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Mental Models of Sustainability: The Degrowth Doughnut Model
Abstract
Due to the concern that achieving human wellbeing through material development is “costing the Earth,” a mental model was developed to show in a single image the aspiration of social foundations of development to be achieved and biospheric boundaries not to be crossed. Anthromes analysis, combined with the cultural imperative of maintenance of global sustainability through coordinated transformation of social metabolism and its environmental impact, makes nation states the immediately available units of sustainability modeling. In this century humans must meet their needs equitably within the biophysical means of the planet. A downscaling of planetary boundaries and social wellbeing foundations (thresholds) to
national level through calculations of the impacts and attainments of nation states’ socioeconomic activities makes the doughnut model a conceptual tool bringing sustainability closer to political a and organizational impact. To visualize the scale and the possible pathways for the transformation of national and global sociometabolic practices in the 21st century within the “degrowth doughnut” includes the boundaries and thresholds in three domains: cultural, socioeconomic, and biophysical. This way it aims to avoid the conceptually paralyzing trade-off between exclusively biophysical boundaries and exclusively social thresholds of the other doughnut models. Understanding that excesses and shortfalls of current and
foreseeable socio-metabolic practices exist in cultural, socioeconomic, and biophysical aspects of nations’ social metabolism allows us to build on nations’ sustainability potentials. The aim of the model and its visual tool is to inform their populations
about the direction and scale of the change strategies that they could adopt to contribute to the global effort of maintaining the planetary population within the safe and just operating space of the doughnut under known advantages and constraints of the 21st century.
... It proposes to leapfrog the intricacies of explaining how Anthropocene happened to the Earth (let alone by whom exactly it has been brought about and when) by focusing on explanatory unification of seemingly widely disparate phenomena associated with it and explanatory conceptual clarification provided by a principle theory model 1 (cf. Van Camp 2011;Domazet et al. 2020). We argue that Anthropocene is a condition of combined ideological (through growth for profit accumulation) and socio-technical organization (capital-driven fossil fuel combustion), whose non-catastrophic conclusion requires regeneration, degrowth (Chapter 7 in this volume) and commons governance (Chapter 14 in this volume) in diverse locally meaningful ways. ...
... Anthromes, or 'anthropogenic biomes', present the view of the terrestrial biosphere that takes into account the 'sustained direct human interaction with ecosystems' (Ellis and Ramankutty 2008, p. 439), providing an alternative global framework for ecological understanding of the terrestrial biosphere as it exists today. Unlike biomes, anthromes form heterogeneous landscape mosaics, which are moreover fractal in nature, reproducing the said heterogeneity across spatial scales from family units to global extent of networked human civilization (Domazet et al. 2020). ...
... When combined with a mapping of human cultural institutions collating the intentional aspect of human populations inhabiting an anthromic unit, this conception allows us to model the sustainability potential of a chosen unit under the global constraints. This puts the concept to use in constructing a mental model of a downscaled (for example, nation level) and therefore operational Anthropocene thinking (Domazet et al. 2020). Culture thus emerges as a key to explanation of how 'we' got here, how our aspirations and fulfilment led the planet to Anthropocene dead ends, and how and where to we could advance from this point on. ...
This chapter deals with the concept of Anthropocene, a techno-scientific label proposed by specialists in earth system sciences, as a technical name for a geological epoch marked by a significant impact of purposeful human activity on Earth’s geology and ecosystems. In environmental politics it is also a conceptual framework within which to observe the constraints and potentials of contemporary natures and societies through the interrelationship between ecology and justice. The simplistic reading of the Anthropocene is one in which humanity’s propensity for broadly understood development (as an instrument of emancipation), resulted in a systemic destabilizing of non-human nature. This, in turn, is now undercutting the attainments of that development and threatening to bring down the whole process. Yet with a multitude of subsistence, control, learning, conflict, contraction and expansion activities taking place in the everyday interactions between over 7 billion humans themselves (with varying consequences for the biosphere: human and non- human life) a new way of presenting some of that interaction is needed in order to fight to extinguish the destructive and unjust interactions while amplifying those that are regenerative and emancipative. The hegemonic conception of development is unable to articulate a globally just and sustainable universal format of these interactions, differentiating between the political and economic obstinacy to deviate from a destructive path and the existing instances of climate-restorative livelihoods.
