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1. Europeanization and Domestic Change: Introduction
... However, evidence of transnationality can still be found in direct transnational references within images (Koopmans & Erbe, 2004), and in similarities in the usage of symbols, such as those associated with Christianity or (neo-)Nazism. That is, a tendency to produce and distribute visual media in similar ways and with similar themes but using nationally specific elements (Eder, 2000), what Risse et al. (2001) call transnationality 'with national colours'. Further, we identify three distinct visual discourses, each illustrating transnationally shared practices of meaning creation and collective identity construction. ...
... Similarly, the use of historical imagery points to parallel forms of transnationality, or transnationality 'with national colours' (Risse et al., 2001). While reference to historical figures is used to lend legitimacy to their organisation, constructing themselves as inheritors of a historical fascist mission, each organisation refers primarily to their own 'heroes,' albeit in similar ways. ...
... In particular, we observed symbols pertaining to Christianity, Islam, history and popular culture across organisations and countries, as well as the shared use of (neo-)Nazi symbols across borders among the explicitly fascist organisations in the sample. Overall, rather than the smooth circulation and reproduction of the same or similar images such as memes or posters as we had expected, the non-party sector of the far right instead produces and distributes visual media around similar themes but with the use of nationally specific symbols (Eder, 2000), pointing to a transnationality 'with national colours' (Risse et al., 2001) In analysing this third form of transnationality we differentiated between three distinct visual discourses: fascist continuity, western civilisational identity, and pop cultural appropriation. Each of these discourses illustrates different practices of collective identity construction and transnationality along the lines of our third conceptualisation, and corresponds to particular image genres. ...
Current research on visual media and the far right creates two expectations: that memes play an increasingly salient role in the far right’s digital visual culture, and that the visual and participatory dimensions of internet culture facilitate greater transnationality. We explore these expectations with a comparative research design, situating memes in relation to other genres of visual content and across different country contexts. Taking a mixed methods approach, this article examines the digital visual culture of 25 far-right alternative media and other non-party organisations in Australia, Italy, Germany, and the United States. We assess the salience of memes and other visual genres, as well as three forms of transnationality: the circulation of images, direct communicative references, and transnational similarities. Unexpectedly, we find that memes play only a limited role in the digital visual culture of far-right non-party organisations, with their uneven concentration in Anglophone alt-media suggesting the potential pitfalls of assumptions about ‘global’ internet culture. We also find little evidence of transnationality through the circulation of the same visuals across countries, whether memes or other genres. Instead, transnationality works through transnational references within the images themselves and through more parallel practices of reproducing visuals in similar ways with similar themes, but with elements specific to an organisation’s national and political context. Within this, we identify three distinct visual discourses – fascist continuity, western civilisational identity, and pop cultural appropriation – which highlight different practices of transnationality and collective identity construction within the far right online.
... There are many different definitions of Europeanization in the academic literature, among which at least four definitions proposed by Ladrech (1994), Risse et al. (2001), Radaelli (2003) and Vink and Graziano (2007) can be highlighted (Graziano and Vink, 2013, p. 37). ...
... Thus, a common feature of all the above definitions is that Europeanisation is defined as a process, gradual rather than rapid. Given that the Ladrech definition reduces the role of individuals as opposed to highlighting organizations, but Risse et al. (2001) offer contains risks of being interpreted too broadly, the definition of Radaelli as well as the definition of Vink and Graziano in this article could be considered more appropriate. ...
The aim of this article is to evaluate the effectiveness of the European Union’s ‘Europe for Citizens’ program by analyzing the situation of the Baltic states in the context of the overall EU level, as well as comparing Latvia with neighboring Estonia and Lithuania. Within the frameworks of the two actions (‘European Remembrance Projects’ and ‘Civil Society Projects’) in the ‘Europe for Citizens’ program for the two periods (2007-2013) and (2014-2020), both the financial support of the European Union to the most active groups of civil society (top-down) and a very high activity of civil society by project application have been examined. Under approved projects, various activities were developed, promoting public participation both at the local level and among the citizens of various European Union countries, thus starting to influence the processes at the EU level (bottom-up) as well. The data show that the population of all three Baltic states has a high sense of belonging to the European Union, well above the EU average.
... Europeanization scholarship 64 highlights the importance of veto players in explaining differences in transposition and implementation across member states, along with other intervening factors that may inhibit or foster domestic change: domestic institutions, political and organizational cultures, the differential empowerment of actors at the domestic level, the readiness for learning, or the existing preferences and beliefs of the domestic political actors. 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). ...
... 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). 60 Haverland (2000), Héritier et al. (2001). ...
Martin-Russu offers a critical analysis of the existing scholarship, focusing in particular on enlargement-led Europeanization studies and locating them in the wider context of European Integration research. She identifies two major gaps in the literature: the lack of a theoretically grounded model of de-Europeanization substantiated through fine-grained analyses of domestic transposition; and the lack of sufficient empirical research on the relevance of domestic political elites for the success and stability of EU-led reforms. This chapter illustrates how her study bridges these gaps. It proposes a theoretical framework that explains Romania’s selective backsliding—its reversing of reforms in some domains much more than in others—and links this reform reversal with the pursuit of narrow personal interests by the domestic political elite.
... Europeanization scholarship 64 highlights the importance of veto players in explaining differences in transposition and implementation across member states, along with other intervening factors that may inhibit or foster domestic change: domestic institutions, political and organizational cultures, the differential empowerment of actors at the domestic level, the readiness for learning, or the existing preferences and beliefs of the domestic political actors. 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). ...
... 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). 60 Haverland (2000), Héritier et al. (2001). ...
