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Previous literature has focused on how external forces impose accountability on individuals (i.e., holding individuals to account), but has not considered the possibility of internal, personal accountability. We explain how an internalized sense of accountability, which we term internally assumed accountability, can enrich our understanding of why some organizational members might assume ownership for organizational problems, even ones that they did not actually cause. We offer a typology of accountability in organizations based on contrasting relationship norms and personal orientations. Our article concludes with a discussion on connections between different kinds of accountability and stakeholder relationships, suggesting a number of avenues for further investigation and practice.
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Article
Building relationships through
accountability: An expanded
idea of accountability
Danni Wang
Rutgers University, USA
David A. Waldman
Blake E. Ashforth
Arizona State University, USA
Abstract
Previous literature has focused on how external forces impose accountability on individuals (i.e.,
holding individuals to account), but has not considered the possibility of internal, personal account-
ability. We explain how an internalized sense of accountability, which we term internally assumed
accountability, can enrich our understanding of why some organizational members might assume
ownership for organizational problems, even ones that they did not actually cause. We offer a typology
of accountability in organizations based on contrasting relationship norms and personal orientations.
Our article concludes with a discussion on connections between different kinds of accountability and
stakeholder relationships, suggesting a number of avenues for further investigation and practice.
Keywords
accountability, typology, communal and exchange norms, trust and commitment, stakeholder
relationships
A body of men holding themselves accountable to
nobody ought not to be trusted by anybody.
Thomas Paine, The Rights of Man (1792/
2010)
Accountability, as a general principle, serves
as a bond to connect our social systems (Frink
& Klimoski, 1998). Aristotle raised the notion
of misconduct accountability when discussing
Paper received 8 February 2019; revised version accepted 8 September 2019.
Corresponding author:
Danni Wang, Rutgers Business School–Newark and New Brunswick, Rutgers University, 1 Washington Park,
Newark, NJ 07102, USA.
Email: dwang@business.rutgers.edu
Organizational Psychology Review
2019, Vol. 9(2-3) 184–206
ªThe Author(s) 2019
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/2041386619878876
journals.sagepub.com/home/opr
Organizational
Psychology
Review
justice and punishment (Schlenker, Britt, Pen-
nington, Murphy, & Doherty, 1994). Schedler
(1999) posited that individuals such as decision
makers should fulfill their obligations by being
accountable for their actions. However, although
public and company policies attempt to hold
organizational members—and particularly lead-
ers—accountable for increasing incidents of
business scandals and other performance fail-
ures, members are often unwilling to assume a
personal sense of accountability for their actions
or those of their firms.
For example, the former CEO of British
Petroleum, Tony Hayward, was reluctant to
assume any personal accountability for his
company’s mistakes during the Gulf of Mexico
oil spill crisis (Lubin, 2010; Wray, 2010).
Moreover, although the former Volkswagen
CEO Martin Winterkorn took responsibility for
the “irregularities” found in diesel engines, he
did not admit any wrongdoing on his part.
Nevertheless, Winterkorn ultimately resigned
from the CEO position. Arguably, leaders
should “own” such crises and be willing to take
personal accountability (Fredberg, 2011; Leader-
Chive´e, 2014). Leaders, and organizational
members more generally, could take personal
accountability by admitting the mistakesthat they
or their firms have made and accepting blame,
rather than hiding or minimizing mistakes
(Cavuto, 2014).
It is understandable that in some instances,
because of personal legal liability and the risk
to personal credibility, leaders and other
organizational members might be reluctant to
assume personal accountability for wrongdoing
associated with their firms. Such is the case
when firm actions result in serious harm to
customers, employees, or the greater commu-
nity. However, in other instances (e.g., poor
firm performance re legal liability issues,
industrial accidents re personal credibility
issues), these risks may not come into play, and
thus, one might expect to see more personal
accountability.
Although accountability has been much
discussed in practice, the organizational litera-
ture has fallen behind on its development as a
concept. Accountability has been defined as
“the implicit or explicit expectation that one be
called on to justify one’s beliefs, feelings, and
actions to others” (Tetlock, 1992, p. 331). Thus,
traditional thinking on the nature of account-
ability is based on expectations and obligations
whereby other people dictate the extent and
nature of accountability that is placed upon
individuals (Lerner & Tetlock, 1999)—that is,
the extent to which individuals are “held to
account” by others. However, as we can see
from the above business examples, being held
accountable by others does not necessarily
ensure that people will take personal ownership
of an issue. Moreover, based on the common
tendency to defensively attribute problems to
external causes (Jones, 1972), organizational
members may handle accountability by blam-
ing others for performance failures. Or they
may simply apologize without taking any cor-
rective actions.
