Informal Cross Border Trade as a Substratum Marketing System: A Review and Conceptual Framework

Abstract

We provide a literature review and a conceptual framework on informal cross border trade in Sub-Saharan Africa. Informal cross border trade (ICBT) refers to commercial exchanges conducted across borders by individuals operating as unregistered sole traders. ICBT is a burgeoning part of the informal markets in Sub-Saharan Africa and its existence and persistence carry substantial socio-economic implications. We use “summarizing” and “delineating” techniques to discuss seven themes of ICBT, and cast them as the manifestations of a substratum marketing system - a foundational structure instead of an auxiliary system. We underline implications for scholarship and for policymakers and non-governmental organizations charged with formulating initiatives to manage both ICBT and formal markets.

Full text

Article
Informal Cross Border Trade as a
Substratum Marketing System: A Review
and Conceptual Framework
Eldrede Kahiya
1
and Djavlonbek Kadirov
1
Abstract
We provide a literature review and a conceptual framework on informal cross border trade in Sub-Saharan Africa. Informal cross
border trade (ICBT) refers to commercial exchanges conducted across borders by individuals operating as unregistered sole
traders. ICBT is a burgeoning part of the informal markets in Sub-Saharan Africa and its existence and persistence carry substantial
socio-economic implications. We use “summarizing” and “delineating” techniques to discuss seven themes of ICBT, and cast them
as the manifestations of a substratum marketing system - a foundational structure instead of an auxiliary system. We underline
implications for scholarship and for policymakers and non-governmental organizations charged with formulating initiatives to
manage both ICBT and formal markets.
Keywords
developing countries, economic development, empowerment, subsistence entrepreneurship, marketing system design, trade
routes, vulnerability
Introduction
We review extant research and offer a conceptual framework
on informal cross border trade (ICBT) – commercial exchanges
of goods and services by informal traders operating between
borders. Although ICBT occurs between countries in other parts
of the world including China/North Korea, India/Pakistan,
Myanmar/Thailand, USA/Mexico and vast parts of Eastern Eur-
ope (see Aung 2009; Hastings and Wang 2018; Pisani and
Richardson 2012; Sword 1999; Taneja and Bimal 2017; Xheneti,
Smallbone, and Welter 2013), it is ubiquitous in Sub-Saharan
Africa. Multiple studies (e.g. Afrika and Ajumbo 2012; Dobler
2016; Ellis and MacGaffey 1996; Fadahunsi and Rosa 2002;
Flynn 1997; Meagher 2003; Peberdy and Crush 2001; Peterson
and Zehra 2018; Raeymaekers 2012; Tschirley and Jayne 2010)
suggest ICBT is part of the socio-economic fabric of Sub-
Saharan Africa which encompasses state fragility, poverty, rural
to urban migration, food security, economic reform, inequality,
economic empowerment, and formal and informal markets.
Extant research on ICBT (e.g. Akinboade 2005; Ellis and
MacGaffey 1996; Golub 2015; Hunter and Skinner 2003; Lit-
tle, Tiki, and Debsu 2015; Ogalo 2010; Peberdy 2000a; Titeca
and Kimanuka 2012; Walther 2012) focuses on individual
components of the phenomenon like push-pull factors, socio-
demographic profiles of participants, and the institutional and
financial barriers traders encounter. To date, ICBT has been
the subject of neither comprehensive reviews nor conceptual
development. The limited interest in reviewing past research
and enhancing conceptual development is surprising given the
prevalence of ICBT and the fact that it embodies everyday
entrepreneurship (The Economist 2018; Welter et al. 2017).
In response to both the calls for more conceptual contribution
in marketing and the need for contextualization of theory (see
Chandler and Vargo 2011; MacInnis 2011; Peterson and Zehra
2018; Yadav 2010), we explicate on one of the omnipresent
but under-researched aspects about Africa. We position our
study at the trans-disciplinary intersection (Fisk 2006; Peter-
son 2006) of base of the pyramid research and macromarketing
– an area of increasing importance for the Journal of Macro-
marketing (see Singh and Bharadwaj 2017). Guided by MacIn-
nis (2011, p. 138), we utilize “summarizing” and “delineating”
techniques to expound ICBT. The former appraises past
research and identifies seven thematic clusters which encapsu-
late extant knowledge, while the latter uses the clusters to
theorize that informal cross border trade typifies a substratum
marketing system.
We conceptualize and map ICBT as a substratum marketing
system - a distinctive foundational structure that enables the
1
Wellington School of Business and Government, Victoria University of
Wellington, Wellington, New Zealand
Corresponding Author:
Eldrede Kahiya, Wellington School of Business and Government, Victoria
University of Wellington, 23 Lambton Quay, Wellington 6140, New Zealand.
Email: eldrede.kahiya@vuw.ac.nz
Journal of Macromarketing
1-22
ªThe Author(s) 2020
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0276146719897115
journals.sagepub.com/home/jmk

process of formalization (i.e. the emergence and growth of
formal marketing systems) (Layton 2015). Previous research
(e.g. Layton 2007, 2011) implies ICBT is an auxiliary market-
ing system (i.e. exchange structures that emerge parallel to
formal marketing systems). Likewise, recent public policy sug-
gestions for Africa also tend to uphold this view, treating ICBT
as a set of nuisance/burden phenomena that must be uprooted
(Afrika and Ajumbo 2012). This view is underscored by a
broader perspective of understanding observed marketing sys-
tems, where formal marketing systems are seen grounded in
social matrix (Hounhouigan et al. 2014; Layton 2011). We
offer a different conceptualization in this article - evidence
which shows that formal market structures are but a “tip of
an iceberg” grounded in a broader substratum of culturally
entangled hybrid exchange relationships and practices. This
substratum becomes visible, or highlighted as ICBT, when it
spans across national borders.
Thus, ICBT can be seen as a manifestation of the bedrock of
fundamental marketing systems/provisioning activities in soci-
ety. This conceptual shift, to our knowledge, is the first attempt
to assess ICBT as an all-encompassing system. Previous
research on ICBT is mostly micro-level, and efforts to explicate
it at the macro-level (e.g. Dobler 2016; Layton 2007; Walther
2009) have addressed subsystems. For instance, Dobler’s
(2016) conceptualization focuses on borders and actors;
Walther’s (2009) typology examines spatial mobility; and Lay-
ton’s (2007) description of Makola and Salaula marketplaces
dissects the retail-end of ICBT. Our conceptualization of ICBT
encapsulates its broader system’s character. In the next section
we provide background on ICBT before shifting to methods
and conceptual development.
Background
The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) outlines three categories of informal cross border tra-
ders; (1) firms operating entirely outside the formal economy,
(2) formally registered firms partially circumventing taxes and
duties, and (3) formally registered firms fully evading paying
their fair share of taxes and duties (Lesser and Mois´e-Leeman
2009). A fourth grouping encompasses organizations/individ-
uals facilitating trafficking and smuggling (see Titeca 2012).
Exchanges comprising blatant illegal activity [i.e. (2), (3) and
(4)] constitute criminal enterprise and thus do not qualify for
“regular” informal cross border trade (Williams and Nadin
2010). We define informal cross border trade (ICBT) as
market-based exchanges of legally produced/acquired goods,
across national borders, which occur outside the remit of for-
mal commercial activity. Exchanges fall outside the regulated
space because (1) the traders involved may not be formally
registered, and (2) the transactions may be sporadic and of such
a low or hard to quantify commercial value, to draw sustained
interest from regulators.
While there is no consensus on how to quantify ICBT, there
is recognition it accounts for a substantial portion of economic
activity (Koroma et al. 2017; Nkendah 2013; Ogalo 2010). By
not recording all of this informal trade, official economic data
ostensibly underestimate gross domestic product and trade sta-
tistics across several countries in Africa (Afrika and Ajumbo
2012). Thus, its study is fundamental for numerous develop-
mental imperatives. As an expression of African Entrepreneur-
ship, ICBT empowers traders by generating self-employment,
and offers women flexibility and opportunity to participate in
meaningful economic activity (Afrika and Ajumbo 2012; Dad-
zie, Akaah, and Dunson 1989). It helps fight unemployment
and poverty - key obligations for Sub-Saharan Africa, where
most countries are subsistence and bottom of the pyramid mar-
kets (African Development Bank 2015; Blankson, Cowan, and
Darley 2018; Kotler, Roberto, and Leisner 2006; Lindeman
2014; Peterson and Zehra 2018; Prahalad and Hammond
2002). Thus, ICBT is relevant to the broader dialogue on inclu-
sive economic development (Dadzie et al. 2013; Peterson and
Zehra 2018; World Economic Forum 2018).
ICBT also constitutes a wicked problem (Churchman 1967;
Rittel and Webber 1973). The wickedness arises primarily from
social complexity – the diversity and interplay in the number of
participants involved, and the fact that the problem is often a
set of “interlocking issues and constraints” (Conklin 2006, p. 8).
While policymakers across much of Sub-Saharan Africa view
informal cross border traders as sole proprietorships and micro
small-to-medium size enterprises (MSMEs); as the scale and
scope of such trade grows, it decimates the base from which
central authorities can collect crucial revenue. On one hand ICBT
offers gainful employment, on the other it facilitates exploitation
(especially of women) and intersects with various forms of (il)leg-
ality. We premise our study on Wooliscroft (2016) who advances
the foremost goal of macromarketing is to confront wicked prob-
lems. To address ICBT’s paradoxical nature outlined above, our
study scrutinizes this phenomenon from a marketing systems lens
(Layton and Grossbart 2006). How does one conceptualize ICBT
from a macromarketing perspective? Is marketing systems design
an option for informal markets? How does one design a marketing
system inclusive of ICBT in order to reduce negative societal
outcomes and maximize positive ones? How should policy-
makers approach this task?
To answer the preceding questions, the subsequent section
introduces the conceptual frames and marketing systems’
thinking to guide the research. We explore informal exchange
networks and the importance of understanding ICBT from the
perspective of marketing systems. This is followed by a meth-
ods section which highlights the literature review and justifies
the adoption of “summarizing” and “delineating” techniques.
We offer results of the review of 45 studies on ICBT and
discuss them along seven themes. The thematic clusters are the
bedrock of our conceptualization and depiction of ICBT as a
substratum marketing system. Finally, we draw conclusions
and chart directions for future research.
Informal Exchange Systems and Formalization
It is generally understood that the informal economy functions
as an alternative, auxiliary, or complementary network of
2Journal of Macromarketing XX(X)