... The two countries differ greatly in CO 2 emissions per capita, ecological footprint per capita, nitrogen and phosphate loading of arable land, and exposure of arable land to severe soil erosion. In this respect, the Czech Republic's profile and transgression of its fair share of planetary boundaries (Domazet et al., 2020) is closer to that of core European countries, e.g. Germany, than its East European neighbours (according to the databases maintained by FAOSTAT, Eurostat, NFA, and the World Bank). ...
European accounts of home gardening or food self-provisioning (FSP) typically frame these practices as primarily economically motivated and need related, and community gardening or urban agriculture as ethical sustainability strategies. Drawing on primary research on FSP in two East European countries, this paper combines analysis of socio-demographic and socio-economic characteristics of food self-provisioners with analysis of their motivations. There is strong evidence that while economic reasons are present FSP is primarily motivated, even in comparatively less affluent East European societies, by the desire to obtain fresh and healthy food and engage in a pleasurable activity. Based on our findings, we thus propose that a more appropriate framing for FSP in the European East and West alike is characterised by autonomy and community care. This would provide for a reengagement with the epistemology of sustainability-compliant behaviours and attitudes beyond the joy vs. limitations dichotomy. Given the performativity of social scientific research, rooting the framing on knowledge from East European societies, where FSP is widespread in all social groups, including the affluent middle class, is important for lending credence to alternative visions and practices that can enhance the sustainability of overdeveloped societies.
The Degrowth Doughnut (a modification of the original Doughnut visualization of boundaries and foundations created by economist Kate Raworth) can be considered a visualization tool for assessing the current environmental and social capacity of a country to transform into an ecologically and socially sustainable modus operandi. Its sufficiently rich set of criteria, including cultural, socio-economic and biophysical indicators, gives us an overall picture of the problems to be dealt with and the strengths to build on in the immediate future. Its simple boundary-threshold structure presents limiting and aspirational targets in a single image. As such, it is also a tool that can aid eco-social policymaking to prioritize decisions and seek synergies between choices made. This research will present the Hungarian Degrowth Doughnut and use it as a case study when applied to the aims and expected impacts of Hungary’s operational National Clean Development Strategy. We will illustrate the degrowth-relevant priorities and assess the adequacy of the responses proposed by the Strategy, providing a critical analysis of the national policy options. Behind such climate and sustainability strategies are always a wealth of important value choices and moral considerations. Is there a safe and just operating space in the minds of the Hungarian policymakers? To what extent, if at all, are the fundamental principles of post-growth theories incorporated into a Hungarian sustainability strategy? We believe that a case study like this can also provide inspiration for further practical application of the Degrowth Doughnut elsewhere.
Scenarios that limit global warming to 1.5 °C describe major transformations in energy supply and ever-rising energy demand. Here, we provide a contrasting perspective by developing a narrative of future change based on observable trends that results in low energy demand. We describe and quantify changes in activity levels and energy intensity in the global North and global South for all major energy services. We project that global final energy demand by 2050 reduces to 245 EJ, around 40% lower than today, despite rises in population, income and activity. Using an integrated assessment modelling framework, we show how changes in the quantity and type of energy services drive structural change in intermediate and upstream supply sectors (energy and land use). Down-sizing the global energy system dramatically improves the feasibility of a low-carbon supply-side transformation. Our scenario meets the 1.5 °C climate target as well as many sustainable development goals, without relying on negative emission technologies.