Therefore, to better understand account-
ability, we will provide a new direction regard-
ing how people take personal ownership or
internalize accountability toward others, and in
so doing, we propose a broader perspective on
accountability. That is, we not only consider
externally imposed accountability (i.e., the tra-
ditional way of thinking about accountability)
but also introduce what we term internally
assumed accountability. This allows us to cap-
ture the breadth of how and why accountability
occurs, while furthering our understanding of the
potential ramifications of (different types of)
accountability for organizational outcomes.
In the sections below, we first review the
current research pertaining to accountability
based on an external expectation-based per-
spective and identify the limitations of this
research. We then provide an alternative con-
ceptualization of accountability and compare it
with other constructs that appear to be similar.
Wang et al. 185
Moreover, based on social cognitive theory
(Bandura, 2001), we propose contextual and
individual predictors of different forms of
accountability. Finally, we discuss how differ-
ent types of accountability may lead to different
perceptions of the organization by stakeholders.
Current accountability literature
In the management literature, accountability is
considered in both formal and informal terms.
Employees at all levels of the firm are
monitored with accountability systems (Frink
& Klimoski, 1998, 2004), including formal
mechanisms (e.g., reward/punishment proce-
dures and rules/policies), as well as informal
mechanisms (e.g., organizational cultures and
client vigilance). For instance, accountability
can involve procedures in a performance-
reward system (Castilla, 2015).
The majority of accountability research is
based on the social contingency model of
accountability proposed by Tetlock (1992),
wherein the pressure to justify one’s actions
to others may drive one’s behaviors and
judgments. We refer to this predominant con-
ceptualization of accountability as “externally
imposed accountability” because of the indi-
vidual’s expectation that others could evaluate
him/her, and thus, that he/she needs to justify
his/her actions to other people (Lerner & Tet-
lock, 1999). An employee’s externally imposed
accountability is his/her subjective belief about
how external forces, such as top-level manag-
ers, coworkers, subordinates, or “the system,”
hold him/her accountable for actions and
performance.
Lerner and Tetlock (1999) argued that an
organizational member can be held accountable
because people at different organizational lev-
els (e.g., top managers and subordinates) can
potentially identify the individual’s behaviors,
and superiors, in particular, can evaluate that
individual’s decisions, behaviors, and outcomes.
Therefore, the individual needs to provide jus-
tifications for why he/she implements certain
strategies or makes certain decisions. Moreover,
those evaluations involve potential rewards or
sanctions (Hall & Ferris, 2011). Thus, account-
ability has been further defined as a “perceived
expectation that one’s decisions or actions will
be evaluated by a salient audience and that
rewards or sanctions are believed to be con-
tingent on this expected evaluation” (Hall &
Ferris, 2011, p. 134). Hall, Frink, and Buckley
(2017) provided a review of the externally
imposed accountability literature (i.e., what they
referred to as felt accountability).
Problems with how accountability
is traditionally conceptualized
As we see from the above section, traditional
thinking on the nature of accountability is based
on expectations and obligations (Lerner &
Tetlock, 1999)—that is, the extent to which
individuals are “held to account” by others.
Although predominantly focusing on externally
held (i.e., external to the individual) expecta-
tions, Hall et al. (2017) proposed that these
expectations could potentially emanate from
oneself as well. As such, the traditional
accountability concept mixes others’ and one’s
own expectations together without making a
clear distinction between one’s internal motive
or sense of ownership and one’s perceptions of
external expectations. In addition, external
expectations about the appropriate rewards and
punishments are contingent upon others’ eva-
luations (Ferris et al., 2009; Frink & Klimoski,
1998), while ignoring people’s own inter-
nalized acceptance of rewards and disciplinary
actions. In a nutshell, researchers still largely
ignore the extent to which people may accept
and take ownership of responsibility (i.e., “the
buck stops here”), as well as the associated
rewards or disciplinary actions, in their dis-
cussion of externally imposed accountability.
Moreover, being held accountable by others
does not necessarily ensure that people will take
personal ownership of a performance issue. For
example, although a firm may maintain a policy
186 Organizational Psychology Review 9(2-3)
of holding people accountable when there is an
actual performance failure, employees may
justify a failure in a way that avoids personal
ownership in order to maximize their monetary
rewards from the company (Mattila & Patter-
son, 2004). Employees might still expect
returns from the company, despite a failure to
satisfy stakeholders. Indeed, we will argue
below that the “exchange norms” within a firm
are likely to lead employees to avoid personal
accountability by offering external attributions
for performance failures regarding stakeholders.