exchanges that stand in contrast to formal systems (Arellano
1994; Lomnitz 1988). Traditional economics sees informal
exchange systems as the consequence of the formal economic
sector’s inability to deal effectively with its key functions (e.g.
adaptive provisioning and flexible product assortments, cre-
ation of sufficient jobs, ease of doing business, and ensuring
hassle-free entrepreneurship). Informal systems would exist as
long as formal systems fail to produce and distribute assort-
ments that society requires (Lomnitz 1988). Britan and Cohen
(1980) argued that informal structures emanate from the dee-
pening bureaucracy of formal arrangements. Since formal
arrangements are rigid and inflexible, informal systems exploit
such rigidities, while offering more deft and direct ways of
solving exchange problems. In macromarketing, this view is
echoed in Arellano’s (1994) work that indicates that informal
traders are efficient, hence this mode of economic exchanges
would proliferate in low development countries due to a lack of
formal control. Layton (2007) saw informal exchange systems
as institutions that are formed parallel to formal marketing
systems. He indicated that informal market exchanges provide
assortments not offered by formal marketing systems (Layton
2007). Lomnitz (1988) extended this view, arguing that a close
link exists between formal and informal exchange systems.
Accordingly, informality is an adaptive mechanism of dealing
with inadequacies of formal systems. Therefore, informal sys-
tems can be seen as an intrinsic element of formal systems.
Informal exchange networks provide an alternative view
suggesting informal practices become manifest in light of for-
malizing interventions, because these practices epitomize pri-
mary economic activities entangled in society’s social-cultural
milieus (Gaughan and Ferman 1987). What appears “informal”
is in fact a mode of societal provisioning operations under-
scored by socio-demographic and geo-political realities (Fisk
1967). Researchers (e.g. Gaughan and Ferman 1987) argued
that informal exchanges, because they constitute the social
matrix of culture-based provisioning, exist prior to formaliza-
tion. The act of formalization brings selected aspects of com-
mercial as well as cultural activities to the foreground in the
shape of “formal” arrangements, while the rest of activities,
despite constituting the original foundation of exchange, can
be treated as “informal”. Hence, the informal sector can be
understood as the substratum of market activities anchoring
formal systems, instead of an auxiliary structure.
The marketing-systems-as-the-public-good (MSPG) frame-
work (Kadirov 2018) informs this alternative view of informal
systems. The MSPG typology asserts that individuals derive
value from participating in and contributing to just marketing
systems; which is dissimilar from the value directly derived
from the use/consumption of assortments. From this perspec-
tive, formal marketing systems operate as institutions con-
structed through formalization. Formalization occurs when
some specific aspects of societal exchanges are separated from
the complex environment as a formal domain, while some other
aspects may appear as “informal” in reference to the formal.
Formal marketing systems are not given, to the contrary, they
are enabled through formalization reflected in property rights,
rules-in-use, and design decisions (Ostrom 2005). The MSPG
framework emphasizes the possibility of perceived injustice in
formal systems, which may be manifested in the form of sys-
temic barriers, limitations, inefficiencies, and irrationalities.
Such manifestations can stimulate resource shifts from the for-
mal sphere to the informal one, and vice versa.
Drawing on the MSPG framework, we contend that ICBT is
the phenomenon that signifies an important substratum of mar-
keting systems. Not only does it operate as a societal provision-
ing process, it also denotes a complex network of exchanges
which are related to original societal provisioning structures
prior to formal restrictions (e.g. colonization, borders, eco-
nomic policy). Hence, ICBT can be seen as much more funda-
mental than current formal economic structures representing
the outcome of (post)modernity and colonization. Based on
these theoretical premises, we submit that ICBT operates as a
dialectic mirror of formal exchange systems. It exists as it is
(regardless whether it is seen as “informal” or “neutral”), while
growing inadequacy of formal structures (i.e. mounting experi-
ences of injustice in marketing systems) (Kadirov 2018), brings
its size and scope to the foreground as a “problem” to be
solved. Consequently, ICBT turns into a gauge of the effec-
tiveness of formalizing practices in marketing systems. This is
its substratum diagnosticity role – the more it is problematized,
the more likely that marketing systems’ formalization may
have gone wrong. Ironically, a misguided marketing systems
policy may incorrectly target ICBT (or informal markets in
general), instead of targeting inadequate formalization pro-
cesses of marketing systems.
Methodology
Our study is motivated by the lack of reviews and limited
conceptual work on informal cross border trade. Kumar
(2015), MacInnis (2011), and Yadav (2010) underscore that
the decline of conceptual articles is a persistent issue across
the marketing field. Yadav’s (2010) work drew attention to the
problem, while MacInnis’s (2011) offered potential remedies.
Conceptual articles are pivotal to scientific progress as they
help advance a construct, domain or discipline (Crittenden and
Peterson 2013; MacInnis 2011; Yadav 2010). Their value esca-
lates when researchers examine pertinent problems (Kumar
2015; Layton and Grossbart 2006). To this end, we use a
macromarketing perspective to cast informal cross border trade
as a substratum marketing system. We employ “summarizing”
and “delineating” techniques to attain our general conceptual
goal of elucidating a domain (MacInnis 2011).
To paint a persuasive picture of ICBT (i.e. summarizing)
and lay the foundation for our conceptual development, we
utilize a method of literature review and provide a synthesis
of past research. The literature review is guided by the follow-
ing question; what are the defining features of informal cross
border trade? Our review is systematic (see Briner, Denyer,
and Rousseau 2009; Rousseau, Manning, and Denyer 2008;
Tranfield, Denyer, and Smart 2003) in nature but not (necessa-
rily) comprehensive in scope, in that the search is limited to two
Kahiya and Kadirov 3

key terms “informal cross border trade” and “Africa”. To the
best of our knowledge, we are one of the first studies to attempt
to integrate and synthesize the body of knowledge on ICBT.
Using both broad (i.e. ABI Inform,JSTOR, and Science Direct)
and publisher-related databases (i.e. Blackwell-Wiley,Elsevier,
Emerald,Palgrave,Sage,Springer, and Taylor and Francis)
our search included keywords, abstract, and full-text. After
excluding newspaper and magazine articles, theses, books/
book chapters, reports of a general nature, and opinion pieces,
our search harvested 45 peer-reviewed journal articles and
authoritative reports published in English. Although our search
was not restricted to any specific regions of Africa, all but one
of the studies is drawn from outside the Sub-Saharan region.
Appendix A provides a map of Africa, which highlights the
expansive region in question. Aside from the island nations in
the Indian Ocean (i.e. Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, Sey-
chelles) nearly all Sub-Saharan African countries are covered/
referenced in our sample.
While it is common for systematic reviews to provide a
bibliometric synopsis of the articles included, our review omits
this step principally because the literature review itself is not
the outcome but rather the tool which facilitates the conceptual
development. Our approach is influenced by scholars (e.g.
MacLure 2005; MacInnis 2011; Papadopoulos and Malhotra
2007; Paul and Mas 2019) who advocate the use of a literature
review as a basis for conceptualization instead of only provid-
ing taxonomy on past research. Like several recent studies (e.g.
Beninger and Shapiro 2019; McArthur, Weaven, and Dant
2016; Newman et al. 2014) that use literature reviews to theo-
rize, we set aside the bibliometric profile and focus on asses-
sing extant knowledge.
To code the data, we adopted a general inductive approach
deriving from constant comparison analysis (Leech and
Onwuegbuzie 2007; Thomas 2006). This approach was consid-
ered adequate since it allows researchers to consolidate data,
underline links between research objective and data, and
develop insights based on the underlying structure of the data
(Thomas 2006, p. 238). We followed the five-step approach
(i.e. initial reading of text data, identifying text chunks, label-
ling text chunks, reducing overlap and redundancy, and select-
ing thematic categories) suggestedbyCreswell(2002)and
restated in Thomas (2006). Through this procedure, we identi-
fied seven thematic clusters – motive/origin,magnitude,assort-
ment heterogeneity,entrepreneurialism,(il)legality,moral
discourse, and (in)formalization. The number of clusters falls
within the acceptable range (i.e. 3-8) for general inductive
coding (see Creswell 2002; Thomas 2006). Appendix B pro-
vides an overview of the 45 studies reviewed, whereas Table 1
encapsulates knowledge content. The subsequent narrative
synthesis refers to both the thematic clusters in Table 1 and
key findings in Appendix B. Because the first stage of our
theorization focuses on the review component, the clusters
condense knowledge content on ICBT with no obvious
attempts to articulate this in a macromarketing or marketing
systems context. Only at the second stage of theorization (i.e.
informal cross border trade as a substratum marketing system)
do we use delineation to draw links between the thematic clus-
ters and macromarketing/marketing systems.
Thematic Clusters on Informal Cross Border
Trade
Motives and Origins of ICBT
Several scholars (see Akinboade 2005; Alusala 2010; Ama,
Mangadi, and Ama 2014; Ellis and MacGaffey 1996; Flynn
1997; Koroma et al. 2017; Little 1992; Little, Tiki, and Debsu
2015; Manjokoto and Ranga 2017; Meagher 2003; Mohama-
dain and Ati 2015; Muzvidziwa 2001; Ndlela 2006; Nshimbi
2015; Ogalo 2010; Titeca and Kimanuka 2012; Yusuff 2014)
have studied the origins (of) and motives (underpinning) infor-
mal cross border trade. There is a presumption that the emer-
gent socio-economic reality of Africa, characterized by rural to
urban migration, decline in agricultural production, the legacy
of botched economic structural adjustment programmes, unem-
ployment and underemployment, lack of opportunities for the
youth, and porous borders explains modern ICBT (Akinboade
2005; Alusala 2010; Ama, Mangadi, and Ama 2014; Little,
Tiki, and Debsu 2015; Manjokoto and Ranga 2017; Meagher
2003; Muzvidziwa 2001; Ndlela 2006; Ogalo 2010). Further, a
neo-classic view on ICBT suggests it emanates from barriers
Africa’s harsh business environment spawns. The view is espe-
cially popular among multilateral lenders and supranational
organizations including the African Development Bank (e.g.
Afrika and Ajumbo 2012), Food and Agriculture Organization
(e.g. Koroma et al. 2017) OECD (e.g. Lesser and Mois´e-Lee-
man 2009), and the United States Agency for International
Development (e.g. Blumberg, Malaba, and Meyers 2016) who
point to high transactions costs, bureaucracy, corruption, lack
of knowledge, restricted access to financing, and limited edu-
cation and skills. The comparatively low ranking of African
countries concerning ease of doing business, economic free-
doms, corruption perception, and human development lends
credence to this view. For instance, challenges in establishing
and running a formal business (i.e. ease of doing business),
explain the discrepancy between early stage entrepreneurial
activities and actual start-ups in select African countries (see
Herrington and Kelly 2012; Kahiya and Kennedy 2016).
Yet, ICBT predates modern Africa and traces to socio-ethnic
affinities that have existed for centuries (Ellis and MacGaffey
1996; Koroma et al. 2017; Little 1992; Mohamadain and Ati
2015; Ogalo 2010). Murdock’s (1967) ethnographic map of
Africa, which demonstrates that the 54 countries constituting the
continent today are 800-plus tribal/ethnic areas, comprising mul-
tiple layers of jurisdictional hierarchy, extending beyond the
local village, provides an informative context. Economic
exchange, predominantly in the form of barter trade helped to
satisfy everyday needs and to cement those socio-ethnic affilia-
tions. The “collectivist” cultural makeup of this region (see Hof-
stede 1980; Darley and Blankson 2008) was fundamental for
weaving and embedding economic exchange in the social matrix
(Hounhouigan et al. 2014; Layton 2011). As borders cropped up
4Journal of Macromarketing XX(X)

