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Background and aims: The same information may be perceived differently depending on how it is described. The risk information given on many gambling warning labels tends to accentuate what a gambler might expect to win e.g., "This game has an average percentage payout of 90%,"(return-to-player), rather than what a gambler might expect to lose, e.g., "This game keeps 10% of all money bet on average" (house-edge).. We compared gamblers' perceived chances of winning and levels of warning label understanding under factually equivalent return-to-player and house-edge formats. Design: Online surveys. Experiment 1 was designed to test how gamblers' perceived chances of winning would vary under equivalent warning labels, and Experiment 2 explored how often equivalent warning labels were correctly understood by gamblers. Setting: UK PARTICIPANTS: UK nationals, aged 18 and over and with experience of virtual online gambling games such as online roulette, were recruited from an online crowdsourcing panel (Experiment 1 N = 399, Experiment 2 N = 407). Measurements: The main dependent variables were a gambler's perceived chances of winning on a 7-point Likert scale (Experiment 1), and a multiple-choice measure of warning label understanding (Experiment 2). Findings: The house-edge label led to lower perceived chances of winning in Experiment 1, F(1, 388) = 19.03, p < .001. In Experiment 2, the house-edge warning label was understood by more gamblers (66.5, 95% CI = 60.0%, 73.0%) than the return-to-player warning label (45.6%, 95% CI = 38.8%, 52.4%, z = 4.22, p < .001). Conclusions: House-edge warning labels on electronic gambling machines and online casino games, which explain what a gambler might expect to lose, could help gamblers to pay greater attention to product risk and would be better understood by gamblers than equivalent return-to-player labels.
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Equivalent gambling warning labels are perceived
differently
Philip W. S. Newall
1,2
, Lukasz Walasek
3
&ElliotA.Ludvig
3
Experimental Gambling Research Laboratory, School of Health, Medical and Applied Sciences, Central Queensland University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia,
1
Applied
Psychology, Warwick Manufacturing Group, University of Warwick, Coventry, UK
2
and Department of Psychology, University of Warwick, Coventry, UK
3
ABSTRACT
Background and Aims The same information may be perceived differently, depending on how it is described. The risk
information given on many gambling warning labels tends to accentuate what a gambler might expect to win, e.g. This
game has an average percentage payout of 90%(return-to-player), rather than what a gambler might expect to lose, e.g.
This game keeps 10% of all money bet on average(house-edge). We compared gamblersperceived chances of winning
and levels of warning label understanding under factually equivalent return-to-player and house-edge formats.
Design Online surveys: experiment 1 was designed to test how gamblersperceived chances of winning would vary un-
der equivalent warning labels, and experiment 2 explored how often equivalent warning labels were correctly understood
by gamblers. Setting United Kingdom. Participants UK nationals, aged 18 years and over and with experience of vir-
tual on-line gambling games, such as on-line roulette, were recruited from an on-line crowd-sourcing panel (experiment
1, n= 399; experiment 2, n=407).Measurements The main dependent variables were a gamblers perceived chances
of winning on a seven-point Likert scale (experiment 1) and a multiple-choice measure of warning label understanding
(experiment 2). Findings The house-edge label led to lower perceived chances of winning in experiment 1, F
(1,
388)
= 19.03, P<0.001. In experiment 2, the house-edge warning label was understood by more gamblers [66.5, 95%
condence interval (CI) = 60.0%, 73.0%] than the return-to-player warning label (45.6%, 95% CI = 38.8%, 52.4%,
z=4.22,P<0.001). Conclusions House-edge warning labels on electronic gambling machines and on-line casino
games, which explain what a gambler might expect to lose, could help gamblers to pay greater attention to product risk
and would be better understood by gamblers than equivalent return-to-player labels.
Keywords Behavioural science, electronic gambling machines, framing effect, house-edge, return-to-player, risk
communication.