Technological solutions to the challenge of dangerous climate change are urgent and necessary but to be effective they need to be accompanied by reductions in the total level of consumption and production of goods and services. This is for three reasons. First, private consumption and its associated production are among the key drivers of greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions, especially among highly emitting industrialized economies. There is no evidence that decoupling of the economy from GHG emissions is possible at the scale and speed needed. Second, investments in more sustainable infrastructure, including renewable energy, needed in coming decades will require extensive amounts of energy, largely from fossil sources, which will use up a significant share of the two-degree carbon budget. Third, improving the standard of living of the world’s poor will consume a major portion of the available carbon allowance. The scholarly community has a responsibility to put the issue of consumption and the associated production on the research and policy agenda.
Humanity faces the challenge of how to achieve a high quality of life for over 7 billion people without destabilizing critical planetary processes. Using indicators designed to measure a ‘safe and just’ development space, we quantify the resource use associated with meeting basic human needs, and compare this to downscaled planetary boundaries for over 150 nations. We find that no country meets basic needs for its citizens at a globally sustainable level of resource use. Physical needs such as nutrition, sanitation, access to electricity and the elimination of extreme poverty could likely be met for all people without transgressing planetary boundaries. However, the universal achievement of more qualitative goals (for example, high life satisfaction) would require a level of resource use that is 2–6 times the sustainable level, based on current relationships. Strategies to improve physical and social provisioning systems, with a focus on sufficiency and equity, have the potential to move nations towards sustainability, but the challenge remains substantial. Achieving a high quality of life within the biophysical limits of the planet is a significant challenge. This study quantifies the resource use associated with meeting basic human needs, compares it to downscaled planetary boundaries for over 150 nations and finds that no country meets its citizens’ basic needs sustainably.
Degrowth is a rejection of the illusion of growth and a call to repoliticize the public debate colonized by the idiom of economism. It is a project advocating the democratically-led shrinking of production and consumption with the aim of achieving social justice and ecological sustainability. This overview of degrowth offers a comprehensive coverage of the main topics and major challenges of degrowth in a succinct, simple and accessible manner. In addition, it offers a set of keywords useful for intervening in current political debates and for bringing about concrete degrowth-inspired proposals at different levels [en] local, national and global. The result is the most comprehensive coverage of the topic of degrowth in English and serves as the definitive international reference.
Humans have fundamentally altered global patterns of biodiversity and ecosystem processes. Surprisingly, existing systems for representing these global patterns, including biome classifications, either ignore humans altogether or simplify human influence into, at most, four categories. Here, we present the first characterization of terrestrial biomes based on global patterns of sustained, direct human interaction with ecosystems. Eighteen "anthropogenic biomes" were identified through empirical analysis of global population, land use, and land cover. More than 75% of Earth's ice-free land showed evidence of alteration as a result of human residence and land use, with less than a quarter remaining as wildlands, supporting just 11% of terrestrial net primary production. Anthropogenic biomes offer a new way forward by acknowledging human influence on global ecosystems and moving us toward models and investigations of the terrestrial biosphere that integrate human and ecological systems.
The ongoing globalization process strengthens the connections between different geographic regions through trade. Biomass products, such as food, fiber, or bioenergy, are increasingly traded globally, thereby leading to telecouplings between distant, seemingly unrelated regions. For example, restrictions for agricultural production or changes in bioenergy demand in Europe or the United States might contribute to deforestation in Latin America or Sub-Saharan Africa. One approach to analyze trade-related land-use effects of the global socioeconomic biomass metabolism is the “embodied human appropriation of net primary production” or eHANPP. eHANPP accounts allocate to any product the entire amount of the human appropriation of net primary production (HANPP) that emerges throughout its supply chain. This allows consumption-based accounts to move beyond simple area-demand approaches by taking differences in natural productivity as well as in land-use intensity into account, both across land-use types as well as across world regions. In this article, we discuss the eHANPP related to the European Union's (EU) consumption of biomass products in the period 1986–2007, based on a consistent global trade data set derived from bilateral data. We find a considerable dependency of the EU on the appropriation of biological productivity outside its own boundaries, with increasing reliance on Latin America as a main supplier. By using the EU as an illustrative example, we demonstrate the usefulness of eHANPP for assessing land-use impacts caused by nations’ socioeconomic activities and conclude that the eHANPP approach can provide useful information to better manage ecosystems globally in the face of an increasingly interconnected world.