Table 1. Thematic Clusters on Informal Cross Border Trade in Sub-Saharan Africa.
No. Authorship Country/Region
Motive
and
origin Magnitude Assortment
Entrepreneurial
Expression (Il)legality
Moral
Discourse (In)formality
1 Little 1992 Somalia, Kenya
2 Ellis and MacGaffey
1996
Sub-Saharan Africa
3 Flynn 1997 Benin, Nigeria
4 Muzvidziwa 1998 Zimbabwe
5 Fadahunsi 2000 Sub-Saharan Africa
6 Peberdy 2000a South Africa
7 Peberdy 2000b Mozambique, South
Africa
8 Peberdy and Rogerson
2000
South Africa
9 Muzvidziwa 2001 Zimbabwe
10 Peberdy and Crush
2001
Mozambique, South
Africa
11 Fadahunsi and Rosa
2002
Nigeria
12 Hunter and Skinner
2003
South Africa
13 Meagher 2003 West Africa
14 Ntseane 2004 Botswana
15 Akinboade 2005 East and Southern
Africa
16 Ndlela 2006 Zimbabwe
17 Desai 2009 Western and Southern
Africa
18 Lesser and Mois´
e-
Leeman 2009
Sub-Saharan Africa
19 Walther 2009 Niger, Benin, Nigeria
20 Alusala 2010 Uganda, Rwanda
21 Ogalo 2010 East Africa, Great
Lakes
22 Afrika and Ajumbo
2012
Sub-Saharan Africa
23 Raeymaekers 2012 Democratic Republic
of Congo, Uganda
24 Titeca 2012 Uganda, neighbors
25 Titeca and Kimanuka
2012
Central Africa and
Great lakes
26 Walther 2012 Niger, Benin, Nigeria
27 Ayadi et al. 2013 Tunisia, neighbors
28 Nkendah 2013 Cameroun, neighbors
29 Wrigley-Asante 2013a Ghana
30 Wrigley-Asante 2013b Ghana
31 Ama et al. 2014 Botswana
32 Yusuff 2014 ECOWAS region
33 Titeca and Flynn 2014 Uganda
34 Benjamin, Golub, and
Mbaye 2015
Benin, Nigeria,
Senegal, The
Gambia, Togo
(continued)
Kahiya and Kadirov 5

following colonization, ICBT became a symbol of both con-
tempt and defiance, directed at colonial settlers for creating
borders which some considered as artificial (Flynn 1997; Moha-
madain and Ati 2015; Nshimbi 2015; Walther 2012). Modern
Africa has retained these traditional ties between social and
ethnic groups, and some communities view national borders as
bridges instead of boundaries (Dobler 2016; Flynn 1997).
Magnitude and Extent of ICBT
A cluster of studies (e.g. Afrika and Ajumbo 2012; Ayadi et al.
2013; Ellis and MacGaffey 1996; Mohamadain and Ati 2015;
Nkendah 2013; Shimuafeni 2015) attempts to estimate the mag-
nitude of ICBT. Shimuafeni (2015) suggests 40%of Africa’s
GDP derives from the informal sector, of which ICBT is an
integral component (Lesser and Mois´e-Leeman 2009). ICBT
accounts for nearly 70%of the employment in Sub-Saharan
Africa, and 30 to 40%of intra-Africa trade in the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) (Koroma et al.
2017). Within the SADC region, this translates to 100 000 metric
tonnes of maize and 41000 metric tonnes of other grains (e.g. rice
and soya beans) per annum (Afrika and Ajumbo 2012; World
Food Programme 2007). To the north,ICBT accounts for 50%of
Tunisia’s official bilateral trade with Libya, and approximately
10%with Algeria (Ayadi et al. 2013). Nearly a quarter of Suda-
nese households in the border regions of Gedarif and Kassala
participate in ICBT (Mohamadain and Ati 2015).
Contrary to the traditional view, a strong formal sector may
not guarantee the retrenchment of ICBT, and socio-
economically stable countries are more likely to be active
exporters (Nkendah 2013; Shimuafeni 2015). For instance,
90%of the informal trade between Namibia and its neighbors
is in the form of “exports” (Shimuafeni 2015). Likewise,
Cameroon runs a “positive balance” of informal trade with
contemporaries in the Economic and Monetary Community
of Central Africa (CEMAC) (Nkendah 2013). It is essential
to note most of these statistics pertain to trade in grain/food
which is easier to quantify compared to the assortment of con-
sumer durable and non-durable goods outlined below.
To appreciate the magnitude of ICBT, one has to acknowl-
edge its broad, but not necessarily linear, contribution to eco-
nomic activities in Africa. As the magnitude of economic
activities considered formal increases, so does ICBT. It would
be very simplistic to assume that the magnitudes of ICBT and
formal systems are inversely related, at least so far as economic
structures in Africa are concerned. For instance, Crushand Frayne
(2011) note the informal food economy (which includes ICBT
trade in food) is booming despite the rapid expansion of large
supermarket chains (e.g. Pick nPay, Shoprite, and Woolworths)
across much of Africa. Benjamin, Golub, and Mbaye (2015)
observe that most ICBT transactions are re-exports, and this com-
plicates the task of developing precise statistics given the possi-
bility of double-counting. Some researchers (e.g. Ayadi et al.
2013; Lesser and Mois´e-Leeman 2009; Ogalo 2010), therefore,
conclude that the complete eradication of ICBT is not possible.
Assortment Heterogeneity in ICBT
Research (e.g. Ama, Mangadi, and Ama 2014; Dobler 2016;
Flynn 1997; Hunter and Skinner 2003; Koroma et al. 2017;
Table 1. (continued)
No. Authorship Country/Region
Motive
and
origin Magnitude Assortment
Entrepreneurial
Expression (Il)legality
Moral
Discourse (In)formality
35 Little, Tiki, and Debsu
2015
Ethiopia, Kenya,
Somalia
36 Mohamadain and Ati
2015
Sudan
37 Nshimbi 2015 Zambia, Malawi,
Mozambique
38 Shimuafeni 2015 Namibia
39 Blumberg, Malaba, and
Meyers 2016
Botswana, Malawi
40 Dobler 2016 Africa
41 Koroma et al. 2017 Sub-Saharan Africa
42 Manjokoto and Ranga
2017
Zimbabwe
43 Mawejje and Nampewo
2018
Uganda
44 Van den Boogaard,
Prichard, and Jibao
2018
Sierra-Leone
45 Nshimbi 2019 Zambia, Malawi,
Mozambique
6Journal of Macromarketing XX(X)