Correspondence to: Philip Newall,Experimental Gambling Research Laboratory, School of Health, Medicaland Applied Sciences, Central Queensland University,
120 Spencer Street, Melbourne, VIC 3000, Australia. E-mail: p.newall@cqu.edu.au
Submitted 25 June 2019; initial review completed 30 September 2019; nal version accepted 30 December 2019
INTRODUCTION
Firms use their marketing to present their products in the
best light possible. For example, food packaging will often
state that an item is, for instance, 90%-fat-free,which
sounds more attractive than the equivalent description of
10%-fat. Although these descriptions are factually equiva-
lent, food products are evaluated more positively with the
90%-fat-free description than with the 10%-fat description
[1,2]. This is an example of a framingeffect, where judge-
ments are inuenced by how information is described [3].
Here we explore a potential framing effect relevant to gam-
bling warning labels. The United Kingdomsgamblingreg-
ulator, the Gambling Commission, states that remote
virtual gambling games, such as on-line roulette, must
provide information that may reasonably be expected to
enable the customer to make an informed decision about
his or her chances of winning([4] p. 12). Among the op-
tions allowed by the Gambling Commission are two equiv-
alent frames for the gamblers chances of winning: the
return-to-playerand house-edgepercentages.
Despite this regulatory exibility, only the return-to-
player format seems to be in current widespread use, e.g.
This game has an average percentage payout of 90%.A
return-to-player of 90% means that for every £100 wa-
gered, the gambler will receive an average of £90 back.
The same information communicated as a house-edge
would instead state that the game keeps an average of
£10 per £100 wagered. Therefore, return-to-player and
house-edge are factually equivalent frames [5]. Both are
© 2020 The Authors. Addiction published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Society for the Study of Addiction Addiction
SHORT REPORT doi:10.1111/add.14954
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allowed by the Gambling Commission for virtual on-line
gambling [4] and yet, in practice, only return-to-player
framing appears to be in use.
There is some evidence that gamblers struggle to un-
derstand return-to-player information. A survey of 25 UK
electronic gambling machine (EGM) gamblers found that
only 24% correctly answered a four-alternative multiple-
choice question on return-to-player information correctly
[6]. This failure is worrying, given that the return-to-player
is also displayed on UK EGMs [7]. A qualitative survey of
Canadian EGM gamblers similarly found widespread mis-
understanding around the return-to-player, [8] as has
other qualitative work from the UK [9]. Return-to-player
information is also displayed by law on EGMs in the
Australian state of Victoria [10]. An experimental study
of Australian undergraduates also found a widespread mis-
understanding of the return-to-player [10].
This paper investigates the issue of equivalently framed
gambling warning labels experimentally. Participants were
either given a return-to-player wording or a novel house-
edge reframing of the same information, e.g. This game
keeps 10% of all money bet on average.Foreachexperi-
ment, a pre-registered hypothesis and analysis plan, study
materials, results and analysis output les are available
from https://osf.io/7avnz/. Experiment 1 was run on
31 May 2019, where it was hypothesized that house-edge
framing would lead to a lower perceived chance of winning
than return-to-player framing across a range of typical av-
erage payouts. Experiment 2 was run on 2 June 2019,
where it was hypothesized that gamblers would answer a
four-alternative multiple-choice question correctly more
often with a house-edge than return-to-player label.
EXPERIMENT 1
Participants
A total of 399 UK nationals aged 18 years or older were re-
cruited via Prolic Academic and paid £0.50 each. Partic-
ipants took an average of 3.3 minutes to complete the
study, so this translated to £9.09/hour. Participants were
50.5% female (0.75% preferred not to answer), had a
mean age of 33.9 years (SD = 10.9), a mean problem gam-
bling severity index of 3.7 (SD = 4.7) and gambled an aver-
age of 58.0 days during the last year (SD = 80.4). No other
demographic information was collected.
Participants had earlier indicated to ProlicAcademic
that they had experience in playing at least one on-line vir-
tual casino gambling game.
Design and materials
Using G*Power version 3.1, [11] with the design below, we
estimated that to achieve 95% power, with alpha = 0.01,
three measurements (corr = 0.5) and a small effect size
(f= 0.10), at least 347 participants were required.