Martin-Russu’s book explains Romania’s reform reversal in the field of public integrity and the fight against corruption by providing evidence of legislative behaviour at the highest levels of policy-making that shows how a highly fragmented domestic political elite pursues private gains by diluting the legislation in force. Her understanding of Europeanization, modelled as a reversible process highly dependent on the interests pursued by political elites, offers a quite pessimistic prospect for reform. However, Martin-Russu suggests a solution to reform instability, found in the empowerment of sectoral civil society to participate, in one manner or another, in the law-making process. Improving the capacities of civil society to participate more effectively in policy formulation and implementation, she argues, makes democratic consolidation more feasible and allows for genuine Europeanizing reform.
Martin-Russu’s book provides a cautionary tale about the naivety of expecting domestic corrupt political elites to lead the fight against corruption, an account of the failure of the EU’s push for reforms to produce genuine and lasting change, and a demonstration of how important it is for the EU to find new ways to support civil society in its member states.
... Europeanization scholarship 64 highlights the importance of veto players in explaining differences in transposition and implementation across member states, along with other intervening factors that may inhibit or foster domestic change: domestic institutions, political and organizational cultures, the differential empowerment of actors at the domestic level, the readiness for learning, or the existing preferences and beliefs of the domestic political actors. 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). ...
... 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). 60 Haverland (2000), Héritier et al. (2001). ...
To grant more plausibility to the theoretical argument, Martin-Russu includes a second case study in her empirical analysis: an inquiry into Romania’s nature conservation reform and the framework regulating the protection of environmentally significant habitats and species. The evaluation of the legislative performance of the Romanian political elite in the field of nature conservation shows a questionable use of procedures, but this time coupled with a far higher level of responsibility and responsivity to societal concerns.
The chapter reveals a reality at odds with the expectation that limited capacities lead to non-compliance; it shows how the lack of institutional capacities led, through the involvement of civil society actors, to a gradual improvement of EU-driven reforms. Martin-Russu provides a detailed account of how the expansion of protected areas in preparation for EU membership generated an increased need for their effective management, which translated into a legislative solution that allowed civil society organizations and the scientific community to assume responsibility for the administration of protected areas on an equal footing with the government. This, Martin-Russu argues, allowed citizens to pursue their interests through the actions and reactions of civil society, promoting the latter’s growth and gradually strengthening its voice.
... Europeanization scholarship 64 highlights the importance of veto players in explaining differences in transposition and implementation across member states, along with other intervening factors that may inhibit or foster domestic change: domestic institutions, political and organizational cultures, the differential empowerment of actors at the domestic level, the readiness for learning, or the existing preferences and beliefs of the domestic political actors. 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). ...
... 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). 60 Haverland (2000), Héritier et al. (2001). ...
With this chapter, Martin-Russu starts her empirical analysis by examining the structural factors that influence the composition and conduct of the Romanian political elite. The observed high level of fragmentation of this elite during the last decades results from a narrow and shallow pattern of elite renewal, from conflicting institutional or organizational interests and from a lack of value consensus among elite members. All these factors exacerbate a struggle for power, they work in favour of a pursuit of narrow particular interests at high levels of decision-making, leading to the failure of democracy even where democratic institutions are in place.
The chapter shows a political environment in which the major Romanian political parties experience numerous splits and mergers, several opportunistic coalitions are forged in the run-up to or midway between parliamentary elections, and numerous party members abruptly change their affiliation in order to obtain secure political positions. It provides a revealing example of over-fragmentation: a political climate of distrust, uncertainty and unpredictability that favours self-interested behaviour, and in which elected elites can be bound neither to take account of the preferences of their own party, nor to take into account the concerns of their electorate.
... Europeanization scholarship 64 highlights the importance of veto players in explaining differences in transposition and implementation across member states, along with other intervening factors that may inhibit or foster domestic change: domestic institutions, political and organizational cultures, the differential empowerment of actors at the domestic level, the readiness for learning, or the existing preferences and beliefs of the domestic political actors. 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). ...
... 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). 60 Haverland (2000), Héritier et al. (2001). ...
In this chapter, Martin-Russu shifts towards an in-depth observation of the elite’s legislative conduct in the area of anti-corruption. The analysis focuses on the concrete developments of Romania’s public integrity law (i.e. the initially adopted act, its different provisions and its development over more than a decade), which clearly show a pattern of diluting existing legislation, with repeated subtle attempts to reverse positive reform steps already undertaken.
The chapter illustrates how the use of inadequate and hasty procedures and the adoption of amendments inconsistent and ill-fitted to the scope of the law can hardly be justified as being in the interests of society as a whole, being driven solely by the narrow self-serving purposes of the elite. This self-serving conduct of the political elite has dire consequences for the quality of legislation, for the quality of institutional interactions, and more importantly, for the level of public trust and the political engagement of the nonelite.
... Europeanization scholarship 64 highlights the importance of veto players in explaining differences in transposition and implementation across member states, along with other intervening factors that may inhibit or foster domestic change: domestic institutions, political and organizational cultures, the differential empowerment of actors at the domestic level, the readiness for learning, or the existing preferences and beliefs of the domestic political actors. 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). ...
... 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). 60 Haverland (2000), Héritier et al. (2001). ...
Martin-Russu starts her analysis from an empirical puzzle: Romania’s abrupt shift from observing European norms and standards, towards increasingly diverging from them after having gained full EU membership. Romania’s pre-accession drive to curb corruption, very much aligned with the EU’s requirements, contrasts with the state’s post-accession backslide and the gradual deterioration of already adopted public integrity reforms.
The introduction sets the basis for discussion by arguing that in contexts corroded by high-level corruption, claims of successful Europeanization, particularly in the area of public integrity, are highly counter-intuitive. The priority attached by the EU to the rule of law and justice reform can hardly eliminate the fundamental incentive for political corruption. A self-serving political elite remains unable to genuinely commit to the implementation of substantial anti-corruption reforms.