The planetary boundaries framework defines a safe operating space for humanity based on the intrinsic biophysical processes
that regulate the stability of the Earth system. Here, we revise and update the planetary boundary framework, with a focus
on the underpinning biophysical science, based on targeted input from expert research communities and on more general scientific
advances over the past 5 years. Several of the boundaries now have a two-tier approach, reflecting the importance of cross-scale
interactions and the regional-level heterogeneity of the processes that underpin the boundaries. Two core boundaries—climate
change and biosphere integrity—have been identified, each of which has the potential on its own to drive the Earth system
into a new state should they be substantially and persistently transgressed.
Humanity faces a major global challenge in achieving wellbeing for all, while simultaneously ensuring that the biophysical processes and ecosystem services that underpin wellbeing are exploited within scientifically informed boundaries of sustainability. We propose a framework for defining the safe and just operating space for humanity that integrates social wellbeing into the original planetary boundaries concept (Rockström et al., 2009a,b) for application at regional scales. We argue that such a framework can: (1) increase the policy impact of the boundaries concept as most governance takes place at the regional rather than planetary scale; (2) contribute to the understanding and dissemination of complexity thinking throughout governance and policy-making; (3) act as a powerful metaphor and
communication tool for regional equity and sustainability. We demonstrate the approach in two rural Chinese localities where we define the safe and just operating space that lies between an environmental ceiling and a social foundation from analysis of time series drawn from monitored and palaeoecological data, and from social survey statistics respectively. Agricultural intensification has led to poverty reduction, though not eradicated it, but at the expense of environmental degradation. Currently, the environmental ceiling is exceeded for degraded water quality at both localities even though the least well-met social standards are for available piped water and sanitation. The conjunction of these social needs and environmental constraints around the issue of water access and quality illustrates the broader value of the safe and just operating space approach for sustainable development.
Human alteration of Earth is substantial and growing. Between one-third and one-half of the land surface has been transformed
by human action; the carbon dioxide concentration in the atmosphere has increased by nearly 30 percent since the beginning
of the Industrial Revolution; more atmospheric nitrogen is fixed by humanity than by all natural terrestrial sources combined;
more than half of all accessible surface fresh water is put to use by humanity; and about one-quarter of the bird species
on Earth have been driven to extinction. By these and other standards, it is clear that we live on a human-dominated planet.
This article suggests that three widely shared commonsense principles of fairness or equity converge upon the same general answer to the question of how the costs of dealing with a global environmental challenge like climate change could be distributed internationally. The first of these principles is that when a party has in the past taken an unfair advantage of others by imposing costs upon them without their consent, those who have been unilaterally put at a disadvantage are entitled to demand that in the future the offending party shoulder burdens that are unequal at least to the extent of the unfair advantage previously taken, in order to restore equality. The second is that, among a number of parties, all of whom are bound to contribute to some common endeavour, the parties who have the most resources normally should contribute the most to the endeavour. The third commonsense principle is that, when a) some people have less than enough for a decent human life, b) other people have more than enough, and c) the total resources available are so great that everyone could have at least enough without preventing some people from still retaining considerably more than others have, it is unfair not to guarantee everyone at least an adequate minimum.
Localized ecological systems are known to shift abruptly and irreversibly from one state to another when they are forced across critical thresholds. Here we review evidence that the global ecosystem as a whole can react in the same way and is approaching a planetary-scale critical transition as a result of human influence. The plausibility of a planetary-scale 'tipping point' highlights the need to improve biological forecasting by detecting early warning signs of critical transitions on global as well as local scales, and by detecting feedbacks that promote such transitions. It is also necessary to address root causes of how humans are forcing biological changes.