On each trial participants were presented with some
short introductory text about on-line gambling and then
a warning label. Figure 1a shows an example from the
return-to-player condition.
Throughout three trials, the magnitude of the house-
edge (return-to-player) was varied to check whether any
potential framing effect was moderated by average payout
size. These were: 5 (95%), 10 (90%) and 15% (85%), re-
spectively. These percentage values were based on the
existing norms for gambling products. Prior EGM research
suggests a house-edge range of 59% (US [12]), 415%
(Canada [13]) and 715% (Australia [14]).
Procedure
Participants were randomly allocated to either the return-
to-player or house-edge condition and completed the three
trials in random order. Participants then completed an at-
tention check with the same warning label, but where
the percentage corresponded to 95% in the house-edge
condition and 5% in the return-to-player condition (which
are implausibly unfair games). Our pre-registered analysis
plan states that any participant giving a higher perceived
winning chance on this attention check than on any previ-
ous trial would be excluded from the analysis, as they may
not have been paying attention.
After the main experimental trials, age, gender, return-
to-player warning label understanding, problem gambling
severity index (PGSI) [15] and last-year gambling fre-
quency (On how many days over the last 12 months have
you gambled?) were collected in random order. The mea-
sure of return-to-player warning label understanding
(which was given to participants in both conditions) is
shown in Fig. 1b (correct answer: For every £100 bet on
this game about £90 is paid out in prizes).
Measures
The dependent variable was the gamblersperceived
chances of winning, as measured by a seven-point Likert
scale (see Fig. 1a).
Results
In total, nine participants failed the attention-check ques-
tion, and were excluded from the analysis (four in the
house-edge condition and ve in the return-to-player
condition).
Data were analysed using a mixed-effects model, to ac-
count for the shared variance between a participantsre-
sponses across different trials. Responses were regressed
on the independent variables of framing (two levels,
between-participants) and magnitude (three levels,
2Philip W. S. Newall et al.
© 2020 The Authors. Addiction published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Society for the Study of Addiction Addiction
within-participants) and their interaction. In addition, a
random intercept for participants was included in the
model. The tting was performed using the afex package
[16] in R.
Figure 2 presents the mean perceived chance of win-
ning across all levels of the factors. Error bars in the gure
depict 95% condence intervals (CIs) based on the model
t. There was a signicant effect of condition, F
(1,
388)
=19.03,P<0.001, showing that perceived chances
of winning were higher under the return-to-player frame.
There was also a signicant effect of magnitude, F
(2,
776)
=244.85,P<0.001, showing that perceived chances
Figure 1 Example of the (a) main stimulus screen and (b) measure ofreturn-to-player understanding. The main stimulus screen (a) looked identical
to participants in both conditions, except in the house-edge condition the main label was altered to, e.g. This game keeps 10% of all money bet on
average. Participants in both conditions answered the measure of warning label understanding as shown in (b)
Equivalent gambling warning labels 3
© 2020 The Authors. Addiction published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Society for the Study of Addiction Addiction
of winning were higher for higher values of the return-to-
player. The interaction between the two variables was sig-
nicant, F
(2, 776)
=4.74,P= 0.009. Despite this interac-
tion, inspection of the means in Fig. 2 shows that
responses differed signicantly between the two conditions
across all magnitude levels.
An additional model was run to observe if these effects
remained if gamblerscharacteristics were taken into ac-
count. The model included xed effects of PGSI and
gambling frequency. We tested for the presence of signi-
cant two-way interactions between magnitude, condition,
PGSI and gambling frequency. An analysis of variance
(ANOVA) table is displayed in Table 1. As can be seen, the
only new statistically signicant interaction term was be-
tween PGSI and condition (F=5.34,P= 0.021). Closer in-
spection of the marginal effects revealed a trend such that
those with higher PGSI scores gave higher responses in the
house-edge condition (marginal trend = 0.21, 95%
Figure 2 Mean perceived chance of winning in experiment 1. Perceived chances of winning: 7 = very high chance of coming out ahead, 4 = neither
high nor low chance of coming out ahead, 1 = very low chance of coming out ahead. Error bars represent 95% condence intervals
Table 1 Mixed-model analysis of variance (ANOVA) table.