Little, Tiki, and Debsu 2015; Mohamadain and Ati 2015; Muz-
vidziwa 1998; Nkendah 2013; Nshimbi 2019; Ntseane 2004;
Ogalo 2010; Peberdy 2000a, 2000b; Peberdy and Rogerson
2000; Raeymaekers 2012; Shimuafeni 2015; Titeca and Kima-
nuka 2012; Van den Boogaard, Prichard, and Jibao 2018;
Walther 2009, 2012; Yusuff 2014) indicates ICBT is hetero-
geneous, the extent of which does not depend on the nature of
the formal sector. It is not an appendage to formal structures in
a sense that these activities target what is missed from formal
marketing systems. The heterogeneity is largely linked to geo-
graphic factors, local skills, resources and endowments. For
instance, the regions of East Africa trade mainly in foodstuff
and livestock; the resource rich region of Central Africa
exchanges minerals and jewellery, while the borders of South-
ern Africa see a fair share of clothing and handicrafts passing
through (see Ama, Mangadi, and Ama 2014; Koroma et al.
2017; Little, Tiki, and Debsu 2015; Shimuafeni 2015; Titeca
and Kimanuka 2012; Yusuff 2014). Nkendah (2013) suggests
where higher levels of education are pervasive, ICBTs are more
likely to perform multiple exchange functions and specialized
roles in the value chain. Of these roles (i.e. exporter, intermedi-
ary, retailer, warehouser, and wholesaler) retailing is one of the
most critical. This probably explains why most cities in Sub-
Saharan Africa are dotted with Makolas and Salaulas - retail or
consumer-facing informal marketplaces distributing wares
from ICBT (Hunter and Skinner 2003; Layton 2007; Peberdy
2000a, 2000b; Peberdy and Rogerson 2000).
Studies (e.g. Ama, Mangadi, and Ama 2014; Mohamadain and
Ati 2015; Nkendah 2013; Ntseane 2004) also show that spatial
mobility and social networks play a pivotal role in shaping ICBT.
Inhabitants of border towns are more likely to participate in ICBT
than those from further afield (Ayadi et al. 2013; Flynn 1997;
Mohamadain and Ati 2015; Nkendah 2013). The start-up capital
maybe as little as $30.00, sourced primarily from family and
friends (Ama, Mangadi, and Ama 2014; Muzvidziwa 1998;
Ntseane 2004). ICBT attracts unemployed and underemployed
men and women aged 20 to 50, while foreign street traders (an
offshoot of ICBT) comprise mostly single men in their 20’s (Hun-
ter and Skinner 2003; Muzvidziwa 1998, 2001; Peberdy 2000b;
Peberdy and Rogerson 2000).Traders in their 20’s are more likely
to have secondary education than older peers (Ama, Mangadi,and
Ama 2014; Hunter and Skinner 2003; Nkendah 2013; Ogalo
2010). They are omnipresent (in) but not limited to South Africa.
For instance, Mohamadain and Ati (2015) observe that some
traders operating in Sudan are “expatriates” of Ethiopian and
Eritrean origin. The notion of foreign street traders offers
glimpses into spatial mobility and transnational ICBT activities.
ICBT as Entrepreneurial Expression
A handful studies (Ama, Mangadi, and Ama 2014; Desai 2009;
Koroma et al. 2017; Manjokoto and Ranga 2017; Muzvidziwa
2001; Ndlela 2006; Peberdy 2000b; Ogalo 2010; Titeca and
Kimanuka 2012; Wrigley-Asante 2013b) suggest that informal
cross border trade is a form of entrepreneurial expression (see
Sridharan et al. 2014). This contrasts with a traditional view
which depicts exchanges as opportunistic arbitrage that involves
traders identifying gaps in the market or significant price-cost
differentials across borders (Manjokoto and Ranga 2017; Titeca
and Kimanuka 2012). It is true that price-cost differentials ema-
nate from shortages/surpluses, and trade in grain surges in
drought-stricken or conflict-ridden areas (Little, Tiki, and Debsu
2015; Titeca and Kimanuka 2012; World Food Programme
2007). However, what matters is the ability of traders to respond
to these market shifts, which makes ICBT a more effective
distribution channel than formal government mechanisms, espe-
cially in times of drought (Koroma et al. 2017; Tschirley and
Jayne 2010; World Food Programme 2007). Other types of
opportunities (e.g. trade in health and beauty supplies, car parts,
and electronic products) bear the hallmarks of lifestyle-based or
growth-focused entrepreneurship (Manjokoto and Ranga 2017;
Muzvidziwa 2001; Ntseane 2004).
ICBT delivers myriad benefits for various actors including
governments, traders, formally registered firms, and consumers
(Afrika and Ajumbo 2012; Akinboade 2005; Koroma et al.
2017). Governments view informal cross border traders as sub-
sistence entrepreneurs capable of attaining growth via
“upgrading” (Babah Daouda, Ingenbleek, and van Trijp
2019). Consumers benefit from cost savings and assortment,
while traders profit from low transaction costs. For instance, in
Botswana, margins from ICBT are as high as 60%and on aver-
age, women informal cross border traders (WICBTs) earn more
than five times the minimum wage (Ama, Mangadi, and Ama
2014). Proceeds from the exchanges have enabled multitudes of
cross border traders across Africa to put food on the table, clothe
their families, pay school fees for their children, and purchase
household furniture and appliances (Ama, Mangadi, and Ama
2014; Koroma et al. 2017; Manjokoto and Ranga 2017; Muz-
vidziwa 2001; Ndlela 2006; Peberdy 2000b; Ogalo 2010; Titeca
and Kimanuka 2012; Wrigley-Asante 2013b). Thus, ICBT
exemplifies Africapitalism (see Muzanenhamo 2019) - a way
of being and living for these communities.
ICBT and (Il)legality
Virtually all forms of ICBT rob governments of two major
sources of income; (1) internal revenue (i.e. income, sales and
value added taxes) and (2) customs collections (i.e. import/
export duties, licences, taxes and other charges) (Afrika and
Ajumbo 2012; Lesser and Mois´e-Leeman 2009). This is par-
ticularly problematic in a region where governments could
direct these proceeds toward human development priorities
embracing, education, health, and poverty alleviation (see
Blankson, Cowan, and Darley 2018; Kotler, Roberto, and Leis-
ner 2006; Peterson and Zehra 2018). Furthermore, traders
enjoy the same public goods (e.g. transportation and logistics
infrastructure, and social services) as formal traders, without
incurring commensurate costs (Nshimbi 2019). However, it can
also be seen as a positive force in the context of the widespread
incidence of ineffective/corrupt use of public resources includ-
ing tax revenue. From this perspective, ICBT can potentially
directly benefit impoverished communities. Moreover, it may
Kahiya and Kadirov 7

possibly shift many households from being government sup-
port recipients to material independence.
Some researchers (Alusala 2010; Benjamin, Golub, and
Mbaye 2015; Blumberg, Malaba, and Meyers 2016; Fadahunsi
and Rosa 2002; Ellis and MacGaffey 1996; Titeca 2012; Titeca
and Flynn 2014; Titeca and Kimanuka 2012) wade into the
murky waters of what constitutes (il)legality. There is consensus
(e.g. Benjamin, Golub, and Mbaye 2015; Blumberg, Malaba,
and Meyers 2016; Little, Tiki, and Debsu 2015) that the differ-
ence between legal and illegal is more of a continuum than a
dichotomy. In its purest form, ICBT involves the import and
export of legally produced/acquired goods, by non-formally reg-
istered sole traders, through regular legal channels, with no
attempt to evade international logistics gatekeepers such as cus-
toms and border control agents (Benjamin, Golub, and Mbaye
2015; Titeca and Kimanuka 2012). Beyond this point, most
ICBT exchanges raise concern about (il)legality (Fadahunsi and
Rosa 2002; Nshimbi 2019). To varying degrees, traders seek to
bypass or dampen border-related costs, yet Fadahunsi and Rosa
(2002) suggest this proclivity should not consign ICBT to the
pile of illegal activity. Indeed, seeking to pay the lowest possible
tariff is a legitimate and common practice among law-abiding
formally registered multinational enterprises (MNEs) and small
to medium size firms (SMEs). Complicating the distinction is the
fact that although attempting to reduce import duties through
under-invoicing is illegal in most jurisdictions, authorities in
Togo and Benin encourage it, together with flexible application
of tariff rates (Benjamin, Golub, and Mbaye 2015). Further,
legality on “both sides of the ledger” cannot be guaranteed. For
instance, transactions may consist of legal imports into countries
with low tariffs, followed by informal exports (whose legality is
open to scrutiny) to countries with higher tariffs (Benjamin,
Golub, and Mbaye 2015). On the other end of the continuum,
corruption and governance gaps leave ICBT vulnerable to fla-
grant transnational organized crime (Titeca 2018). Instigated by
politicians and tycoons, the “weaponization” of ICBT eventuates
when contraband encompassing ivory, precious metals, and
weapons chokes the trade routes intended for legally pro-
duced/acquired goods (Alusala 2010; Blumberg, Malaba, and
Meyers 2016; Ellis and MacGaffey 1996; Fadahunsi and Rosa
2002; Titeca 2012; Titeca and Flynn 2014). Most of the smug-
gling is conducted at blue borders (i.e. legitimate crossing points
with all the accoutrements of modern international logistics), by
elites from further afield, who display disdain for the border
communities whose lives they disrupt (Dobler 2016). This
smears legitimate traders with the same brush as smugglers.
ICBT as Moral Discourse
ICBT is not a neutral economic activity. It largely reflects the
moral prerogatives and conventional norms of involved com-
munities. For example, societal gender dynamics, often very
brutal, are reflected in ICBT’s structure. The majority of
economies in Sub-Saharan Africa are dualistic in nature, com-
prising a male-dominated formal sector and a female-
dominated informal/rural sector (Ndlela 2006). The African
Development Bank estimates that 60%of informal cross border
traders are women (see Afrika and Ajumbo 2012). Women
informal cross border traders (WICBTs) often have a low level
of education, no bankable assets and little formal knowledge of
how to run an enterprise. This is unsurprising given the non-
normative impetus for starting a business, which comprises
dropping out of school, teen pregnancy, a failed marriage or
coming from a dysfunctional home (Ntseane 2004; Peberdy
2000b; Titeca and Kimanuka 2012; Wrigley-Asante 2013a,
2013b). They operate in constant fear of threats (of), or actual
physical, emotional and psychological harm (Akinboade 2005;
Ama, Mangadi, and Ama 2014; Blumberg et al. 2016; Desai
2009; Manjokoto and Ranga 2017; Muzvidziwa 1998, 2001;
Ntseane 2004; Titeca and Kimanuka 2012; Wrigley-Asante
2013a; Yusuff 2014). For instance, for some WICBTs, select-
ing a specific border crossing or transport provider amounts to
“choosing a boyfriend” as touts (i.e. unauthorized valets and
marshals at bus terminus, taxi ranks and some border cross-
ings), conspiring with border control or transport providers,
habitually demand sexual favors in exchange for commercial
transactions (Blumberg, Malaba, and Meyers 2016; Titeca and
Kimanuka 2012; Manjokoto and Ranga 2017; Wrigley-Asante
2013a; Yusuff 2014). Not only does this increase the risk of
contracting and transmitting diseases, it leads to the stigmati-
zation of some WICBTs as prostitutes (Blumberg, Malaba, and
Meyers 2016; Manjokoto and Ranga 2017; Wrigley-Asante
2013a). Similar patterns of cultural complexity structure ICBT
as a dominant moral discourse in society.
(In)formalization
Other scholars (e.g. Benjamin, Golub, and Mbaye 2015; Dobler
2016; Koroma et al. 2017; Little, Tiki, and Debsu 2015; Man-
jokoto and Ranga 2017; Nkendah 2013; Nshimbi 2015; Ogalo
2010; Peberdy 2000b; Raeymaekers 2012; Titeca 2012; Titeca
and Flynn 2014; Van den Boogaard, Prichard, and Jibao 2018)
have focused on disentangling formal and informal (market)
dimensions of ICBT. Like the distinction between legal and
illegal, extricating formal from informal markets is complex
and confounding. ICBT thrives on hybrid governance mechan-
isms that juxtapose formal and informal markets (Titeca and
Flynn 2014). These structures entail formalization of informal
practices (e.g. holding something of value as bond or surety)
and informalization of formal practices (e.g. negotiating a tariff
rate) (Titeca and Flynn 2014). Van den Boogaard, Prichard,
and Jibao’s (2018) description of unofficial customs agents in
Sierra-Leone (i.e. operating without official licenses and iden-
tification but lodging formal and legitimate declarations)
embodies the juxtaposition. Ironically, ICBTs often form or
join (formal) trade associations (Van den Boogaard, Prichard,
and Jibao 2018; Wrigley-Asante 2013b). The advantages of
this are dubious at best. For instance, traders who belong to
trade organizations, face more harassment at the border (Van
den Boogaard, Prichard, and Jibao 2018) and the trade associa-
tions are often irresolute (Wrigley-Asante 2013b).
8Journal of Macromarketing XX(X)