THE SUNDAY TIMES BESTSELLER'I see [Raworth] as the John Maynard Keynes of the 21st Century: by reframing the economy, she allows us to change our view of who we are, where we stand, and what we want to be.' George Monbiot, Guardian'This is sharp, significant scholarship . . . Thrilling.' Times Higher Education'[A] really important economic and political thinker.' Andrew MarrEconomics is broken. It has failed to predict, let alone prevent, financial crises that have shaken the foundations of our societies. Its outdated theories have permitted a world in which extreme poverty persists while the wealth of the super-rich grows year on year. And its blind spots have led to policies that are degrading the living world on a scale that threatens all of our futures.Can it be fixed? In Doughnut Economics, Oxford academic Kate Raworth identifies seven critical ways in which mainstream economics has led us astray, and sets out a roadmap for bringing humanity into a sweet spot that meets the needs of all within the means of the planet. En route, she deconstructs the character of ‘rational economic man’ and explains what really makes us tick. She reveals how an obsession with equilibrium has left economists helpless when facing the boom and bust of the real-world economy. She highlights the dangers of ignoring the role of energy and nature’s resources – and the far-reaching implications for economic growth when we take them into account. And in the process, she creates a new, cutting-edge economic model that is fit for the 21st century – one in which a doughnut-shaped compass points the way to human progress.Ambitious, radical and rigorously argued, Doughnut Economics promises to reframe and redraw the future of economics for a new generation.'An innovative vision about how we could refocus away from growth to thriving.' Daily Mail'Doughnut Economics shows how to ensure dignity and prosperity for all people.' Huffington Post
Prefaces - Introduction - PART I RELATIVISM AND THE PROBLEM OF HUMAN NEED - Who Needs Human Needs? - The Inevitability of Human Needs - The Grammar of Human Needs - PART 2 A THEORY OF HUMAN NEED - The Basic Needs of Persons - Societal Preconditions for Need Satisfaction - Human Liberation and the Right to Optimal Need Satisfaction - Optimising Need Satisfaction in Theory - PART 3 HUMAN NEEDS IN PRACTICE - Measuring Need Satisfaction - Health and Autonomy - Intermediate Needs - Societal Preconditions for Optimising Need Satisfaction - Charting Human Welfare - PART 4 THE POLITICS OF HUMAN NEED - Towards a Political Economy of Need Satisfaction - The Dual Strategy
The challenge of accounting for our impact on the Earth System has been addressed in the last three decades by an intensive social and scientific search for concepts, regulations, methodologies and techniques. Such search has been based on indicators, which helped us improve our understanding of the state of the planet. We live in a technological era: we have never had so many information systems, so much knowledge, so many and strong legal protections, international environmental agreements and yet evidence suggests that we have never damaged the planet so much. Setting sustainability targets requires the identification of minimum thresholds – beyond which human impact on the Earth system is unsustainable – and the adoption of a systemic approach reflecting the complex interactions that characterize the Earth and the human systems.
In this chapter we discuss the need for building an integrated assessment framework to assess human pressure on the Earth System and its implications. Building on the existing literature, we propose a set of principles to guide the integration of a new assessment framework into a new legal order thus creating a system of incentives to approach, preserve and/or restore our common intangible heritage.
The Greenhouse Development Rights (GDRs) Framework is a proposal for a global climate agreement in which the obligations assigned to nations are based on a combination of responsibility (contribution to the problem) and capacity (ability to pay). A key feature of the GDRs framework is that it is modeled on the assignment of a ‘right to development’ to individuals, such that individuals with incomes below a ‘development threshold’ are nominally exempted from obligations to pay for mitigation and adaptation. Obligations for those ‘over the threshold’ are calculated in the same way for rich persons in poor countries and rich persons in rich countries. As income distribution within countries is taken into account and all countries have some wealthy people, all countries have a positive obligation to contribute to global mitigation and adaptation requirements, eliminating the sharp distinction between Annex I and non‐Annex I countries. In the last few years, GDRs has become one of the most widely known of the many so‐called burden‐sharing frameworks that have been proposed. In this essay, one of the co‐authors of the GDRs framework presents the framework's fundamental principles, describes its place in the larger discussion of burden‐sharing and climate justice, and reflects on its prospects in the next phase of the global climate negotiations. Hopefully it will be helpful both to readers new to GDRs and to our existing supporters and critics. WIREs Clim Change 2013, 4:61–71. doi: 10.1002/wcc.201
This article is categorized under: Climate, Nature, and Ethics > Climate Change and Human Rights
Within the context of Earth’s limited natural resources and assimilation capacity, the current environmental footprint of
humankind is not sustainable. Assessing land, water, energy, material, and other footprints along supply chains is paramount
in understanding the sustainability, efficiency, and equity of resource use from the perspective of producers, consumers,
and government. We review current footprints and relate those to maximum sustainable levels, highlighting the need for future
work on combining footprints, assessing trade-offs between them, improving computational techniques, estimating maximum sustainable
footprint levels, and benchmarking efficiency of resource use. Ultimately, major transformative changes in the global economy
are necessary to reduce humanity’s environmental footprint to sustainable levels.