Model 1 Model 2
Variable F-value P-value F-value P-value
Condition 19.03 (<0.001) 21.15 0
Magnitude 244.85 (<0.001) 245.72 (<0.001)
Magnitude × condition 4.74 (0.009) 4.92 (0.008)
Problem gambling severity <0.01 (0.994)
Gambling frequency 5.94 (0.015)
Problem gambling severity × condition 5.34 (0.021)
Gambling frequency × condition 0.04 (0.843)
Problem gambling severity × magnitude 2.25 (0.106)
Gambling frequency × magnitude 1.18 (0.307)
Problem gambling severity × Gambling frequency 0.42 (0.517)
F-values and P-valuesin parentheses, for a model that compares experimentally manipulated variables (model 1) and a model that adds individual difference
variables and two-way interactions (model 2), showing main effects and interactions, with interactions denoted by *.
4Philip W. S. Newall et al.
© 2020 The Authors. Addiction published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Society for the Study of Addiction Addiction
CIs = 0.06; 0.48), but lower responses in the return-to-
player condition (marginal trend = 0.21, 95%
CIs = 0.46; 0.04.
Overall, 47.4% of participants responded correctly to
the multiple-choice question of return-to-player under-
standing. As can be seen in Table 2, the most-commonly
given incorrect answers were: 90% of people who play this
game will win something(23.8%) and: This game will
give out a prize 9 times in 10(23.8%).
Discussion
Participants rated their perceived chances of winning as
higher in the return-to-player condition than the house-
edge condition. Perceived chances of winning are subjec-
tive, however, and hence there is no correctresponse to
experiment 1. Experiment 2 was designed to address this
limitation, by assessing whether participants would answer
the four-alternative multiple-choice question correctly
more often with a house-edge than return-to-player label.
EXPERIMENT 2
In total, 407 participants were recruited (56.8% female,
mean age = 33.7 years, mean PGSI = 3, SD = 4.6, mean
days gambled over previous 12 months = 55.6, SD = 78.3).
No other demographic information was collected. Partici-
pants were paid £0.25 and took an average of 2.0 minutes
to complete the study, which translates to £7.50/hour. Par-
ticipants were given either a return-to-player or house-
edge warning label (both equivalent to a house-edge of
10%), and asked to complete the multiple-choice measure
of understanding used in the previous experiment. In the
previous experiment this measure of understanding was
given to all participants with the return-to-player warning
label only, but here understandingof both labels (return-to-
player and house-edge) was assessed.
Results
In total, 66.5% (95% CI = 60.0%, 73.0%) of participants in
the house-edge condition answered the understanding
question correctly, which was shown by logistic regression
to be signicantly more than the 45.6% (95% CI = 38.8%,
52.4%) of participants in the return-to-player condition
(z=4.22,P<0.001). Table 2 provides a breakdown of re-
sponses to this measure across the two experiments. The
house-edge condition was associated with a large shift
away from the incorrect response: This game will give
out a prize 9 times in 10.
A model was run to observe if this effect remained if
gamblerscharacteristics were taken into account. A logis-
tic regression model was run controlling for PGSI and gam-
bling frequency and including interaction terms between
experimental condition and these two individual difference
variables. There was an additional signicant main effect of
PGSI, whereby gamblers with higher PGSI levels were
more likely to answer the question correctly in either label
condition [z=2.18,P=0.030,oddsratio(OR)=1.08].
However, neither the interaction term on PGSI severity
(z=1.31, P= 0.190) nor gambling frequency
(z=0.60, P= 0.545) was statistically signicant. There-
fore, the house-edge warning label was understood more
clearly by all gamblers.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
The present ndings contribute to the literature on gam-
bling warning labels [17]. Gamblersperceived chances of
winning were signicantly lower under the house-edge
warning label than a return-to-player warning label in ex-
periment 1. Perceived chances of winning are subjective,
and hence there is no correctresponse to experiment 1.