... Europeanization scholarship 64 highlights the importance of veto players in explaining differences in transposition and implementation across member states, along with other intervening factors that may inhibit or foster domestic change: domestic institutions, political and organizational cultures, the differential empowerment of actors at the domestic level, the readiness for learning, or the existing preferences and beliefs of the domestic political actors. 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). ...
... 58 Börzel and Risse (2000), Cowles et al. (2001), Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007), Caporaso (2008), Ladrech (2010). 59 Risse et al. (2001), Börzel and Risse (2007: 490-2). 60 Haverland (2000), Héritier et al. (2001). ...
... By addressing the above questions, this study aims to improve our understanding of policy implementation and spell out under what conditions EU incentives are actually deployed by policy addressees and thereby increase local governance capacities and enhance multilevel dynamics. Drawing on the EU policy implementation research and the scholarship of capacity issues, we expect the following three sets of variables to affect the implementation dynamics of EU capacity-building programmes: (i) highly compatible policy structures, ensuring the 'goodness of fit' (Cowles et al., 2001) between European and domestic policy settings; (ii) the availability of resources (for example expertise, funding, relations) of target groups; and (iii) the complementarity between overlapping EU policy instruments targeting the same policy addressees. We also elaborate on the phenomenon of what we define as the 'capacity trap', namely the situation in which access to capacity-building instruments is precluded for those who are not able to achieve the established eligibility threshold. ...
... Hence, drawing on the 'goodness of fit' hypothesis (Cowles et al., 2001) that has been widely adopted in EU policy implementation studies, we expect that domestic policy structures strongly account for the programme implementation dynamics across countries. Therefore, the implementation of an EU programme is expected be smoother in the contexts where domestic policy instruments and frameworks are highly compatible with the EU programme's goals and operational principles, as the usage of EU resources is facilitated by consolidated formal and informal policy provisions reducing uncertainty and 2 The value of EPCs in unlocking energy savings and achieving EU climate change objectives has been highlighted in the Energy Efficiency Directive (2012/27/EU). ...
This article investigates whether, how and under what conditions European Union (EU) capacity-building programmes actually contribute to improving the action capacity of target actors in view of common policy objectives. The empirical analysis focuses on the European Local Energy Assistance (ELENA) technical facility that aims to enhance local authorities' project development and management capacities in the field of renewables and energy efficiency. Our findings show that favourable contextual conditions and the actual functional demand for more capacities cannot explain the implementation dynamics of this programme across EU countries. Conversely, the availability of basic starting resources or the ability to draw from EU funds emerge as key factors behind these dynamics. Evidence is provided demonstrating that the effectiveness of such programmes can be hampered by a persistent capacity trap if barriers to their implementation are not carefully considered in advance.
... And researchers following the social psychologist Tom Tyler (1997) have argued that rule observance by citizens is driven to a great extent by perceptions of legitimacy, in addition to instrumental incentives. Scholars of Europeanization, finally, have argued that the presence of deeply embedded domestic norms that clash with EU legislation, will complicate processes of policy adaptation (Risse et al., 2001). ...
Previous research on how EU policies are being put into practice has focused heavily on understanding and explaining implementation failure. This ‘misery research’ (Rothstein, 1998, p. 62) has brought us much insight into what does not work, but the research field could benefit from an alternative perspective on things that potentially do work in putting EU legislation into practice. As a first step towards closing this gap, the chapter presents a theoretical framework that allows us to draw up a systematic overview of strategies to improve EU policy implementation. The framework is informed by three different theoretical approaches: rationalism, constructivism, and managerialism, and it considers improvement strategies to be applied in three different arenas: the vertical arena (the Commission vis-à-vis member states), the horizontal arena (member states among themselves), and the domestic arena (domestic stakeholders vis-à-vis national governments). The chapter concludes by discussing how this theoretical framework could inform future research on the implementation of EU policies.
... At the same time, Europeanisation studies have revealed the limits of transfers and convergence, showing that they can be partial, according to national trajectories Risse et al. 2001;Börzel and Risse 2002;Bulmer and Padgett 2005;Holzinger and Knill 2005;Tulmets 2005). Several studies have examined the processes of resistance, or even rejection, of which these institutional transfers are the object (Saurugger and Surel 2006;Colman and Crespy 2014;Crespy and Saurugger 2014). ...
The recent Brazilian experience of connecting economic instruments to social policies inspired a new type of South-South cooperation that is focused on sharing public policy know-how. This book provides valuable empirical and theoretical resources for understanding the originality of the Brazilian international action and its presence in Mozambique.'-Marcel Bursztyn, Professor, Universidade de Brasília, Brazil 'Richly researched and boldly theorized, this book traces the internationalization and transfer of Brazilian agricultural policy from competing domestic coalitions, through international organizations, and finally to recipient countries. Milhorance manages to capture all the stages, actors, their ideas and their conflicts, in a unified narrative that significantly advances the field.'-Leslie A. Pal,
... German domestic structures, for example, show many similarities with the emerging European polity (multilevel system; decentralization; federalism, etc.; see Bulmer 1997;Katzenstein 1997). Yet, Germany has experienced as many misfits with Europeanization processes as other member states (Cowles and Risse 2001). ...
... Contrary to definitions that emphasize the formal Europeanization of policies, institutions and processes, we follow Radaelli's (2003) argument that also informal European logics are important for understanding domestic governance in the respective sectors. We apply this argument to the study of domestic governance networks (Risse et al., 2001) as they are particularly relevant for the inclusion of nonmember states in policy dynamics (Leuffen et al., 2012). ...