Well-educated informal cross border traders often hold jobs
in the formal sector (Ama, Mangadi, and Ama 2014; Titeca and
Kimanuka 2012; Yusuff 2014). Higher education levels among
ICBTs allows them to straddle the formal/informal divide.
Education gives them an appreciation of the broader formal
market mechanisms (e.g. trade agreements) within which they
should operate, but their everyday realities (e.g. low start cap-
ital, inability to handle large volumes, and recurrent challenges
with working capital) accommodate informal transactions
(Blumberg, Malaba, and Meyers 2016; Mohamadain and Ati
2015; Ogalo 2010). Merchandise acquired through formal mar-
kets can be on-sold via informal markets and vice versa (Ben-
jamin, Golub, and Mbaye 2015; Koroma et al. 2017; Little,
Tiki, and Debsu 2015; Manjokoto and Ranga 2017; Peberdy
2000b). While on-selling via formally registered enterprises
may reduce margins for traders, collecting on outstanding pay-
ments is easier, compared to dealing directly with consumers.
Thus selling to the final consumer via a formally registered
retail outlet “cleanses” the goods of any stigma associated with
ICBT. Just like the final consumer, these retail outlets profit
from the attractive prices low transactions costs engender. Con-
sumers get the best of both worlds; competitive prices plus
legally binding assurances from registered retailers - which
informal traders may be unwilling or unable to meet. At an
aggregated level, the extent of interaction between formal and
informal markets is hard to determine. For instance, Mawejje
and Nampewo (2018) find that ICBT in agricultural products is
not a long run driver of food prices in Uganda, while Raey-
maekers (2012) suggests that this dualistic aspect creates a
scenario where the formal could be subsumed (under) or sup-
planted by the informal.
ICBT Framework and Discussion
In developing the ICBT framework we follow MacInnis’s
(2011) suggestions on conceptual contributions. Our approach
to “delineating” illustrates opposing observations on the same
phenomenon such as; “what is simple is complex -what is
complex is simple” or “what is macro is micro -what is micro
is macro” (MacInnis 2011, p. 139). Knowledge from the seven
thematic clusters in combination with Chen’s (2007, p. 5) por-
trayal of contrasting views on the informal economy, allows us
to identify and differentiate (i.e. delineate) two foremost per-
spectives on ICBT (see Table 2). These viewpoints are ICBT as
an auxiliary marketing system (ICBT-AMS) and ICBT as a
substratum marketing system (ICBT-SMS). The former is
based on the traditional view of ICBT as a nuisance structure
that augments mainstream marketing system structures and
processes, while the latter views ICBT as a primary domain
of market activities.
The ICBT-AMS perspective conceptually positions ICBT as
an outcome of deficiencies in formal marketing systems
reflected in difficulties, challenges, barriers, and bureaucratic
hurdles which market actors face. The ICBT-SMS perspective,
in contrast, sees ICBT as the original source of market activi-
ties which enables and supports formal structures, while recog-
nizing that deficient formalization may revert some of market
exchanges back to the original “pool”. The proposed ICBT-
SMS framework in this paper depicts ICBT as a complex
substratum marketing system. Due to its complexity, there is
substantial interest from researchers, policymakers and supra-
national organizations to institute system design. As a prelude
to our explanation of the ICBT-AMS perspective, we first out-
line failed attempts at system design and misconceptions about
ICBT.
ICBT and System Design
Most of the interventions designed to eradicate or reduce the
size of ICBT ensue from the view that it represents an auxiliary
marketing system. This is a manifestation of a neoclassic per-
spective, which argues ICBT, like much of economic activity
in the informal sector, is a drag on the efficiency and effective-
ness of the formal economic system. The view presumes that
Table 2. Different Perspectives on Understanding Informal Cross Border Trade*.
Manifestations
ICBT as
Auxiliary System
ICBT as
Substratum System
Motives and
Origins
ICBT is the consequence of barriers to economic activity
in the formal sector.
ICBT relates to the original bedrock of economic activities in
Africa.
Magnitude and
Extent
The magnitude of ICBT and formal systems are linearly
inversely related.
Growth in stable formal systems may enable increased ICBT,
and vice versa.
Assortment
Heterogeneity
ICBT heterogeneity does not depend on the “misses” of
formal marketing systems.
ICBT heterogeneity is largely associated with geographic
factors, available resources, skills, and the human factor.
Entrepreneurial
Expression
ICBT reflects opportunistic arbitrage. ICBT is a way of being and living: a way of expressing the self via
entrepreneurship.
(Il)legality ICBT comprises illegal activities (e.g. it drains public
resources).
ICBT is a complex domain of hybrid activities (e.g. depending
on circumstances, it may save public resources).
Moral Discourse ICBT reflects neutral economic activities. ICBT reflects moral dilemmas of society.
(In)formalization Informal and formal are distinct domains that can be
analytically separated.
Informal and formal domains are inseparable.
*Delineation draws from Chen’s (2007, p. 5) contrasting views on the informal economy
Kahiya and Kadirov 9