Experiment 2 addressed this limitation, and showed that
more gamblers correctly understood the house-edge label
than the return-to-player label. Given the international ev-
idence base showing that return-to-player information is
frequently misunderstood, [6,8,10] these results suggest
that it would be better to display house-edge information
instead in jurisdictions such as the United Kingdom [4] or
Victoria, Australia [10].
Measures of gambling behaviour in a realistic gambling
task would help to provide further support to the practical
policy relevance of these results. Warning labels on UK
EGMs and virtual on-line gambling games, however, are
currently only found on low-prominence help screens,
Table 2 Responses to the measure of warning label understanding.
Response Experiment 1
Experiment 2
(return-to-player condition)
Experiment 2
(house-edge condition)
90% of people who play this game will win something23.8% 18.1% 16.3%
This game will give out a prize 9 times in 1023.8% 32.8% 10.3%
If you bet £1 on this game you are guaranteed to win 90p5.0% 3.4% 6.9%
Correct response: For every £100 bet on this game about £90 is paid
out in prizes
47.4% 45.6% 66.5%
Equivalent gambling warning labels 5
© 2020 The Authors. Addiction published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Society for the Study of Addiction Addiction
which many regular gamblers have not even seen [6]. To-
bacco control research suggests that effective warning la-
bels must be more prominent [18]. Additional changes
may be required to yield measurable changes in gamblers
behaviour in real gambling environments. More research
is also required for gamblers at the highest levels of
problem gambling severity, and to explore other gambler
subtypes who might respond differently to the framing
manipulation.
While these results suggest that house-edge informa-
tion is a better way to communicate gambling risks, even
better information formats are surely possible. For example,
graphical risk representations can be more effective than
equivalent numerical information [19]. House-edge infor-
mation might be even better understood with visual aids.
These results provide evidence for a novel framing effect
in gambling warning labels. This further supports the view
that gambling policy should reect behavioural scientic
insights [2022].
Declaration of interests
In 2018, P.W.S.N. was included as a named researcher on a
grant funded by GambleAware, and in 2019 received
travel and accommodation funding from the Spanish
Federation of Rehabilitated Gamblers. E.A.L. was co-
investigator on a grant funded by the Alberta Gambling Re-
search Institute that ended in February 2019.
Acknowledgements
We thank the Behavioural Science Global Research Priori-
ties fund from the University of Warwick for funding and
Depi Alempaki and Derek Webb for their helpful ideas.
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... The authors acknowledged a range of limitations including self-selection bias and non-representativeness of the sample, a reliance on self-reported measures and unreliable scales, a lack of ecological validity, incomplete data and/or loss of data (attrition bias), challenges with study design and procedures, and financial reward for participation. Only two studies (Newall et al., 2020a(Newall et al., , 2020b reported objectively measuring understanding of messages. ...
... One study (Walker et al., 2019) found that judgments (about maximising chances of winning) in scratch card gambling were improved by presenting the payback percentage information (representing the true monetary value of a card) in a graphical format as opposed to a numerical format. Restating the risk information (odds of winning) from the currently prevalent 'return to player' format (e.g. this game has an average payout of 90%) to a 'house-edge' format (e.g. this game keeps 10% of all money bet on average) led to lower perceived chances of winning and better understanding of product risk (Newall et al., 2020a); however, presenting this information as either percentages (e.g. this game keeps 0.5%/7.5%/15% of all money bet on average) or currency units (e.g. this game keeps 50p/£7.50/£15 for every £100 bet on average) did not lead to any significant difference in risk perception (Newall et al., 2021). ...
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... There is a gap in the evidence of interventions designed to increase health literacy about gambling (e.g., statistics, probability, house-edge advantage) and gambling harms, particularly among target populations (e.g., young males, racial and ethnic minority groups). This is important, given emerging evidence that suggests that increasing gamblers' understanding of complex concepts of gambling, such as return to player percentage by presenting the information in different ways, may influence their gambling behaviour [88,89]. Providing this information in contexts outside of gambling, that is, when people are not engaged in gambling, is an important consideration, as for some gamblers, critical thinking is suspended during play or battles with indecisiveness [87]. ...