Tectonic uplift and erosional denudation of orogenic belts have long been the most important geologic processes that serve to shape continental surfaces, but the rate of geomorphic change resulting from these natural phenomena has now been outstripped by human activities associated with agriculture, construction, and mining. Although humans are now the most important geomorphic agent on the planet's surface, natural and anthropogenic processes serve to modify quite different parts of the Earth landscape. In order to better understand the impact of humans on continental erosion, we have examined both long-term and short-term data on rates of sediment transfer in response to glacio-fluvial and anthropogenic processes. Phanerozoic rates of subaerial denudation inferred from preserved volumes of sedimentary rock require a mean continental erosion rate on the order of 16 meters per million years (m/My), resulting in the accumulation of about 5 giga-tons of sediment per year (Gt/y). Erosion irregularly increased over the ~542 million year span of Phanerozoic time to a Pliocene value of 81 m/My (~19 Gt/y). Current estimates of large river sediment loads are similar to this late Neogene value, and require net denudation of ice-free land surfaces at a rate of about 74 m/My (~25 Gt/y). Consideration of variation in large river sediment loads and the geomorphology of respective river basin catchments suggests that natural erosion is primarily confined to drainage headwaters; ~83% of the global river sediment flux is derived from the highest 10% of the Earth's surface. Subaerial erosion as a result of human activity, primarily through agricultural practices, has resulted in a sharp increase in net rates of continental denudation; although less well constrained than estimates based on surviving rock volumes or current river loads, available data suggest that present farmland denudation is proceeding at a rate of about 600 m/My (~74 Gt/y), and is largely confined to lower elevations of the Earth's land surface, primarily along passive continental margins; ~83% of cropland erosion occurs over the lower 65% of the Earth's surface. The conspicuous disparity between natural sediment fluxes suggested by data on rock volumes and river loads (~25 Gt/y) and anthropogenic fluxes inferred from measured and modeled cropland soil losses (74 Gt/y) is readily resolved by data on thicknesses and ages of alluvial sediment that has been deposited immediately down slope from eroding croplands over the history of human agriculture. Accumulation of post-settlement alluvium on higher order tributary channels and floodplains (mean rate ~12,600 m/My) is the most important geomorphic process in terms of the erosion and deposition of sediment that is currently shaping the landscape of the Earth. It far exceeds even the impact of Pleistocene continental glaciers or the current impact of alpine erosion by glacial and/or fluvial processes. Human beings are therefore the dominant agent of topographic change operating on the surface of the planet today.
European employees work fewer hours per year, and use less energy per person, than their American counterparts. This article compares the European and U.S. models of labor productivity, supply, and energy consumption. It finds that if employees in the EU-15 worked as many hours as those in the United States, they would consume at least 15 percent more energy. This aspect of the debate over Europe's economic model reaches globally. Over the coming decades, developing countries will decide how to make use of their increasing productivity. If, by 2050, the world works as do Americans, total energy consumption could be 15 to 30 percent higher than it would be if following a more European model. Translated directly into higher carbon emissions, this could mean an additional 1 to 2 degrees Celsius in global warming.
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