The influence of the European Union on national power structures, actors' institutional opportunities, and governance networks is well established in cases of Europeanization processes unfolding in member states or associated countries for which a formal agreement is in place. This article focuses instead on Europeanization processes that are more informal and do not include formal agreements but bottom‐up dynamics. Empirically, we analyze the collaboration network in Swiss energy policy with Exponential Random Graph Models and find that actors with EU contacts and those that consider the international process as important are particularly active in the domestic governance network, whereas actors considering the domestic process as strongly Europeanized and those with pro‐EU beliefs are particularly inactive. This points towards a complex influence of informal Europeanization on domestic governance networks. 在欧盟成员国或正式协议已准备就绪的相关国家的欧洲化过程中，欧盟对国家权力架构、行动者的制度机遇以及治理网络产生的影响是公认的。本文则聚焦于那些更为非正式的、不包括正式协议但包括自下而上措施的欧洲化过程。实证上，我们使用指数随机图模型分析瑞士能源政策的协作网络，发现与欧盟保持联系的行动者以及那些重视国际过程的行动者在国内治理网络中尤为活跃，而那些认为国内过程受到强烈欧洲化影响和那些支持欧盟信念的行动者尤为不活跃。这一发现指向了非正式和自下而上式欧洲化过程对国内治理网络的复杂影响。 La influencia de la Unión Europea en las estructuras de poder nacionales, las oportunidades institucionales de los actores y las redes de gobernanza está bien establecida en los casos de procesos de europeización que se desarrollan en los estados miembros o países asociados para los cuales existe un acuerdo formal. Este artículo se centra en cambio en los procesos de europeización que son más informales y no incluyen acuerdos formales sino dinámicas ascendentes. Empíricamente, analizamos la red de colaboración en la política energética suiza con modelos de gráficos aleatorios exponenciales y encontramos que los actores con contactos en la UE y aquellos que consideran que el proceso internacional es importante son particularmente activos en la red de gobernanza nacional, mientras que los actores que consideran el proceso nacional como fuertemente europeizado. y aquellos con creencias pro‐UE son particularmente inactivos. Esto apunta hacia una compleja influencia de la europeización informal y de abajo hacia arriba en las redes de gobernanza nacional.
... Europeanization is often regarded as complying with EU rules and regulations for accession countries (Börzel & Risse, 2006;Risse, Cowles, & Caporaso, 2018). Adopting the EUpromoted liberal democratic requirements might not have been an easy choice for candidate country governments because EU requirements might misfit existing/traditional policy goals (Heritier, Knill & Mingers, 1996). ...
This article examines the electoral cost of the EU promoted norms over a candidate country where political risks associated with countering terrorism have an impact on the popularity ratings of an incumbent government. It analyses Turkey as an exceptional case that is the only candidate country and developing economy having a systematic terrorism problem among other accession states. The core argument of this article is twofold. First, complying with EU-promoted peaceful solution run the risk of upsetting the dominant nationalist-conservative cluster, and the incumbent government may lose its voter popularity. Second, political risks associated with non-compliance may cause economic instability, which again triggers losing voter popularity. In both choices, neither full compliance nor defiance may backfire to gain the support of the nationalist-conservative electorate. A moderate decision between the two may be the safest option for a candidate country government to diminish the electoral cost of counter-terrorism policy.
... Thusand somewhat paradoxicallyachieving harmonised goals, as set in framework directives such as the WFD, urges for different policy efforts in different places. Paraphrasing Risse et al. (2001), this leads to Europeanisation not only with national but also with regional and local colours. As mentioned, this considerably complicates the task of assessing if local implementation is in fact compliant with the initial EU requirementsor over-compliant, for that matter. ...
Realising the goals of the European Union (EU) Water Framework Directive is difficult. The differentiation of water policies according to local conditions enjoys increasing attention and may be necessary to achieve good ecological status in all European waters. This paper seeks to explore to what extent and how local water quality determines the degree of coercion, i.e. the extent to which differentiated policies are voluntary or rather imposed upon policy addressees, of spatially differentiated water policies. It does so on the basis of seven cases in five EU Member States. For highly polluted waters, spatially differentiated policies tend either to make the use of authoritative policy instruments, i.e. coercion by way of formal regulation, or to rely on the threat to introduce such regulation. For preventing the deterioration of relatively ‘clean’ waters, voluntary instruments based on information and persuasion dominate, often supported by subsidies and/or the direct input of public resources. In relation to the spatial differentiation of water policies, issues of data demand, equality and legitimacy have to be taken into account. HIGHLIGHTS
The paper explores the relationship between local water quality and policy instruments used for locally differentiated policies under the EU Water Framework Directive (WFD).;
In case of a long distance to the WFD targets, instruments with a high degree of coercion, e.g. formal regulation, prevail.;
If local quality is close to the WFD targets, lower degrees of coercion, e.g. information or subsidies, prevail.;
... It has been linked to procuring illegally logged timber from Romanian harvesting companies and thus fuelling illegal logging in the country (EIA 2015). 17 Europeanization is defined as the "emergence and the development at the European level of distinct structures of governance, that is, of political, legal, and social institutions associated with political problem-solving that formalizes interactions among the actors, and of policy networks specializing in the creation of authoritative European rules" (Risse et al. 2001). ...