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... However, any effective risk warning needs to both be prominent (which was overall not found to be the case here) and must be tested with relevant consumers to demonstrate effectiveness. Other previous research suggests that current UK risk warnings in gambling are limited in effectiveness, both in terms of generic warnings about gambling's potential harms (Newall, Hayes, et al., 2023), and when relevant statistical information is communicated (Newall et al., 2020). This suggests that further experimental work is needed to ensure that the content of current CFD warnings is effective at changing the behaviour of at-risk investors. ...
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Mobile-based trading apps have made investing easier than ever before, but thisincludes enabling access to risky investments that many investors may not be able to tradesafely. The UK financial regulator thereby requires Contract for Difference (CFD) tradingapps to make disclosures such as, “89% of retail investor accounts lose money when tradingCFDs with this provider”. However, these disclosures might be counteracted by either theirsuboptimal implementation, or by other aspects of these apps’ deceptive choice architecture.Therefore, the present study audited choice architecture characteristics of demo-modes of the14 most-popular CFD trading apps in the UK. A content analysis found for example that 31.6per cent of risk warnings did not comply with the regulator’s standards, and that only 35.7 percent of apps contained risk warnings within the app’s main tabs. A thematic analysissuggested that apps’ educational resources could instil users with the hope of winning, byemphasising practice, strategies, and psychological mindset – instead of acknowledging luckas the predominant factor underlying CFD trading profitability. Overall, this study added toprevious research highlighting the similarities between certain high-risk investments andgambling, and added to the behavioural public policy literature on deceptive choicearchitecture.
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Background: Gambling advertising on social media negatively affects public health. Advertising repositories represent a novel data access method for studying the commercial and legal determinants of health. Loot boxes are gambling-like products in video games that players, including young children, buy to obtain random rewards. Their advertising is specifically regulated in the UK and South Korea: loot box presence must be disclosed in any advertising. This rule is enforced differently: the UK relies on industry self-regulation with little deterrence effect, whilst South Korea imposes strict penalties. We assessed and compared compliance to inform policymaking.Methods: Using Meta’s advertising repository, we searched whether 394 popular mobile, console, and PC games with loot boxes advertised in the UK and South Korea. The most recently published ads after the rules came into force (N = 2358) were analysed for compliance. Findings: Only 8.4% of UK ads disclosed loot box presence, whilst 58.2% of Korean language ads did in South Korea. Further, 71.4% of UK disclosures and 44.9% of Korean disclosures were not reasonably visually prominent as required, thus the true compliance rates were 2.4% and 32.1%.Interpretation: Most video games are not complying with international loot box advertising rules. More active enforcement, imposing stricter penalties against non-compliance, providing detailed guidance, and educating foreign companies may lead to better compliance. Governments should not rely on toothless industry self-regulation to address public health concerns when the evidence indicates widespread non-compliance. Policymakers should adopt laws requiring companies to provide data access to facilitate better independent research.Funding: The Academic Forum for the Study of Gambling with funds derived from ‘regulatory settlements applied for socially responsible purposes’ received by the UK Gambling Commission.
Preprint
Safer gambling messages are often used as a population-based harm prevention measure, and independently-designed messages (e.g., “Chances are you’re about to lose”) are increasingly replacing industry-designed slogans (e.g., “Take time to think”). One common type of safer gambling message warns people that they should expect to lose money by gambling (e.g., “99% of gamblers lose in the long run”), but methodological differences between studies limit our ability to compare their relative efficacy. We asked UK-based online gamblers (N=4,025) to rate ten pre-existing and novel messages on 7-point scales relating to one potential negative impact (challenging participants to try to win at gambling) and three potential positive impacts (making participants want to gamble less, and being perceived as relevant to the participant and to gamblers experiencing harm). Participants also completed the Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI) to explore potential interaction effects based on levels of harm. Messages were all on average perceived as not challenging participants to try to win; as making them want to gamble less; and as being more relevant to the participant than to gamblers experiencing harm. Significant differences were observed between messages, with “99% of gamblers lose in the long run” scoring the best overall, and the five pre-existing messages scoring the worst. Messages were more likely to be seen as a challenge by participants with higher PGSI scores. Continual message design and evaluation can help improve the effectiveness of safer gambling messages.