For example, during the 2008 financial crisis,
some financial firms such as Lehman Brothers
typically did not hold people to account for the
misery that they caused, at least in part, for sta-
keholders. Instead, leaders in those companies
externally blamed the greater economy, gov-
ernment policies, and even the customers
themselves (e.g., customers who “frivolously”
took on too much debt). In such a context, it
should not be surprising that employees would
not attempt to assume personal accountability.
Defining and extending conceptions
of accountability
Given the limitation in the manner in which
accountability is currently conceived, we pro-
vide a new direction regarding how people may
take ownership and internalize accountability
toward others. This internally assumed account-
ability goes beyond external expectations that
are placed on people by emphasizing their
personal ownership of performance, especially
performance failures. Specifically, we define
internally assumed accountability as personal
ownership for performance failure, and accep-
tance of negative personal repercussions (if
any) that may follow. Performance failures
include adverse performance, business scan-
dals, mistakes, and accidents. As discussed
further below, although not part of our defi-
nition, an individual with high internally
assumed accountability is more likely to take
corrective action, even if the individual is not
the direct source of the failure.
This characterization of accountability is
evident in a quote from Mary Kelly, a com-
mander in the U.S. Navy:
Mistakes are opportunities to show fabulous ser-
vice. Ensure that your company policy accommo-
dates customers and cares for their needs. In the
event of poor interaction, accept responsibility
and improve the process. Be accountable for your
products and the work of those who report to you.
(Kelly, 2015)
We can see a sense of personal ownership in
Kelly’s words, rather than one simply being
held to account through the expectations or
demands of others.
By having internally assumed account-
ability, an individual will accept negative per-
sonal repercussions (rather than engaging in
external attributions) for failing to meet
stakeholders’ expectations, as long as those
repercussions are seen as fair, that is, “the
punishment fits the crime.” Thus, when there is
a performance failure, organizational members
with high internally assumed accountability
take personal ownership of mistakes, rather
than offering excuses to justify their actions. In
sum, by taking more personal ownership, indi-
viduals not only accept negative repercussions
(e.g., a reprimand) but also are more likely to
commit to making amends to restore stake-
holder confidence—even if these individuals
were not the source of the problem.
Comparing internally assumed
accountability with other similar constructs
As a construct, accountability has sometimes
been used interchangeably with responsibility
(e.g., Hackman & Oldham, 1975). However,
internally assumed accountability differs from
responsibility. Responsibility tends to empha-
size entities toward whom individuals feel a
need to represent the best interests of those
Wang et al. 187
entities (Winter, 1991). For example, leaders
can have a sense of responsibility to represent
the interests of various constituents, such as
shareholders, customers, and the greater com-
munities (Pless, Maak, & Waldman, 2012). Put
differently, responsibility pertains to whom a
person should have obligations—either by his/
her own admonition or in the eyes of others.
With that said, internally assumed account-
ability focuses on how an individual takes
personal ownership or acceptance of perfor-
mance outcomes that are relevant to different
stakeholders. Such performance is subject to
individuals’ perceptions of to whom they have
responsibility. It could be narrowly defined
performance, such as productivity, or more
broadly defined performance dealing with the
needs of multiple stakeholder groups. There-
fore, internally assumed accountability is based
on a sense of responsibility toward one or more
stakeholder groups, but it goes beyond this
sense of responsibility by focusing on one’s
personal ownership regarding performance
outcomes as well as associated rewards and
punishments. We also believe that internally
assumed accountability is a specific form of
personal ownership in that it is a context-
specific application, focusing on ownership of
negative performance and any negative per-
sonal outcomes that may follow.
For people in leadership roles, internally
assumed accountability overlaps to some
degree with ethical leadership. Ethical leader-
ship refers to “the demonstration of norma-
tively appropriate conduct through personal
actions and interpersonal relationships, and the
promotion of such conduct to followers through
two-way communication, reinforcement, and
decision-making” (Brown, Trevin
˜o, & Harri-
son, 2005, p. 120). Thus, a leader is perceived to
be ethical if he/she cares about followers’ best
interests and makes balanced decisions (Brown
et al., 2005). Internally assumed accountability
and ethical leadership are similar, because they
both emphasize caring about others. For
example, a leader can show concern for
followers by accepting the ownership of poor
team performance, rather than blaming fol-
lowers. In this way, the accountable leader is
likely to be viewed as ethical (Brown et al.,
2005). Nevertheless, internally assumed leader
accountability and ethical leadership focus on
different behaviors. The former is more con-
cerned with leaders’ ownership regarding per-
formance without actively promoting ethics to
followers, while ethical leadership emphasizes
communicating ethical standards to followers
and being an ethical role model.