the informal sector is marginally productive; informality is
unrelated to the formal sector, entrepreneurs in the informal
sector actively pursue (il)legality, and survival/necessity is the
primary/sole motive behind the activities (Chen 2007). It dis-
regards benefits of informalization (i.e. flexibility, low trans-
action costs, affordable assortments and rich heterogeneity for
consumers and the formal sector, empowerment, and self-
employment) focusing instead on how to mitigate negative
economic outcomes, especially plugging holes in a country’s
revenue collection efforts. This clarifies why countless supra-
national and non-governmental players (e.g. African Develop-
ment Bank (AfDB), Food and Agriculture Organization
(FAO), Organization for Economic Cooperation and Develop-
ment (OECD), and United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) dedicate substantial resources toward
research positioned to eliminate “over-regulation” or barriers
to formalization. They champion institutional reform under the
pretext that a supportive or cooperative regulatory regime will
enable traders to formalize. This, in turn, shrinks the number of
participants in the auxiliary marketing system, as some will
migrate to the formal sector. Efforts to encourage formalization
via institutional reforms seldom generate the desired effect. For
a large portion of traders, regardless of how much streamlining
institutional reform entails, formalization will likely reduce
flexibility, increase transaction costs, and eliminate margins.
Another neoclassic approach that the ICBT-AMS perspec-
tive promotes, tackles the “enforcement” dimension. Concern-
ing the regulatory environment, Sub-Saharan Africa faces two
extremes: on one hand are governance gaps or weaknesses in
enforcement, on the other is unnecessary heavy-handedness
and selective enforcement. Rogue touts, corrupt border control
operatives, and unscrupulous traders (e.g. those operating in
unregulated and often unsanitary spaces) continue to fester,
taking advantage of lax enforcement. Meanwhile, unwarranted
heavy-handedness occurs when regulators, in particular city
councils and local enforcement, demolish marketspaces where
informal traders operate. Raids frequently culminate in confis-
cation of wares, destruction of stalls, and unsightly, if not vio-
lent clashes. This harsh intervention often borders on
criminalization of the informal sector. Selective enforcement
implies regulators will clamp down on one form of transgres-
sion while turning a blind eye on another. Traders toiling to
make ends meet may be the subject of scrutiny for failure to
declare the full value of their goods, while political elites
escape “unchecked”. As alluded to in the literature review,
“enforcement” alone is a dead-end given the state’s role in the
“normalization and quasi-institutionalization of these
practices” (Van den Boogaard, Prichard, and Jibao 2018, p. 8).
The weaknesses of the enforcement approach poke holes in
the validity and viability of the ICBT-AMS perspective. It is
reactive, since it attempts to address undesired outcomes but
does not constitute a viable method for system redesign. Thus
far, we have advanced that attempts to influence ICBT using
traditional interventions, have had limited success. To further
this point, we illustrate how the ICBT-AMS perspective perpe-
tuates common misconceptions about ICBT.
ICBT and Misconceptions
Our discussion of outcome-based attempts at system design
shows that current interventions pivot toward eliminating unde-
sirable outcomes. They ignore positive outcomes, much less
other components or attributes of the system. To generate rich
insight, we address some common presumptions vis-`a-vis fac-
tors sustaining ICBT as a marketing system. These misconcep-
tions emanate from the neoclassic-inspired perspective on
which the ICBT-AMS framework rests. We illustrate, instead,
how trends in Sub-Saharan Africa are challenging these
presumptions.
The persistence of ICBT defies some assumptions under-
pinning ICBT-AMS. We focus on three such aspects – rural to
urban migration, poverty, and unemployment. Appendix C
provides anecdotal statistics to back our argument. For
instance, the presumption that within country rural to urban
migration precedes ICBT does not align with published sta-
tistics on trends in migration. Food and Agriculture Organi-
zation (FAO) illustrates that in recent years, within country
rural to urban migration is just one component of a multi-
farious network of migration flows (Mercandalli and Losch
2017, p. 23). Focusing solely on the rural to urban dyad dis-
regards the fact that migrants from rural border communities
often move to, or trade directly with, urban communities in
other countries without ever engaging with urban commu-
nities in their native countries. This is particularly true of
migrants from other African countries, who settle in or trade
with communities in South Africa. In this instance, and many
others, cross border trade is unrelated to within country rural
to urban migration.
Another major thrust of the ICBT-AMS view argues ICBT
feeds off high rates of unemployment or low labor participa-
tion rates, especially in urban areas. This contention has valid-
ity prima facie, but hard data on employment trends are
somewhat at odds with this view. World Bank’s data (see
Appendix C) shows unemployment has tracked around 7.5%
over the past two decades. Others may go as far as arguing
unemployment has steadily decreased. The point is, hard data
do not substantiate that unemployment sustains ICBT as a
marketing system.
Another generalization advances ICBT is an artefact of pov-
erty. The deeper poverty cuts, the higher the likelihood citizens
look to ICBT as a means of sustenance. Again, in principle, we
take no issue with the postulation, but we point out that this is a
partial explanation of ICBT. The poverty headcount (based on
U$D 1.90/day criterion) has gradually dissipated since the mid-
1990s (see Appendix C). Today, roughly 40%of Sub-Saharan
Africa lives in extreme poverty compared to nearly 60%in the
early 1990’s. The anecdote holds regardless of which threshold
(i.e. $3.20/$5.50) is used. ICBT continues to blossom as a
marketing system, despite a gradual erosion of the system envi-
ronment (abject poverty, rural to urban migration and unem-
ployment) on which it supposedly rests. We argue its
persistence is incompatible with the attributes (of) and assump-
tions (about) auxiliary marketing systems.
10 Journal of Macromarketing XX(X)

Moving toward the ICBT-SMS Perspective
The foregoing discussion provides an interesting example of
Lomnitz’s (1988) thesis, which argues laws of economic
exchange fail to capture the undercurrents of informal markets.
The limited success of myriad attempts to formalize ICBT
stand out as an anomaly, so too does the fact that the system
appears to flourish even when the system environment (e.g.
trends in migration, unemployment, and poverty) is not neces-
sarily conducive. Extending Lomnitz (1988) to our research,
we argue that the country’s socio-historical paths of dealing
with provisioning challenges can explain the extent of ICBT. In
the Sub-Saharan context, the dysfunction frequently goes to the
formal economic system. A number of national and regional
economic systems across Sub-Saharan Africa, be they centrally
planned, free market or mixed, fail to adequately deliver on
essential assortments. Of particular concern is the susceptibility
of such systems to droughts and famine, which often would not
survive without the support from ICBT in food or even live-
stock. Equally, the inability of private sector subsystems to
offer affordable electronics, electrical and other consumer dur-
ables leave gaps open in the market, which ICBT plugs. Thus, it
is not so much that poverty, unemployment and migration are
driving participants into ICBT, as it is the fact that entrepre-
neurial individuals are simply acting business as usual. Hence,
to solve many societal issues, correct forms of ICBT must be
nurtured, rather than eradicated.
Conclusions and Implications
To elucidate the ICBT-SMS framework, and draw conclusions
and implications, we revisit the guiding questions in the intro-
duction and background - How does one conceptualize ICBT
from a macromarketing perspective? Is marketing systems
design an option for informal markets? How does one design
a marketing system inclusive of ICBT in order to reduce neg-
ative societal outcomes and maximize positive ones? How
should policymakers approach this task? One can conceptua-
lize ICBT from a macromarketing perspective by blending the
Marketing Systems as the Public Good (MSPG) (see Kadirov
2018) view and knowledge on informal markets (e.g. Arellano
1994; Chen 2007). In line with the new perspective on informal
markets (see Chen 2007), we contend ICBT is a societal mode
of operation, which constitutes the social fabric of culture-
based provisioning. From a MSPG (see Kadirov 2018) stand-
point, ICBT symbolizes an alternative sphere toward which
market actors would strive if they perceive formal systems
becoming unjust. Hence, any attempts to reduce it via forma-
lization or enforcement, rips the very social fabric on which
culture-based provisioning is stitched.
System design is an option for informal markets such as
informal cross border trade. Layton (2007) indicates system
design is vital for enhancing the value deriving from marketing
systems and also reducing the vulnerabilities. The aforemen-
tioned paradoxical nature of ICBT entails it generates consid-
erable benefits, while creating bothersome concerns. It
manifests a substratum which is grounded in an expression of
African entrepreneurship, creates a source of income, and
empowers individuals and communities by giving them a
chance to earn a living, honest or otherwise. Similarly, consu-
mers benefit from the availability of an assortment of inexpen-
sive products. However, our dissection of the vulnerabilities
associated with ICBT, indicate the significance of systems
design not only to eliminate the negative outcomes but also
to manage the extent/scope. Acknowledging the potential role
of system design is the easy path – far more daunting is the task
of effecting it.
In designing a marketing system inclusive of ICBT, policy-
makers should appreciate its diagnosticity role. We have
argued that the enforcement approach to system change is
futile, as it treats ICBT as an auxiliary instead of the very
foundation anchoring formal systems. This is where the sub-
stratum diagnosticity role of ICBT becomes critical. As a dia-
lectical mirror, ICBT reflects inadequacies and inefficiencies
in formal marketing systems. The growth in its size and scope,
seen in recent years, brings to the foreground the efficacy of
formal marketing systems. Thus, market policies targeting
ICBT, specifically, miss the mark as the dialectical mirror
projects issues with inadequate formal marketing systems.
From a MSPG perspective, policymakers should direct their
efforts toward creating better formalization processes which
reconstruct current ICBT structures in the shape of a public
good that benefits communities as well as the trade itself.
Policymakers should approach this by acknowledging that
ICBT is not a set of nuisance phenomena, and that institutional
reforms targeted at improving the entrepreneurial ecosystem
(i.e. system environment) may be ineffective. Such reforms
may, unwittingly, alter the system environment to such a point
that customarily profitable ICBT may no longer be lucrative. In
most jurisdictions, formalization has a toll on critical aspects
such as time, resources required, independence, and flexibility.
What is lost on most regulators is that ICBT, by its very nature,
exemplifies a comprehensive form of streamlining. Our con-
clusion substantiates Arellano (1994) and Britan and Cohen
(1980) who suggest that, notwithstanding the excesses covered
in earlier discussions, informal systems are inherently efficient.
For instance, Fadahunsi and Rosa (2002) note informal cross
border traders have extensive flexibility in determining prod-
uct/market configurations because they are not shackled by long
term investments in property, plant, equipment, or labor. This
places cross border traders “closer to the pulse of the market”
than ventures operating in the formal space (Fadahunsi and Rosa
2002, p. 401). Thus our ICBT as a substratum marketing system
framework views the phenomenon as intentional African entre-
preneurship, which serves both informal and formal traders, cre-
ates benefits for individuals and communities, and operates in a
manner which challenges traditional neoclassic perspectives.
Final Remarks and Directions for Future Research
We drew evidence from a literature review and augmented
this with systems-based conceptualization. The MSPG
Kahiya and Kadirov 11