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Regulations require video games to provide transparency regarding loot box odds to keep players informed, leading many games to disclose probabilities in various ways; yet, the extent of players' comprehension of loot box mechanics remains unclear. We performed a content analysis on 80 online posts to understand players' perceptions of loot box odds in two popular video games (Genshin Impact and Honkai: Star Rail). We then conducted semi-structured interviews with 24 players to explore the causes of these folk models across more games. Utilizing a bottom-up open coding approach, we created a taxonomy of folk models players have about loot boxes. We found that participants generally possessed inaccurate mental models of how loot boxes work, and they wanted game companies to enhance loot box transparency in three areas of probability disclosures: granularity, longitude, and scope.
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The addictive potential of electronic gaming machines (EGMs) is currently explained within a cognitive-behavioural framework. This framework explains that various erroneous cognitions regarding players’ likelihood of winning contribute to persistent EGM gambling behaviour. Related to these cognitions is the pervasive misunderstanding among players regarding the operation of EGMs. However, little research has focussed specifically on player understanding of the theoretical proportion returned to players over the lifetime of a machine; return to player percentage. This study aimed to investigate the extent to which players understand the concept return to player percentage presented in different educative formats. A sample of 112 university students were randomly allocated to one of four conditions pertaining to a different mode of information delivery; infographic, vignette, brochure, or mandated legislation (control). Participants completed post-intervention measures to determine changes in knowledge. As predicted, participants exhibited a lack of understanding of the concept of return to player at baseline. However, contrary to predictions, exposure to any of the experimental conditions did not result in a greater understanding of return to player than controls. The study findings emphasise the difficulty individuals have in understanding complex concepts related to return to player percentages when presented in current formats and content. Treatment and responsible gambling policies need to adopt strategies to effectively improve knowledge of this aspect of the structural characteristics of gaming machines.
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The premise of this article is that an understanding of behavioural economics can inform and improve the effectiveness of gambling policies and practices. Existing interventions to minimise gambling-related harms appear to be ineffective. Many conceptual models of gambling consider the role of cognitive distortions in potentiating harmful gambling outcomes, however, policies and practices often fail to recognise the heuristics (and resulting biases) that drive ongoing gambling. A behavioural economics approach to gambling public policies and interventions acknowledges humans do not always act in their best interest and introduces a range of policy tools that better motivate behaviour change. This paper reviews insights from psychology and behavioural economics to develop recommendations for gambling harm-minimisation policies. Behavioural science tools such as commitment devices, personalised messaging, and more generalised ‘nudges’ can be effective across the entire spectrum of gambling-related harms. The interventions recommended involve low-cost, subtle tweaks to the decision-making environment that promote agency, encourage positive behavioural change, and improve measurable outcomes. A multidisciplinary, evidence-based approach to developing gambling policies is recommended to enhance gamblers’ well-being.
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The aim of this report is to review evidence and theory regarding the gambling product through its structural characteristics (i.e., the ‘agent’ component of the epidemiological triangle). By providing a better understanding of structural characteristics, stakeholders should be better equipped to promote and evaluate responsible gambling and harm-minimisation strategies. Structural characteristics are essentially the building blocks of a gambling game. They are the basis for their differential appeal depending on how they satisfy different needs for different consumers. They combine with environmental and individual factors to determine both positive and negative outcomes of gambling participation. Structural characteristics vary considerably from game to game and evolve quickly in response to changes in technology; this renders associated policymaking challenging. The report is structured to consider categories of structural characteristics. Within each section we consider the theory and evidence concerning the possible links between characteristics and gambling problems, together with potential implications for specific interventions that may merit consideration by regulators and commercial gambling providers.