This internal sense of accountability is
also related to, but different from, people’s
perception of justice. Justice refers to percep-
tions of how outcomes are allocated, the
procedures involved in allocating outcomes,
and interpersonal treatment during the process
(Colquitt, Conlon, Wesson, Porter, & Ng,
2001). Folger and Cropanzano (2001) proposed
that accountability is implicitly related to the-
ories of justice since a central issue of justice is
how blame and its repercussions should be
assigned when there is mistreatment. Also,
demands for justice underscore issues that are
thought to merit accountability. For example,
an organizational member’s high expectations
regarding the need for interactional justice in
dealing with clients are likely to be associated
with his or her higher sense of internally
assumed accountability to clients regarding
their actual interpersonal treatment. In addition,
having a high sense of internally assumed
accountability may increase one’s sense that
justice is being done when one accepts
responsibility for organizational failures and
the consequences that follow. However, justice
is not isomorphic with internally assumed
accountability in that an individual can have
high expectations for any or all forms of justice
but she/he may believe that accountability
should only be internally assumed when she/he
is the actual cause of a performance failure.
Finally, the concepts of intrinsic and
extrinsic motivation do not overlap with our
consideration of internally assumed
188 Organizational Psychology Review 9(2-3)
accountability. An individual could intrinsi-
cally love his or her work (having an intrinsic
belief about the value of work) and the fact that
it benefits other people. However, that does not
necessarily imply that he/she will have a strong
sense of internally assumed accountability for
performance failures. Likewise, if somebody is
extrinsically motivated by rewards, this has
little or nothing to do with whether he/she
perceives that the system is stressing externally
imposed accountability.
A typology for determining accountability
By proposing a new perspective on account-
ability, we are not abandoning the traditional
idea of externally imposed accountability.
Instead, we offer an expanded framework of
accountability by focusing on internally assumed
accountability. Moreover, we explore causes of
different accountability behaviors and provide
explanations of why and how organizational
members may account to stakeholders differ-
ently by being subjected to alternative combi-
nations of organizationally based culture norms
(Sadri & Lees, 2001) and personal orientations
(Bryan, Hammer, & Fisher, 2000). Based on
Bandura’s (2001) social cognitive theory of
interactive agency, behaviors result from both
contextual norms and personal orientation. We
introduce how exchange and communal norms
may influence different forms of account-
ability, consider the role of personal orientation
and accountability, and discuss the interactive
effect of norms and personal orientation.
Exchange and communal norms. Researchers
have identified and called into question the
ubiquitous application of reciprocity or
exchange norms in workplace relationships
(Shore, Tetrick, Lynch, & Barksdale, 2006),
suggesting that communal norms can comple-
ment the current relational framework regard-
ing reciprocation (Coyle-Shapiro & Shore,
2007). We address a limitation of the current
relationship literature (Coyle-Shapiro & Shore,
2007) by integrating exchange and communal
relationship norms vis-a`-vis their relationships
with accountability.
The work relationship literature has focused
largely on exchange norms between employees
and their stakeholders (Blau, 1964; Coyle-
Shapiro & Shore, 2007). From an exchange
viewpoint, mutual benefits between a firm (e.g.,
profits) and its stakeholders (e.g., satisfaction
of needs) are paramount to the relationship
(Ferris et al., 2009; McWilliams & Siegel,
2001). However, researchers have suggested
that the exclusive use of exchanges to build
relationships may be limiting (Coyle-Shapiro &
Shore, 2007). Organizational members who
work in a culture of strong exchange norms are
likely to pay less attention to stakeholders’
social and emotional needs (Meshram &
O’Cass, 2013), treating such needs as second-
ary (McWilliams & Siegel, 2001; Waldman &
Siegel, 2008). Because taking care of stake-
holders’ welfare may not be fully considered,
exchange theory is of limited use in explaining
the building of strong relationships with stake-
holders. Therefore, Clark and Mills (1979)
proposed another type of relationship norm,
communal norms, which deal with people’s
concerns for the welfare of others in building
relationships.
