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The start and end of it: Prosodic marking of speech report boundaries in Dolakha Newar

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The start and end of it: Prosodic marking of speech report boundaries in Dolakha Newar

The start and end of it:
Prosodic marking of speech
report boundaries in Dolakha
Newar
Carol Genetti & Daniel W. Hieber
UC Santa Barbara
1
Typical Reported Speech Construction
(1)
āle gibi=lān hār-mun chin haŋ-an hat-ai
then where=ABL bring-2sPR 2sERG say-PART say-3sPR
Then (she) said: “From where did you bring (this)?”’
2
(2) Second-Person Attraction (Evans 2013:96)
hāti hat-ai haŋ-an hat-cu
what say-3sPST COMP say-3sPST
He said: “What did he say?”
thae=ri chẽ=ku thi-mica dam hat-ai
2Hon.GEN=IND house=LOC one-CL daughter be say-3sPR
‘He said: “In your house there is a daughter.
3
Alternative Structure
(3) Speech report follows quotative verb
āmun hat-ai ki janta chin da-syat
3sERG say-3sPT COMP 1sDAT 2sERG PROH-kill
‘He said: “Don’t kill me!”’
4
Help define the
linguistic area
(Kuiper 1974; Klaiman
1977; Masica 1976, 1991
)
Rhetorical
speech style
(Noonan 2006)
Grammaticalization of
say’ verbs (Saxena 1988;
Bashir 1996)
5
PROSODIC MARKING OF DIRECT
SPEECH REPORTS
6
Polyphony:
Layering of Voices
Voice of the Speaker
Voice of the Narrator
Voice of the Character
Voice of the Character as Narrator
Voice of the Character as Character
7
The question which the “voicing” of figures
raises for a prosodist is whether and to what
extent the speakers phonatory voice is
instrumental in the process.
-- Couper-Kuhlen (1998:3)
8
Prosodic features cited as marking
speech report boundaries
Noticeable shift of pitch register
Greater reset in pitch range
Changes in volume
Shifts to perceptually isochronous timing
Changes in register or voice quality
Use of prosodic patterns typical of
conversational speech
Devoicing
9
As with syntactic boundaries, the relationship
between prosodic marking and discourse
structure is not simple, and exhibits substantial
variability. Speakers do not consistently produce
prosodic cues that identify the beginning or end
of a discourse unit…”
-- Cole 2014:14
10
“[Direct speech reports] may be set off from the
surrounding quotative frame by intonation-unit
boundaries, variations in pitch or loudness,
and/or the production of contours typical of
conversational speech. On the other hand,
they may exhibit none of these prosodic
characteristics and be prosodically integrated
with respect to the quotative frame.”
-- Genetti 2011:55
11
Cline of Prosodic Integration
Prosodically
Integrated
Prosodically
Independent
12
Malibert and Verhove (in press)
Variation in:
Frequency of direct speech reports
Degree and frequency of integration
Whether the left or right boundary tends to be
more significantly marked
Degree of correlation with grammatical markers,
especially complementizers
13
“In SOV languages where the quotative verb
follows the speech reports, their onset is
systematically set off from the previous
intonation unit, a clear prosodic cue, marking
the beginning of the speech report. In SVO
languages it is the end of the speech report
which is set off from the next IU.”
-- Malibert and Vanhove (in press:61)
14
Questions for Present Study
Can we provide a detailed quantitative
analysis of the prosodic features that mark
speech-report boundaries in Dolakha Newar?
Are there differences between how the
beginnings of speech reports are marked as
opposed to the ends?
What are the implications for the Cline of
Prosodic Integration?
15
DOLAKHA NEWAR
16
17
18
19
PROSODY IN DOLAKHA NEWAR
20
Intonation Unit (IU)
A cohesive stretch of speech uttered under a
coherent intonation contour
IU boundaries marked by some of the following:
pitch reset
pause
“lag-rush”: final lengthening followed by acceleration
of new IU
occasionally changes in amplitude, voice quality
Final contour distinctive pitch movement at the end
of an IU
21
tyāgi barta=ku ũ-i doŋ-an-^li //
denial fasting=LOC go-INF finish-PART-
after
ām ^māji=e mica makche=ri /
DEM boatman=GEN daughter Makche=IND
chẽ ^pul-en yer-a
\\
house return-PART come-3sPST
‘(He) having gone to a life of denial and fasting,
the fisherman’s daughter Makche returned
home’
22
Dolakha Newar: 6 Final Contours
(boundary tones)
Falls Rises
High fall Marked Rise
Mid fall Rise
Level
Rise-Fall
23
Phrasal Accent
Increased prosodic prominence assigned to
(typically) one syllable of an IU
Normal Emphatic
24
Overall shape of an intonation contour
results from:
1. Type and position of phrasal accent
2. Type of final contour
25
Normalphrasal accent and rising contour
F0 red
Amplitude purple
(3)
āmta ^pyāṭawāku-ju /
She was always hungry
aamta pyaaTawaak-uju /
3sDAT hunger-3sPH
Time (s)
0 1.047
Time (s)
0 1.06027
0
350
Time (s)
0 1.06027
50
100
193 hertz
225 hertz
26
Emphaticphrasal accent and marked fall
contour
inaau kha~=ri chin gun= ta=ng da-hat
this.type talk=IND 2sERG who DAT=EXT PROH-say
Time (s)
0 1.47
Time (s)
41.1964 43.0639
0
350
Time (s)
41.1964 43.0639
50
100
(4)
ināgu khā̃̃=ri chin gunta=ŋda-hat \\
Dont tell this to anyone
F0 = red
Amplitude = purple
163 hertz
231 hertz
F0 red
Amplitude purple
27
Data for current study
Four folktale narratives
Mahabharata excerpt Sanu Laxmi Joshi
Siru Kalpana Shrestha
Orphan Bisnu Laxmi Shrestha
3 Kids Kalam Maske
28
Data for current study
Looked at :
All speech reports (n = 167)
All IUs in first 100 seconds of each text (n = 235)
Total: 894 intonation units
29
Durations of Speech Reports
Duration of Text
(seconds)
Duration of SRs
(seconds)
% of Text that is
Quoted Speech
3 Kids
579.10 158.62 27.39 %
Maha.