framework (Kadirov 2018), in combination with various mod-
els on informal markets (e.g. Arellano 1994; Chen 2007;
Lomnitz 1988), provided the theoretical grounding for the
discussion. ICBT persists in a manner at odds with falling
rates of poverty, unemployment, and rural to urban migration.
It is an efficient societal version of culture-based provision-
ing, and a dialectical tool that policymakers should use to
gauge the effectiveness of formal market systems. What we
call ICBT today represents traditional societal exchanges,
which have, and will continue to survive political boundaries
and formal market systems. Thus ICBT has a role (albeit a
somewhat controversial one) to play toward inclusive eco-
nomic development in Sub-Saharan Africa.
There are several promising directions in which future scho-
lars could take this study. Measuring the magnitude and extent
of ICBT remains a pressing challenge. The perennially clan-
destine nature in which ICBT operates creates barriers to the
collection of accurate and verifiable data. It is unsurprising that
attempts to correlate data on ICBT to common economic indi-
cators provides inconclusive results. We call on researchers in
other disciplines to explore ways of collecting data or devel-
oping algorithms to capture the magnitude and extent of ICBT.
Only with quality statistics can we develop a better understand-
ing of the socio-economic impact of ICBT.
If ICBT symbolizes Africa’s invisible integration, what can
policymakers do to enhance visibility while reducing the vul-
nerabilities? Increasing the visibility will showcase the wick-
edness - everyday entrepreneurship juxtaposed with the
uncomfortable moral discourse detailed in this paper. Will the
content and tone of this moral discourse change as societal
values and attitudes evolve? Regardless of its economic out-
comes, policymakers have an obligation to help create a safe
environment for all actors. Regrettably, in most instances, state
actors are complicit (in enabling) or ambivalent (toward
eradicating) corruption, harassment, sexual abuse, smuggling
among other vices. An immediate test to our conceptualization
is the recently announced (ICBT-AMS inspired) Africa Conti-
nental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFA), developed to formalize
and increase intraregional trade. Our ICBT-SMS framework
envisages informal cross border trade will continue to flourish
even in the era of this trade deal. We encourage future studies
to test this prediction.
As stated in the introduction, informal cross border trade is
not a preserve for Sub-Saharan Africa. Indeed, we see parallels
between our study and Sridharan et al.’s (2014) description of
Transformative Subsistence Entrepreneurship (TSE) in India.
Thus future studies can test whether our proposed framework
and its rationale hold in other settings such as Eastern Europe
or South-east Asia. Beyond developing and transitioning
economies, it is likely that informal cross border trade shares
links with the notion of a “side hustle” (i.e. creative way of
earning extra dollars) popular in other countries. Of particular
note are daigou retail channels in China and the online import/
export of goods via platforms such as Alibaba, Amazon and
eBay, by individuals operating as unregistered sole traders.
What parallels exist between “side hustle” and ICBT? What
can the two systems learn from each other?
Our conceptual paper is not without its limitations. The
pan-disciplinary nature of ICBT and the lack of a prior review
to serve as a point of reference, means we may have missed
other potentially useful studies. The analysis and synthesis
derived from the rudimentary techniques of “summarizing”
and “delineating”, and our proposed typology did not go as far
as offering guidelines for testing in an empirical setting.
Nonetheless, we have proffered the informal cross border
trade as a substratum marketing system (ICBT-SMS) frame-
work, which is generalizable to Sub-Saharan Africa and per-
haps beyond.
12 Journal of Macromarketing XX(X)

Appendix A. Map of Africa with Sub-Saharan Region Indicated in Color
Appendix B. Overview of Studies on Informal Cross Border Trade (ICBT) in Sub-Saharan
Africa
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Subsaharanafrica.jpg
No. Author Country/Region Focus of Study Key Findings
1 Little 1992 Somalia, Kenya Drivers, types, barriers,
and outcomes of ICBT
ICBT is heterogeneous; it occurs both in times of economic
instability, and prosperity; it features commodities but traders
engage in differentiation; and traders emphasize both dyadic and
multiple exchange relationships.
2 Ellis and MacGaffey
1996
Sub-Saharan Africa Magnitude of ICBT ICBT takes several forms ranging from blatant criminal activity
such as smuggling to the import and export of items of clothing,
and currency trading. Vested interests from political elites and
historical links between communities help sustain it.
(continued)
Kahiya and Kadirov 13

(continued)
No. Author Country/Region Focus of Study Key Findings
3 Flynn 1997 Benin, Nigeria Territorial claims and
border identity
Border communities find a voice and an identity through the
commercial activity conducted across the border. They see the
border more as a bridge linking communities than a barrier
separating them.
4 Muzvidziwa 1998 Zimbabwe Gender and poverty in
ICBT
Most traders are aged 20 to 47 and their motive is to supplement
household income. Start-up capital is sourced principally from
informal personal networks. Traders are often vilified by the
media as “greedy” - “unpatriotic” - ‘economic saboteurs”.
Women informal cross border traders (WICBT) often face
allegations of witchcraft and promiscuity.
5 Fadahunsi 2000 Sub-Saharan Africa Methodological issues in
studying ICBT
Notwithstanding their capacity to foster empirical generalizations,
quantitative research designs may be unsuitable for studying
informal entrepreneurship in Africa. This is mainly due to their
inability to capture nuance and myriad factors at play.
Ethnographic approaches, especially participant observation,
remain useful.
6 Peberdy 2000a South Africa Non-South Africans’
participation in street
trade
A portion of street traders in South Africa are ICBTs, in that they
bring product from their home countries into South Africa, sell
it in open stalls, and use the proceeds to export product out of
South Africa into their home markets.
7 Peberdy 2000b Mozambique, South
Africa
Linkage between formal
and informal activities
ICBT provides primary or supplementary income for food,
shelter, clothing and education. Informal and formal trade
intersect. For instance, products sourced via ICBT can be on-
sold to consumers via formal retail outlets.
8 Peberdy and
Rogerson 2000
South Africa Non-South Africans’
participation in the
informal sector
Foreign street traders in South Africa either serve as the retail-end
of ICBT or may be ICBTs seeking to control or manage the
entire channel. Non-South African street traders face
challenges ranging from harassment by law enforcement to
violent xenophobic attacks.
9 Muzvidziwa 2001 Zimbabwe Gender and poverty in
ICBT
ICBT gives traders independence, a stronger sense of identity, and
fortitude. It creates a new dispensation which does not
recognize tribal and linguistic differences and allows traders to
showcase creativity, ingenuity, and entrepreneurial acumen.
10 Peberdy and Crush
2001
Mozambique, South
Africa
Economic zones and ICBT The Maputo Corridor Spatial Development Initiative (SDI) - a
programme set to foster economic potential/development in a
post-apartheid era, generally overlooks ICBT. Not only is ICBT
peripheral in policy development, traders are not fully aware of
potentially relevant polices, which undermines the impact of
programmes such as SDI.
11 Fadahunsi and Rosa
2002
Nigeria Intrusion of contraband in
ICBT
Most informal cross border trade intersects with, or embodies
some element of (il)legality. The (il)legality differs from the neo-
classic Western view in that ICBT does not thrive off trading in
illegal goods; it devotes entrepreneurial energy towards
circumventing cumbersome rules or harassment at the hands of
corrupt enforcement officials.
12 Hunter and Skinner
2003
South Africa Non-South Africans’
participation in street
trade
Foreign street traders (i.e. operating at the retail-end of ICBT) are
generally more educated than their South African counterparts.
They encounter myriad obstacles like lack of recognition, lack of
proper infrastructure, police harassment, general abuse, and in
the worst case, violent xenophobic attacks.
13 Meagher 2003 West Africa Economic reforms and
unofficial trade
The wave of economic structural adjustment programmes and
other neo-classic reforms were meant to increase formalization
of economic activities - thus reduce ICBT. In West Africa, the
contrary has occurred in that ICBT has continued unabated in
the face of a bigger push toward neoliberal economics and
formalization.
(continued)
14 Journal of Macromarketing XX(X)

(continued)
No. Author Country/Region Focus of Study Key Findings
14 Ntseane 2004 Botswana Gender and poverty in
ICBT
Botswanan businesswomen share common backgrounds including
dropping out of school, teen pregnancy, a failed marriage or
coming from a dysfunctional home. Personal networks are the
primary source of initial capital. Societal expectations and
gender-role stereotyping present constant problems.
15 Akinboade 2005 East and Southern
Africa
Gender and poverty in
ICBT
Driven into poverty by lack of education, limited opportunities for
formal employment, lack of capital, and general marginalization,
ICBT presents a lucrative but hazardous choice for WICBTs.
16 Ndlela 2006 Zimbabwe Obstacles to ICBT The formal sector in Zimbabwe has never accounted for much
more than 40% of all economic activities. Despite being
overlooked in policy discourse, ICBT continues to provide a
viable means of livelihood for many citizens.
17 Desai 2009 Western and
Southern Africa
Gender and challenges in
ICBT
ICBT empowers women with a voice and an opportunity to
participate in the global economy. The prevalence of ICBT, the
benefits it delivers, and challenges it poses, should force us to
rethink our understanding of global trade.
18 Lesser and Mois´
e-
Leeman 2009
Sub-Saharan Africa Trade reform and trade
facilitation
Most ICBT involves staple food commodities (e.g. rice and maize)
and basic consumer goods (i.e. apparel and electronic
appliances). The extent of informality varies depending on how
transactions are processed at the border, and whether any part
of the operation involves formally registered entities/
participants.
19 Walther 2009 Niger, Benin,
Nigeria
Origin, trade flows, and
types of goods traded
Traditionally, economic activity in the Sahel originated from spatial
mobility – the constant movement of actors within a space.
While colonization and the subsequent ill-fated post-
independence economic reforms attempted to rigidify the
economic system, spatial mobility persists, supported in part by
patterns of patronage and clientilism.
20 Alusala 2010 Uganda, Rwanda Intrusion of contraband in
ICBT
The porosity of borders not only facilitates informal cross border
trade (invisible economic integration), it creates security risks
ensuing principally from small arms trade.
21 Ogalo 2010 East Africa, Great
Lakes
Drivers, types, barriers,
and outcomes of ICBT
While ICBT has always been a preserve for individuals with low
levels of education, increasingly, well-educated unemployed
youths are looking to it as a last resort. Most transactions
involve staple foods and low quality consumer goods. Most
traders are aware of formal trade arrangements like the
Customs Union in the East African Community (EAC).
22 Afrika and Ajumbo
2012
Sub-Saharan Africa Magnitude, barriers, and
policy interventions
Poor regulatory settings (e.g. corruption, lack of finance, limited
education, and lax border enforcement) characterize ICBT.
Consumers are the biggest beneficiaries from ICBT, whereas
governments miss out on revenue collection.
23 Raeymaekers 2012 Democratic
Republic of
Congo, Uganda
Interaction between
states and borderlands
Informal cross border trade typifies an encroachment of informal
activities into the formal space. In some instances this
represents somewhat of a role reversal with tribal/ethnic
groups, displaced and disenfranchised by colonization,
reclaiming their territory or border back.
24 Titeca 2012 Uganda, neighbors Intrusion of contraband in
ICBT
Tycoons, businessmen, and politically connected figures
“weaponize” ICBT by using it for purposes of smuggling. On one
hand tycoons attempt to play within the rules and interact with
the formal sector, on the other they often seek and receive
protection from regulators.
25 Titeca and
Kimanuka 2012
Central Africa and
Great lakes
Gender and challenges in
ICBT
Trading food surpluses often leads to better food security.
“Arbitrage” opportunities arising from differences in levels of
subsidies and varying tax regimes help sustain ICBT.
(continued)
Kahiya and Kadirov 15