This chapter provides an actor-centered assessment of the governance of forests and protected areas in Romania. It investigates the implementation of the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR) and its effectiveness in addressing illegal timber logging and trade. We use an analytical framework based on the Europeanization theory and the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). In line with the Europeanization literature, we find that in the case of EU forestry policy, a non-acquis policy area partly characterized by a lack of clear EU legal basis and partly by EU policy and legal (dis)integration paradox, national decision-makers responded to pressures to integrate nature conservation into forestry. Domestic actors, allied in a social-environmental advocacy coalition, could use EU rules, strategic cooperation, and links with the broader EU good governance plan to improve domestic forest policy procedures and limit state capture. However, the practical implementation of the EUTR and the EU nature and biodiversity policy is jeopardized by forest overexploitation and illegal logging linked to weak law enforcement capacity, widespread corruption, unsolved policy and institutional deficiencies notably regarding private forest ownership, and counterproductive effects of “successful” EU market integration and foreign investment forces.
... As Cowles comments, the domestic adjustment of member states susceptible to the same pressures from the EU takes place through "national colours" where national characteristics continue to play a role in shaping outcomes (Risse, Cowles and Caporaso 2001, 1) . The crucial point of this adaptive process is the uncertain institutional change that the consequences of Europeanization will bring about to the country (Risse, Cowles and Caporaso 2001). ...
There is a growing literature suggesting that the EU's stance towards migration is constituted either by lack of policies or according to Amnesty International by measures resulting or contributing to serious human rights violations. Also, a growing literature on EU's obsession for border over-securitisation raises questions about its existing institutional structures and its role as a normative power. Moreover, the developing and increasing immigrants' influx to Greece, part of the increased migration movement towards the Western world and especially Europe, has created a new map for exploration, analysis and debate in academia and in political circles and formation of laws. Against this backdrop, this paper aims to unpack securitisation processes through the case of Greece. In this transformational process Europeanisation plays a vital role since it triggers a strong interdependence between European policies and policy reformations in Greece.
... We still lack a clear answer to the questions of when, how, and under what conditions the EU has strengthened SNAs, has weakened them, or does not make any difference. The influential literature on Europeanization (Risse, Cowles, and Caporaso 2001;Bursens and Deforche 2008) has developed the concept of mediating factors. The effect of the EU is differentiated. ...
... A second group of factors relates to the importance of agency. In this broader category, Risse and his collaborators (Risse, Cowles, and Caporaso 2001) have stressed the different levels of empowerment of actors and learning processes, whereas others have considered veto players in the political system that can be linked to changing political preferences due to party competition between national and subnational levels of governments (Pitschel and Bauer 2009) or to changes in governments (Vink 2005). More recently, Tatham has added further precision to the role of party politics in dynamics of territorial mobilization in the pre-legislative phase (Tatham 2017). ...
... Thus understood Europeanization invites a bottom-up counter-process, which consists in 'the emergence and development at the European level of distinctive structures of governance'. 29 In the recent years the EU has taken steps towards facilitating the bottom-up integration of cyber security policies, most notably through building the foundations of the future contractual partnership between the private and public sector. 30 This step closely resembles the German initiative of private-public partnership in the CERT Alliance and opens a possibility of trust-building activity within the private and public sectors of the member states. ...
The author argues that EU member states should pursue a joint strategy of cyber security and cyber defence. This claim does not immediately imply support for current EU legislation, in particular for enforcing the NIS Directive or the operation of ENISA in its currently planned capacity. Instead, three principles of European cooperation are discussed and followed by a proposal to centre the joint strategic effort around promoting and explicating the practical and procedural consequences of these principles. A bottom-up approach to joining and uniformization of European cyber defence is presented, aligned with the notion of Europeanization in security policy in the sense of E. Gross and R. Ladrech. This approach requires that European cyber security agencies, including ENISA, focus their efforts on addressing the trust defi cit among the member states through facilitating the environment for safe information exchange, instead of communicating with the member states through the medium of regulations and prescribing security standards. More generally, the author postulates that the European authorities embrace the inherent political character of international trust-building and aspire to the role of mediator, as opposed to presenting themselves as apolitical agents focused on the purely technical aspects of European cyber security.
... The explanatory mechanism is based on the logic of the 'goodness of fit' between what the EU 'prescribed' and what domestic policy is. Risse, Cowles, and Caporaso (2001) argued that, in order to produce domestic effects, EU policy must be somewhat difficult to absorb at the domestic level. If the policy of a member state is already in line with EU policy, there will no impact: things can go on as they were before. ...
This chapter examines the impact of Europeanization upon the public policy functions of European Union member states. It first explains why Europeanization of policy is a hot topic before describing types of Europeanization and characteristic patterns of governance in the EU. It then discusses the dynamics of Europeanization, focusing on the processes involved and the effects produced, and relates these processes and effects to categories of policy in order to map the Europeanization of public policy. It also analyses research considerations with respect to Europeanization and concludes with an assessment of the EU enlargement process as well as suggestions for conducting empirical studies to investigate the EU’s impact on member states.
... Nevertheless, the definition seems to be particularly useful for institutional analysis rather than decision-making studies because of its privileged focus on the notion of 'organizational logic' rather than, more broadly, behaviour of political actors. The second definition (by Risse et al. 2001) is strikingly similar to the (European) political integration definition provided by Haas which is focused on the 'loyalty shift' to the European level. But, as noticed by Radaelli (2000), we should not confuse Europeanization with European integration since there would, in fact, be no need to invent new concepts with old meanings. ...
This chapter explores a number of fundamental issues that arise when studying Europeanization. It first explains what Europeanization is and what it is not, why some parts of political life seem more affected by the process of European integration than others, and how to interpret variation between member states of the European Union. It then considers the theoretical debates about the relevance of Europeanization, focusing on new institutionalism, goodness of fit, mediating factors, and domestic compliance. It also provides examples of Europeanization studies and shows how to design a good Europeanization study. Aside from Europeanization, the chapter examines public opinion and parties, political institutions and governance, and public policy, along with methodological issues such as operationalization, the use of counterfactuals, and different qualitative, quantitative, and mixed approaches.