The basic rule of communal norms is dif-
ferent from exchange norms. While exchange
norms focus on reciprocity, communal norms
involve responding to people’s needs without
expecting specific returns or being contingent
on immediate reciprocity (Clark & Mills,
1979). People who build relationships that are
influenced by communal norms are concerned
with others’ benefits and are motivated to
enhance the welfare of others (Clark & Mills,
1979). For example, a communal relationship
with stakeholders would be guided more by
a felt need to serve the interests of those sta-
keholders, rather than doing so because of
immediate revenue, stakeholder praise, online
ratings of service/product performance, and so
forth. Moreover, communal norms have been
Wang et al. 189
found to be more prevalent in collectivistic
cultures, whereas exchange norms are more
prevalent in individualistic cultures (Miller
et al., 2014; Triandis, 1989). Thus, in an
organization with a collectivistic culture,
employees tend to put greater emphasis on
helping increase others’ welfare, rather than
stressing reciprocation.
Exchange and communal norms are treated
as mutually exclusive in the interpersonal
relationship literature (Clark & Mills, 1979,
2011). Some research has considered them as
two ends of a single continuum (Batson, 1993).
However, both exchange and communal norms
may vary in strength and guide different
individual actions (Mills & Clark, 2013).
Thus, while correlated, these norms are inde-
pendent and both could guide behavior (Clark
& Mills, 2011; Johnson & Grimm, 2010). As
illustrated in Figure 1, we consider a 2 2
categorization of exchange and communal
norms. While both norms are continuous
variables, for pedagogical purposes, we con-
sider high versus low categories. Specifically,
we propose how and why each combination of
high and low relationship norms relates to
different types of accountability.
High communal and low exchange norms: Internally
assumed accountability. We suggest that people
who are in an organizational culture of high
communal norms and low exchange norms will
assume the highest level of accountability,
namely, what we have characterized as internally
assumed accountability. As suggested above,
internally assumed accountability involves a
sense of personal ownership by accepting sanc-
tions for poor performance.
Organizations with a prominent social mis-
sion, such as nonprofit social ventures, may have
high communal and low exchange norms (Lee,
Bolton, & Winterich, 2017). That said, we do not
limitourframeworktosuchventuressincewe
maintain that communal norms can be present in
a range of organizations. An organizational
member who is influenced by communal norms
is likely to possess internally assumed account-
ability to serve the needs/interests of stake-
holders. Further, she/he is likely to take steps to
correct wrong behaviors or outcomes that sta-
keholders have experienced, even if she/he was
not the source of the problem.
Members who are subject to high communal
and low exchange norms will likely care about
stakeholders’ benefits without asking for
High
Communal Norms
Low
Communal Norms
Low
Exchange Norms
High
Exchange Norms
Internally-assumed
Accountability
Mixed-loci
Accountability
Lack of
Accountability
Externally-imposed
Accountability
Figure 1. A categorization of accountability based on exchange and communal norms.
190 Organizational Psychology Review 9(2-3)
tangible benefits in return or expecting reci-
procity. These individuals are more likely to
prioritize stakeholders’ interests and sacrifice
their own benefits to serve stakeholders (Mills,
Clark, Ford, & Johnson, 2004). Therefore,
when poor outcomes occur, members are more
likely to feel a sense of guilt or shame (de
Hooge, Breugelmans, & Zeelenberg, 2007; de
Hooge, Zeelenberg, & Breugelmans, 2008;
Tangney, 1991)—that is, moral emotions—and
to sincerely assume ownership of those out-
comes. Along these lines, research has shown
that people who seek to build more communal
and less exchange-based relationships may be
more empathetic and provide more social sup-
port to others, including stakeholders, without
asking for direct returns (Crocker & Canevello,
2008; Meshram & O’Cass, 2013). In short, they
are more responsive to others’ needs (Lemay,
Clark, & Feeney, 2007).
High communal and high exchange norms: Mixed-
loci accountability. We suggest that organiza-
tional members who are instead guided by both
high communal and high exchange norms in
their culture may display mixed-loci account-
ability. For example, companies with both
strong profit and social missions may have a
high communal and exchange norm culture
(Lee et al., 2017). Members in such cultures are
concerned with the benefits of stakeholders and
act upon their interests, but they also expect
reciprocity/returns for serving the needs of
stakeholders. Researchers have indicated that
communal and exchange norm-based percep-
tions could be combined to predict behaviors
suggestive of mixed motivations and goals
(Johnson & Grimm, 2010). The dual concerns
model (Pruitt & Rubin, 1986) suggests that
members can simultaneously have a high con-
cern for others (e.g., stakeholders’ welfare) and
a high concern for self (e.g., getting more
benefits from the company). Accordingly,
people who are influenced by both communal
and exchange norms may take ownership for
bad outcomes pertaining to stakeholders, but
with concomitant instrumental goals.