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Price in commercial gambling is effectively the house edge of the game. For electronic gaming machines (EGMs), house edge is the hold percentage. The paper tracks changes in hold percentage for club and hotel EGM gambling in Australia. We use real gambling turnover and revenue data to show that hold generally falls over time, save for the State of Victoria between 1993 and 2009. In Victoria, hold fell during the rollout phase of the sector, before rising steadily. We examine local level data, finding that hold varied considerably by gaming operator across the period, before converging. The unique owner/operator corporate duopoly that existed in Victoria is posed as a potential explanation for aggregate price changes. We then calculate estimates of the monetary value of changes in hold percentage. We find increased hold can lead to substantial monetary redistributions of gamblers’ stakes toward the house and away from gamblers. Policy options to protect gamblers from the unfairness of undetectable price rises are discussed, including the possibility of a more tightly regulated hold percentage, a tax on windfall profits derived from raising hold, and tying game identities to particular hold percentages.
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In the United States, warning messages were first included on tobacco products in the 1960 s, and were subsequently added to alcohol products in the 1980 s. However, they have yet to be applied comprehensively to gambling. Several jurisdictions, including Australia, New Zealand, and Canada, have mandated responsible gaming requirements, including pop-up warning messages to provide players feedback on potentially risky play. The aim of the current paper was to conduct a systematic review of the literature on gambling-related warning messages and to discuss the public policy implications of the research to date. Across all studies examined, the use of warning messages was largely supported. Messages informed consumers and if applied appropriately, potentially reduced harm. The mode of message display, along with placement, content, framing, and context were all found to influence the impact of messages. Messages demonstrated optimal impact when they popped-up on the center screen, created an interruption in play, and required active removal by the player. Messages were more effective at modifying behavior when they were brief, easy to read, and direct. As opportunities for gambling continue to increase, findings support that gambling-related warning messages can reduce risky gambling play and can be used to inform policy decisions around responsible gaming. Gaps in the warning-message literature to be addressed by future research efforts and to further inform prevention policy are discussed.
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Background Effective risk communication is essential for informed decision making. Unfortunately, many people struggle to understand typical risk communications because they lack essential decision-making skills. Objective The aim of this study was to review the literature on the effect of numeracy on risk literacy, decision making, and health outcomes, and to evaluate the benefits of visual aids in risk communication. Method We present a conceptual framework describing the influence of numeracy on risk literacy, decision making, and health outcomes, followed by a systematic review of the benefits of visual aids in risk communication for people with different levels of numeracy and graph literacy. The systematic review covers scientific research published between January 1995 and April 2016, drawn from the following databases: Web of Science, PubMed, PsycINFO, ERIC, Medline, and Google Scholar. Inclusion criteria were investigation of the effect of numeracy and/or graph literacy, and investigation of the effect of visual aids or comparison of their effect with that of numerical information. Thirty-six publications met the criteria, providing data on 27,885 diverse participants from 60 countries. Results Transparent visual aids robustly improved risk understanding in diverse individuals by encouraging thorough deliberation, enhancing cognitive self-assessment, and reducing conceptual biases in memory. Improvements in risk understanding consistently produced beneficial changes in attitudes, behavioral intentions, trust, and healthy behaviors. Visual aids were found to be particularly beneficial for vulnerable and less skilled individuals. Conclusion Well-designed visual aids tend to be highly effective tools for improving informed decision making among diverse decision makers. We identify five categories of practical, evidence-based guidelines for heuristic evaluation and design of effective visual aids.
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Casino gambling is a heavily-regulated consumer service available to the public, with state oversight of a variety of business functions, including the “pricing” of slot machines via mandated minimum hold percentages. But states typically define minimum slot-hold percentages that are well below those actually found on slot floors. State-mandated minimum paybacks are almost entirely irrelevant; industry standards honed by competition keep average payback rates high above the state minimums in all jurisdictions, with no direct correlation between the state-mandated minimums and actual payback rates: the market, instead, determines the “cost” of playing slots.