... At the same time, Europeanisation studies have revealed the limits of transfers and convergence, showing that they can be partial, according to national trajectories Risse et al. 2001;Börzel and Risse 2002;Bulmer and Padgett 2005;Holzinger and Knill 2005;Tulmets 2005). Several studies have examined the processes of resistance, or even rejection, of which these institutional transfers are the object (Saurugger and Surel 2006;Colman and Crespy 2014;Crespy and Saurugger 2014). ...
... In order to assess the impact of global regulation on national policy developments, this paper relies on social constructivist theory of international relations that highlights the role of various types of non-state actors (including not only inter-governmental organisations but also epistemic and professional communities). According to this theory, the diff usion of international norms in the human rights area depends primarily on the existence and activity of transnational networks, which are capable of linking together domestic NGOs, international operating NGOs, international institutions and national governments (Risse-Kappen 1997) (Risse and Sikkink 1999) (Risse et al. 2001). ...
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... Following Risse, Cowles, and Caporaso (2001), in order to produce domestic effects, EU policy must be somewhat difficult to absorb at the domestic level. If the policy of a member state is already in line with EU policy, there will be no impact: things can go on as they were before. ...
Europeanization has had a profound impact upon the public policy functions of the member states. However, the impact has not been uniform and can be reversed. Member states have lost much of the scope for independent action in some areas, such as trade policy and the single market. In health and education, the effect has been much more fragmented. For members of the euro area, the depth of Europe- anization has been questioned by the financial markets during the crisis of the euro. In response, new governance architectures have emerged since 2010 to tighten the coordination of macro-economic policy and structural reforms. Brexit puts on the agenda Europeanization in reverse gear—reversibility issues pre-date Brexit how- ever, as shown by the literature on policy dismantling and differentiated integration. In reviewing this subject matter we explore the dynamics of Europeanization: what are the processes involved and the effects produced? We then relate the processes and effects to analytic categories in order to map the Europeanization effects. Finally, we illustrate the emerging questions on Europeanization in reverse gear, or de-Europeanization.
... Europeanisation research in legislative studies has given birth to a dense corpus of articles over the last decades. The concept of Europeanisation has been subject to several definitions (Buller and Gamble 2002;Risse et al. 2001;Ladrech 2010Ladrech , 1994Olsen 2002;Radaelli 2000). Studies on the Europeanisation process of national parliaments emerged in the middle of the 1990s, after the entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty. ...
The purpose of the article is to analyze ESP in the context of different modes of governance. Assuming that ESP is a unique and multidimensional product of dynamic political, technological, and social processes and ideas coordinated by the EU, its member states as well as non-member ones and implemented in an international environment, there are some research questions to be answered. First, is there any particular mode of governance that should be applied to the analysis of ESP implementation? Second, in what way the EU introduced space policy and space assets to the European agenda? Third, how ESP can be framed within the overall process of European integration? A qualitative research approach has been applied as well as theoretic apparatus embedded in European integration studies and political science. The main finding of the article is that the most promising way of governance within ESP is experimentalist governance. The originality of the article results from the application of the newly established experimentalist governance theory to an analysis of the increasingly important segment of EU activity.
This study applies the “governance architecture approach” as the analytical framework for understanding the emergence of the European Education Area as a new device for coordination in educational issues embedded in the new EU Strategic Agenda. EEA is emerging as an overarching framework to boost the European project and promote selective priorities and actions across the existing educational areas, such as education and training including early childcare and lifelong learning, the Copenhagen Process for vocational education and training, and the European Higher Education Area, and bridge them with research, innovation, and digitalization. In this sense, the EEA embraces old and new institutional structures and, consequently, the governance patchwork in education policy consisting of formal and informal institutions, international organizations, and regimes. In addition, the study highlights the role of EU key actors which advocate the establishment of the EEA by 2025 linking it with the future of the European project and the promotion of the European identity and EU values and interests globally.
Die Europäisierungsforschung widmet sich der Erforschung der Rückwirkungen der europäischen Integration auf die EU-Mitgliedstaaten. Trotz der Bedeutung von Kapital und Arbeit und ihren Organisationen für die politischen Ökonomien der EU-Mitgliedstaaten hat die Europäisierungsliteratur den Auswirkungen der Integration auf das Kräfteverhältnis zwischen diesen Gruppen bisher kaum Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. Dieser Beitrag geht daher der Frage nach, wie sich die europäische Integration auf die gesellschaftlichen Kräfteverhältnisse zwischen Kapital und Arbeit auswirkt. Um die Klassenblindheit der Europäisierungsforschung zu beheben, schlägt der Artikel vor, den Europäisierungsansatz um eine machtressourcentheoretische Perspektive zu erweitern. Anhand von zwei Beispielen - Europäisierung durch Richterrecht und Europäisierung durch Währungsintegration - zeigt der Beitrag, wie in diesen Integrationsfeldern die Verteilung von Machtressourcen zwischen Kapital und Arbeit beeinflusst und die strukturelle, organisatorische und institutionelle Macht der Lohnabhängigen geschwächt wird.
Livestock farming and the environmentally friendly management of Alpine pastures represent a traditional form of mountain farming. Grazing and the maintenance of pastures and the Alps are publicly subsidised in recognition of the ecological importance of the activities and because the costs are higher than usual due to the mountainous topography. Among the numerous support measures, payments made for agri-environmental measures and compensatory allowances for disadvantaged areas have proved to be the most effective arrangements for the ongoing management of Alpine pastures. This article analyses international and regional differences and similarities in objectives, processes, definitions/specifications and financial resources of these agricultural policy regulations for the preservation of this mountain cultural landscape. Since the payment system is not the only factor influencing the development of Alpine pasture farming, the relationship between the development of farms and tourism and regional economic conditions is analysed by way of an example. Based on the results and on the findings from expert interviews, the authors deduce recommendations for action for sustainable policies in mountain areas.
