, with adolescent girls reporting more victimization than boys, particularly sexual violence. Sexual and gender minority youth also experience a higher prevalence of violence victimization than their heterosexual counterparts. Studies on risk factors include examinations of childhood adversities, exposure to sexually explicit material and substance use as well as the role of gender inequitable attitudes on violence perpetration. Recent prevention research includes examining the impact of bystander interventions and transforming gender norms. Summary: Recent ADV/ sexual violence research highlights both prevalence and modifiable risk and protective factors that may help reduce such violence. Practitioners caring for youth should consider ADV/ sexual violence when seeing patients (including those struggling with substance use and other behaviours that contribute to poor health) and not simply rely on screening tools to identify those suffering from ADV/ sexual violence.
This study examines the effects of profile browsing on social network sites (SNSs) on social capital via information propagation between users. We analyze data from a study of 42 million users of the Chinese equivalent of Facebook called Renren, with over 1.8 million profile browsing events collected unobtrusively from the network to understand the prevalence and nature of “passive” profile browsing versus more visible forms of social interaction. Results show that profile browsing is more frequent than visible interaction on the SNS and can be modeled on the basis of a user’s network size, account longevity, and production or reception of visible content. Drawing upon scholarship on social capital, we then evaluate the capacity of profile browsing to propagate information within the network and thus to affect bridging social capital. Our results challenge some commonly-held notions about profile consumption behavior on SNSs and its capacity to increase social capital.
We investigated rates and developmental trends of electronic teen dating violence (TDV) perpetration and victimization overall and by gender. Data were collected from a single cohort of seventh-grade students from four schools using paper-and-pencil surveys administered at 6-month intervals (N = 795). Data were analyzed with descriptive statistics and longitudinal growth models to estimate change over time in TDV. Overall, 32% of youth reported electronic TDV perpetration, and 51% reported electronic TDV victimization. Victimization was more prevalent for boys (42%) than for girls (31%) at baseline only (t = 2.55, p < .05). Perpetration did not differ at any wave. Perpetration and victimization each decreased significantly from the beginning of seventh grade to the end of eighth grade, β = −.129 (.058), p < .05, for perpetration, and β = −.138 (.048), p < .01, for victimization. Gender moderated the decrease in reported victimization, with simple slopes indicating girls showed almost no change in victimization, β = .006 (.066), ns, whereas boys decreased significantly over the 2 years, β = −.292 (.069), p < .001. Although moderation by gender of change in perpetration was not conventionally significant, the simple slopes revealed that girls again showed a nonsignificant change in TDV across seventh and eighth grades, β = −.067 (.078), ns, whereas boys showed a significant decline in reported electronic TDV perpetration, β = −.197 (.083), p < .05. The high prevalence of electronic TDV underscore the need for addressing these behaviors within TDV prevention interventions.