558.19 148.91 26.68 %
Orphan
458.18 148.85 32.49 %
Siru
543.35 171.33 31.53 %
Total
2,138.82 627.71 29.35 %
30
EXPLORING STARTS AND ENDS OF
SPEECH REPORTS
Question 1:
Do IU boundaries co-occur with speech-
report boundaries?
31
(1)
āle gibi=lān hār-mun chin haŋ-an hat-ai
then where=ABL bring-2sPR 2sERG say-PART say-3sPR
Then (she) said: “From where did you bring (this)?”’
IU boundary here? IU boundary here?
32
33
Finding 1
Speakers are more likely to place IU
boundaries at the starts of speech reports
than at the ends.
Statistically highly significant
χ2=31.528, df=1, p<0.001
34
EXPLORING STARTS AND ENDS OF
SPEECH REPORTS
Question 2:
Are there any patterns with respect to
pauses and speech-report boundaries?
35
tyāgi barta=ku ũ-i doŋ-an-^li //
denial fasting=LOC go-INF finish-PART-
after
ām ^māji=e mica makche=ri /
DEM boatman=GEN daughter Makche=IND
chẽ ^pul-en yer-a
\\
house return-PART come-3sPST
‘(He) having gone to a life of denial and fasting,
the fisherman’s daughter Makche returned
home’
36
IUs and pauses
external to speech reports
392 total external IU boundaries:
286 (73%) have no pause
106 (27%) are followed by a pause of
100 ms. or greater
37
38
(1)
āle gibi=lān hār-mun chin haŋ-an hat-ai
then where=ABL bring-2sPR 2sERG say-PART say-3sPR
Then (she) said: “From where did you bring (this)?”’
When there is an IU
boundary,
is there a pause?
When there is an IU
boundary,
is there a pause?
39
Compare with IUs at starts and ends of
speech reports
IU boundary
is:
External to SR Start of SR End of SR
Zero
Pause
286 (73%) 59 (43%) 46 (52%)
Pause
106 (27%) 78 (57%) 43 (48%)
TOTAL
485 137 89
40
41
Statistical Analysis
Two-sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov test for
independence:
Non-SR boundaries vs. start boundaries:
D=0.2989, p<0.001 highly significant
Non-SR boundaries vs. end boundaries:
D=0.2484, p<0.001 highly significant
No statistical significance between the
starts and the ends on this
42
Finding 2
Speakers are more likely to pause at IU
boundaries that are at boundaries of speech
reports than at other IU boundaries.
43
44
EXPLORING STARTS AND ENDS OF
SPEECH REPORTS
Question 3:
Are there differences in how pitch patterns at the
starts and ends of speech reports?
45
Methodology
Took the average pitch of the three syllables
preceding the SR boundary
Compared it to the average pitch of the three
syllables following the SR boundary
Represented the difference in terms of a
percent change from the syllables preceding
the boundary
46
47
Statistical Analysis
With IU Boundaries: Highly significant
Two-sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov test for
independence: D=0.5102, p<0.001.
Without IU Boundaries: Highly significant
Two-sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov test for
independence: D=0.6466, p<0.001.
48
Finding 3
Speakers are more likely to increase pitch at
starts of speech reports and to decrease pitch
at ends of speech reports.
49
50
EXPLORING STARTS AND ENDS OF
SPEECH REPORTS
Question 4:
Are there differences in how intensity patterns at
the starts and ends of speech reports?
51
Methodology
Took the average intensity of the three
syllables preceding the SR boundary
Compared it to the average intensity of the
three syllables following the SR boundary
Represented the difference in terms of a
percent change from the syllables preceding
the boundary
52
53
Statistical Analysis
With IU Boundaries: Highly significant
Two-sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov test for
independence: D=0.4315, p<0.001.
Without IU boundaries: Significant
Two-sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov test for
independence: D=0.3335, p=0.0162
54
Finding 4
Speakers are more likely to increase loudness
at the starts of speech reports and to decrease
loudness at ends of speech reports.
55
56
CONCLUSIONS
57
For starts and ends
Speakers are more likely to pause at an IU
boundary that is at the beginning or end of a
speech report than at an IU boundary
elsewhere.
58
At STARTS of speech reports we are
more likely to find …
IU boundaries
Increased pitch
Increased intensity
160 of 167 speech reports had at least one of
these features and/or a pause
59
At ENDS of speech reports we are
more likely to find …
No IU boundary
Lowered pitch
Lowered intensity
60
Confirms Malibert and Vanhove’s
prediction
SOV language
Starts are systematically set off from the
previous intonation unit with a clear prosodic
cue, marking the beginning of the speech
report
Ends can be set off, but it is less likely
Starts show more prosodic separation and
ends show more prosodic integration
61
Evidence of Variability across Speakers
“Prosodic style”
More likely idiolectal than sociolinguistic
Other genres?
62
Cline of Prosodic Integration?
Clear evidence of a scale from prosodically
integrated to prosodically separated
Starts differ from ends: put these on a cline,
rather than whole speech reports
The distribution of feature values across the
cline is not even
Prosodic features cluster at particular values
and in particular patterns
63
64
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