Well within the 21st century European integration has been diminishing in its capacity
to influence state policy in fields of intergovernmental governance. Flexible sectoral solutions
and state-centric approaches have averted integration under the provisions of the Treaties and
are diminishing any effort and process of Europeanization of different policy fields. The
emergence of a European security and defence integrative process in the last two decades
advanced concurrently with the deepening and widening of the aspect of security, failing
however to impact contemporary security areas. The strict intergovernmental governance of
the policy field which established state bargaining in strategic orientation and decision
making is evidently averting processes of Europeanization to take place. In terms of policy
and regulation, intergovermentalism, in defiance of the mind-set of European security and its
contemporary role in global governance, has been deploying military and technological
integration as its main goal, favouring processes of de-Europeanization. Thus, the mandate to
export security, established in the decades of European integration seems to be diminishing in
favour of a secure Europe instead, in which crisis management and soft power are marginally
replaced by state like characteristics and capabilities. For some, Europeanization was never a
critical process within foreign, security and defence policy, able to influence national
policies. However, the eroding crises of the 1990s and the EU’s capacity as a crisis manager
through member state involvement provides us with insight on how the exportation of
security norms and multilateral operationalization during crises are enabling processes of
Europeanization within non-hierarchical intergovernmental governance
This article aims to explain Europeanization processes among advocacy organizations from four post-communist states—Poland, Hungary, Slovenia, and the Czech Republic—which have been subject to strong Europeanization pressures before and after the European Union accession. The authors aim to identify how Central and Eastern European organized interests have adapted their organizational logics to a changing environment in the post-enlargement phase. Specifically, we address the following questions: How do various levels and dimensions of Europeanization of interest organizations differ across policy fields and countries and what determines this diversity? What are the strongest predictors of the specific forms of Europeanization? Against this background, we test how the specific characteristics of CEE advocacy organizations correlate with the different dimensions of Europeanization—its intensity, ways of occurring, variants, determinants, and outcomes.
This chapter builds on existing theoretical/empirical knowledge and the post-2010 novelties in employment coordination to develop a comprehensive analytical framework for studying the influence of the European semester. Three pathways of influence are developed, namely external pressure, mutual learning and creative appropriation, all of which are conditional on contextual factors which either facilitate or impede policy change. Prior knowledge that is accumulated in Europeanization and governance studies will guide the form of expectations flagged in this research. First, however, a short detour through the literature is presented, followed by a discussion of the new intergovernmentalism which serves as a foundation of the analytical framework in this study. It then moves on to explicate the sources of influence and the form this influence may take in the domestic employment field. Central to theorizing on the influence of the Semester is to develop three causal mechanisms, which are presented here together with their theoretical foundations and expectations (hypotheses) on factors which might inhibit or stimulate the operation of the causal mechanisms. The chapter concludes by outlining the methodology (process-tracing) on which the subsequent empirical chapters rest. The reader will also be introduced to the case selection process.
The article discusses the role of the European Union (EU) in facilitating concessions between member states which, paradoxically, pursue discrepant foreign interests. First, the article develops a theoretical framework for the under‐researched Europeanization model of cross‐loading. Here, strategic socialization, experiential learning, and policy transfer conceptualize how national actors adopt cooperative practices from the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) into their bilateral level. Meanwhile, rational institutionalism and the politics of scale help theorize tactical coalition‐ and consensus‐building specifically between discrepant national interests, with regard to states' complementary influence capabilities within the CFSP. Second, the article tests cross‐loading to confirm Poland's conciliatory Russia policy in 2008–14 as an EU‐induced concession to Germany. Arguably, Poland who pursued its strategic interests in the Eastern Partnership tactically adopted Germany's approach towards developing parallel EU–Russia policies. Poland thus recognized German skills to build consensus on the Eastern Partnership with stronger and Russian‐oriented member states.
As part of former Yugoslavia and non-members of the Eastern Bloc, Slovenia and Montenegro enjoyed a special status and relationships with the European Communities (EC) before most other socialist countries. Economic and social interactions with the EC and its member states thus formed part of Slovenian and Montenegrin life even during socialism, particularly after Yugoslavia signed special agreements on trade relations with the EC in the 1970s and 1980s. In this respect, Europeanisation as 'practical' integration with the EC was closely linked with liberalisation processes concerning the economy, society and politics along with democratic transition processes that began in the late 1980s. When Slovenia joined the European Union (EU) in 2004 following a relatively smooth integration process, Montenegro was still holding EU candidate member status, after having officially started its accession negotiations in June 2012. The article analyses selected development and integration aspects of Slovenia and Montenegro, their relationship with the EU, together with their similarities and differences. The aim is to highlight developments in both countries and determine whether Slovenia, as an ex-Yugoslav republic and EU member since 2004, may serve as a good example for Montenegro to follow while pursuing European integration.
Europeanisation has emerged as a prominent world order following great societal and economic transformations generated by the European Union. This has been the result of the composition and distribution of formal rules of the EU in the areas of politics, economy, technology and international relations. In this regard, Europeanisation includes the formation of democratic countries in a firm way, which is
a pre-condition to be a part of the European Union. It also includes an efficient and modern decision making process for a fair and prosperous EU. While Europeanisation would strengthen the pressure of globalisation, it also provides a great potential for unearthing a well-networked and strong system of regional governance for the EU. It is
evident in the article that Europeanisation has been a key respond to the challenges of globalisation, but it is unable to move beyond being a neo-liberal project in practice.