(continued)
No. Author Country/Region Focus of Study Key Findings
26 Walther 2012 Niger, Benin,
Nigeria
Origin, trade flows, and
types of goods traded
Most of the traders in the Great Lakes represent predominantly
two ethnic groups. Their roles (on both sides of the border)
cover imports/exports and countless goods/services such as
retailing, food, electronics, and spare parts.
27 Ayadi et al. 2013 Tunisia, neighbors Magnitude of ICBT ICBT accounts for more than 50% of Tunisia’s official bilateral
trade with Libya, and roughly 10% with Algeria. Exact statistics
are inherently problematic to compute given the surreptitious
nature ICBT operates.
28 Nkendah 2013 Cameroun,
neighbors
Magnitude of ICBT There is evidence of role specialization with traders identifying as
one of the following; warehouser, retailer, exporter, wholesaler
or intermediary. Functions include exchange (i.e. purchase/
sale), physical (i.e. transportation), and information.
29 Wrigley-Asante
2013a
Ghana Gender and challenges in
ICBT
Occupational hazards WICBTs face comprise exposure to
criminal elements and diseases, lack of sleep, dealing with
defaulting customers, and psychosocial stress. While WICBTs
are generally knowledgeable about sexual health, there is no
formal educational programme which caters to their situation.
30 Wrigley-Asante
2013b
Ghana Gender, poverty, and
well-being in ICBT
Most WICBTs are introduced to the trade by a member of their
immediate social group (e.g. sibling or friend). Although
travelling long distances, dealing with perishable products,
harassment at the border, and unwanted sexual advances
present persistent challenges, they still view ICBT as a way of
earning an income to support their households.
31 Ama et al. 2014 Botswana Gender and challenges in
ICBT
Nearly two-thirds of the WICBTs are single (i.e. never married),
divorced, widowed or cohabiting. The majority are aged
between 31 and 40 and roughly three quarters have been in the
trade for less than five years. The foremost reasons for engaging
in ICBT are creating a form of business/employment and a
source of supplementary income.
32 Yussuf 2014 ECOWAS region Gender and challenges in
ICBT
Proximity to the border and supplementing household income
motivate WICBTs. Challenges encompass fluctuating exchange
rates, harassment, theft and robberies, unwanted sexual
advances, and exposure to HIV/Aids.
33 Titeca and Flynn
2014
Uganda Governance gaps and
meaning of il(legality)
Hybrid governance mechanisms, in which neither state nor
private, formal nor informal participants wield a monopoly,
sustain ICBT. The notion of legal and illegal is fuzzy and
peripheral to the structure and functions of these hybrid
governance mechanisms.
34 Benjamin et al. 2015 Benin, Nigeria,
Senegal, The
Gambia, Togo
Overlap between formal
and informal activities
Most transactions are re-exports in that goods are brought legally
into countries with low import barriers (e.g., Benin, The
Gambia, and Togo) by formally registered businesses, and
exported through myriad informal channels to countries with
higher import barriers (e.g., Nigeria and Senegal).
35 Little et al. 2015 Ethiopia, Kenya,
Somalia
Overlap between formal
and informal activities
The lack of border posts enables trade in livestock. Even where
border posts exist, inconsistency and ambiguity in the
application of policies blurs the boundaries between formal and
informal markets, and legal and illegal transactions.
36 Mohamadain and
Ati 2015
Sudan Characteristics of ICBT Some ICBTs operating in Sudan are ‘expatriates’ of Ethiopian and
Eritrean origin. Historical ethnic/tribal links help foster informal
cross border cooperation. Most participants have a low level of
education and those with secondary and/or tertiary education
straddle formal and informal markets.
37 Nshimbi 2015 Zambia, Malawi,
Mozambique
Governance and
regulation in ICBT
The majority of traders from these three countries identify with
one of two tribes; Chewa and Ngoni. Because sociocultural
links (i.e. language, culture, tribe, and ethnicity) predate
colonization and are much stronger than national borders, it is
imperative to recognize their impact.
(continued)
16 Journal of Macromarketing XX(X)

(continued)
No. Author Country/Region Focus of Study Key Findings
38 Shimuafeni 2015 Namibia Magnitude of ICBT Exports account for nearly 90% of Namibia’s ICBT. Aside from
tobacco and alcoholic beverages, vegetables, and jewellery,
Namibia is a net exporter of most consumer goods (i.e. food
and apparel). These exports go to Angola, South Africa, and
Zambia. Angola is the leading destination for both exports and
imports.
39 Blumberg et al.
2016
Botswana, Malawi Gender and challenges in
ICBT
WICBTs constitute 70-80% of all traders in Southern Africa. They
exchange mostly legally produced/acquired merchandise,
although some transactions may involve contraband especially
precious metal. Lack of information, lack of credit/finance,
corruption, sexual exploitation, and gender-based violence
besmirch ICBT. Some countries (e.g. Zambia and Zimbabwe)
are trialing one stop border post systems to eliminate bottlenecks
and increase efficiencies at border crossings.
40 Dobler 2016 Africa Types/roles of borders
and border actors
Green borders refer to paths in the bush or undesignated border
crossings; grey borders are small under-resourced border posts
that serve what might appear to be an honorary yet
instrumental role; blue borders have all the accoutrements of
formal trading spaces including logistics infrastructure and
service providers.
41 Koroma et al. 2017 Sub-Saharan Africa Governance and
regulation in ICBT
ICBT provides nearly 70% of employment in Sub-Saharan Africa,
and within the Southern African Development Community
(SADC), it accounts for nearly U$D18 billion’s worth (or 30-
40%) of intra-regional trade. WICBTs constitute 70% of all
traders. To get the most out of ICBT, policymakers should
encourage formalization through streamlining regulations,
tackling corruption, and creating informational and financing
resources.
42 Manjokoto and
Ranga 2017
Zimbabwe Gender and challenges in
ICBT
The majority of WICBTs are single or widowed, and only half have
secondary education. Increasingly, WICBTs are dealing in auto
parts, taking advantage of the influx across much of Africa, of
second hand cars from Japan. They sleep in the open (stalls, bus
and rail stations) placing themselves at risk of rape and robbery,
and the time spent away puts a strain on households particularly
those with young children.
43 Mawejje and
Nampewo 2018
Uganda Effect of ICBT on food
prices
ICBT in agricultural products is not a long run driver of food prices
in Uganda. However, there is unidirectional causality between
agricultural ICBT and agricultural output.
44 Van den Boogaard
et al. 2018
Sierra-Leone Drivers, magnitude, and
attributes of ICBT
Formal and informal markets are often inseparable. For instance,
“informal” customs agents (i.e. operating without official
licences and identification) often lodge legitimate formal
declarations for customers. The customs duties comprise a
cocktail of official (formal) and unofficial (informal) payments.
On one hand traders can pay formal customs duties, on the
other they can negotiate preferred customs duties at the
border.
45 Nshimbi 2019 Zambia, Malawi,
Mozambique
Governance and
regulation in ICBT
Some ICBTs confess to resorting to some illegal activity including
under-invoicing, concealment/smuggling, and making false
declarations. They attribute this to time constraints, and the
impracticality of following proper procedure. ICBTs routinely
access social (i.e. health and educational) services across the
border.
Kahiya and Kadirov 17

Appendix C. Trends Inconsistent with
Neoclassic ICBT-AMS View
Acknowledgements
The authors are indebted to the editor, the special issue editor(s), and
three anonymous reviewers for their feedback and valuable comments.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to
the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, author-
ship, and/or publication of this article.
ORCID iD
Eldrede Kahiya https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8499-4222
Djavlonbek Kadirov https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7618-6903
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Author Biographies
Eldrede Kahiya (MBA, PhD) is a Senior Lecturer in the School
of Marketing and International Business, Victoria University of
Wellington, New Zealand. His research examines entrepreneurial
internationalization or export activities of small and medium-size
businesses, and blends International Business and International Entre-
preneurship. Eldrede’s work has appeared in journals such as Inter-
national Business Review,European Business Review,Journal of
International Entrepreneurship, and Asia Pacific Journal of Market-
ing and Logistics. He is the Australia-New Zealand ambassador for the
International Entrepreneurs network.
Djavlonbek Kadirov (PhD, University of Waikato) is a Senior Lec-
turer in the School of Marketing and International Business, Vic-
toria University of Wellington, New Zealand. Djavlonbek’s research
interests include marketing systems theory, symbolism in marketing
systems, sustainable marketing, and marketing morality. His
research has appeared in journals such as the Journal of Macromar-
keting,Journal of Marketing Management,Journal of Business
Research,Journal of Brand Management,Consumption Markets
& Culture,andJournal of Customer Behavior. Djavlonbek (along
with Richard Varey and Ben Wooliscroft) is the winner of the
George Fisk Award for the Best Conference Paper at the 2013
Macromarketing Conference.
22 Journal of Macromarketing XX(X)