Key Words: Europeanisation, Globalisation, European Union, European
Integration
This chapter explores how the process of European integration has influenced collective memory in the countries of the Western Balkans. Whether it is coded as “reconciliation”, “good neighbourly relations”, or “cooperation with the ICTY”, dealing with the past remains a formal–informal condition for EU membership. However, divergent interpretations of history, including the Second World War and the Yugoslav wars, continue to trigger confrontations between neighbouring countries and hinder their EU perspective. We show that these “memory wars” also have a European dimension, and have become a tool to either support or oppose Europeanisation. Politics of memory is thus used not only to foster EU identity and endorse so-called EU values, but also to support nation- and state-building agendas. The tensions that derive from the past, however, continue to persist even after achieving the strategic goal of entering the European Union. In this chapter, we take stock of the ways in which Europeanisation processes have interacted with memory politics in the region, and suggest new ways of capturing how and why memory is negotiated, exhibited, adjusted, or ignored in the process of Europeanisation.
Over the last decades, ‘Europeanisation’ studies have proliferated both theoretically and empirically (Caporaso et al. 2001; Börzel 2002; Radaelli and Featherstone 2003; Schmidt 2002; Knill 2001; Knill and Lehmkuhl 1999; Ladrech 2010; Börzel and Panke 2013, Bourne and Chatzopoulou 2015). Traditional European integration theories, such as neo-functionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism, are useful in the analysis of the potential redistribution of power and competences between the EU and the domestic level (Sandholtz and Zysman 1989; Haas 2004). However, Europeanisation studies go further and seek explanations on the domestic changes due to European integration of decisions and policies (Bulmer 1997; Hooghe and Marks 2001; Radaelli 2003: Ladrech 2010). The redistribution of power between the EU and the domestic level can be a basic condition for inducing domestic change, but it cannot explain the general conditions under which such domestic changes take place or why variation in administrative adaptation to EU policies prevails among member states. Europeanisation studies emerged in the late 1990s as a response to this need, following European integration (history making decisions) and EU governance (decision-making and system governing). Europeanisation studies focus on how EU decisions impact on domestic polity, policies and politics adaptation and institution building (Ladrech 1994; Börzel 1999; Börzel and Risse 2003).The EU constitutes a ‘political opportunity structure’ above the domestic level. This structure provides new resources and access for but also constrains policy influence, which can trigger domestic change for the domestic actors and institutions (parliaments, interest groups but also executives).
Morocco is the recipient of a number of programmes and micro-projects designed to support both reforms that seek to reinforce the independence of justice and those directed towards the efficiency of the judicial system. Looking at the judicial reforms initiated by the country, it was possible to test in what direction the external support has had an impact. In Morocco, the reforms that strengthened the independence of the judiciary were domestically driven and responded to context variables and domestic legal traditions. However, on the managerial dimension the soft promotion of the EU had an effect in supporting the models of management of courts and justice overall. This chapter tests the assumption of the internal/external model of change validating the main expectations on the political saliency of systemic judicial reforms and, conversely, on the attractiveness that EU exercises on the non-systemic reforms of the judiciary that mainly concern managerial reforms.
This article investigates public administration reform in Kosovo by: a) analysing the extent to which an atypical transition affects administrative and governance reforms, b) examining the Europeanisation process and efforts to harmonise legislation with the European Union’s acquis communautaire as the main driving force towards a successful transition, and c) reiterating the relevance and function of the educational system in the Europeanisation process. The article addresses the following question: can the Europeanisation process be accomplished successfully when the educational system, which is limited in scale, does not manage to generate a sufficient number of Europeanisation agents? In post1999 Kosovo, public administration has been undergoing continuous reforms to detach itself from the discriminatory legacy of communist and Serbian rule, to transfer authorities from internationally established bodies to local ones, to enhance capacity-building through international assistance, and to move forward with further reforms as part of Kosovo’s EU integration efforts. Public administration reforms remain affected by past legacies, namely the atypical transition characterised by a post-WWII communist dictatorship, the Serbian apartheid-like discrimination in the 1990s, an UN-led interim administration, and challenges of capacity-building. The article concludes that without a fully consolidated and crisis-resistant democracy neither the initiated public administration reform based on the values of good governance, nor the “fair and just” distribution of resources in society have a perspective. For instance, to comply successfully with the public administration reform obligations set out in the EU’s Stabilisation and Association Agreement, Kosovo needs greater capacities and professionals serving as Europeanisation agents. As a result, much larger investments in education, research, and development appear to be paramount. An increase in the quality of education and study capacities, as well as better opportunities for social inclusion would improve the performance of public administration and enhance good governance.
The role of the EU in the promotion of Europeanization and the EU political identity in potential member states of Eastern Europe prior to the 2004 enlargement was important for these states’ future acceptation in the EU community. However, most research and literature have discounted the role of the EU and its attractiveness in the countries neighbouring with the EU that did not have a prospect of joining the EU in 2004. This article studies the process of formal and informal Europeanization in Ukraine before and after the Orange revolution, which occurred five months after the bloc’s 2004 enlargement, and Euromaidan of 2013. Despite the EU’s passive leverage in Ukraine between 2004 and 2013, and the country’s weak prospects for potential membership, the EU’s soft power of attractiveness was still an effective tool that was used by Ukrainian political elite and media in promoting informal Europeanization after the 2004 enlargement. Furthermore, confidence in the EU was associated with support for such liberal values as human rights, tolerance of minorities, and political efficacy. This article posits that notwithstanding weak incentives and support offered from the EU to implement formal Europeanization in Ukraine, the EU attractiveness was successfully applied by local elite and media to promote the informal Europeanization.
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