When a firm emphasizes communal norms,
while concomitantly stressing exchanges, ela-
borate or strict metrics are likely to be estab-
lished to ensure that employees are truly
serving the needs of stakeholders. This in-line
with the manner in which accountability has
been traditionally defined in the literature (Ler-
ner & Tetlock, 1999). However, by emphasizing
metrics, employees may learn to “play” to the
measurement process (e.g., find ways to
manipulate the system to make their perfor-
mance look good), which can lead to confused or
mixed motives regarding how they view their
accountability. In other words, while they feel a
need to take ownership for mistakes and to serve
stakeholders, they may also feel a need to
“game” the system that measures their perfor-
mance in order to avoid negative repercussions
from the organization. The end result is what we
term mixed-loci accountability.
Low communal and high exchange norms:
Externally imposed accountability. Organizations
that are instead characterized by low communal
and high exchange norms represent an eco-
nomic model of the firm (McWilliams &
Siegel, 2001). In such organizations, employee
exchanges are based predominantly on the
extent to which the individual contributes to
production or profit-based goals. Stakeholders’
needs and satisfaction are typically seen as a
means to ensure productivity and profits, rather
than as intrinsic ends in themselves. Accord-
ingly, organizational members in such firms are
likely to be held to account through externally
imposed accountability, whereby the firm holds
them accountable for stakeholder relations, but
only to the extent that monetary and other
returns can be gained by these individuals.
Therefore, they will tend to care greatly about
reciprocation from the firm and less about sta-
keholders’ interests. High exchange norms
make it more legitimate for members to use
excuses to reduce or eliminate their ownership
Wang et al. 191
of any performance failure that could nega-
tively affect stakeholders (Scott & Lyman,
1968) in order to maximize their exchanges.
Thus, they are not likely to take personal
ownership by admitting mistakes and solving
problems pertaining to stakeholders. Instead, to
justify their actions to stakeholders and satisfy
their company’s expectations, they may blame
others for mistakes and suggest that others take
ownership and accept any repercussions.
An example of an individual who apparently
acted under high exchange and low communal
norms is the former CEO of British Petroleum,
Tony Hayward (Lubin, 2010; Wray, 2010),
mentioned earlier. During the Gulf of Mexico
oil spill crisis, he appeared not to be strongly
concerned with maintaining communal rela-
tionships with stakeholders, while being more
concerned with how the company could main-
tain profit-based returns. Accordingly, he did
not show deep concern for people who were
affected by the accident. Further, he seemed
reluctant to assume any personal repercussions
for his company’s mistakes.
Low communal and low exchange norms: Lack of
accountability. Lastly, organizational members
who are subject to low communal and low
exchange norms will possess a lack of
accountability toward stakeholders. A company
with low communal and exchange norms may
place few strongly enforced expectations on
members. In the absence of such expectations,
members may not be concerned with stake-
holders’ benefits or returns from stakeholders.
Under these loose norms, employees are less
likely to assume accountability for poor per-
formance because there is greater tolerance for
deviance (Gelfand, Lim, & Raver, 2004). Thus,
they may avoid solving stakeholders’ problems.
They may take little or no ownership of mis-
takes and avoid giving an explanation for fail-
ure to achieve outcomes that are important to
stakeholders. Further, they may draw stake-
holders’ attention away from real problems by
“beating around the bush” or being vague when
dealing with stakeholder issues. This lack of
accountability is characterized by not taking
remedial actions and leaving problematic per-
formance issues unaddressed (Ashforth & Lee,
1990).
The combination of low communal and low
exchange norms, and resulting widespread lack
of accountability, may be uncommon in busi-
ness contexts because these organizations will
probably find it difficult to survive. Specifi-
cally, as detailed below, stakeholder relations
are likely to suffer to the point of making such
firms noncompetitive. However, organizations
in other sectors, especially the public sector,
may be able to survive even with a widespread
lack of accountability. For example, individuals
in government-based agencies in the U.S., such
as the Internal Revenue Service and Federal
Bureau of Investigation, have been characterized
in recent years as lacking accountability
(O’Connor, 2018). Many employees who work in
such agencies are not held to account for perfor-
mance or ethical transgressions, and they may
display a lack of internally assumed account-
ability toward their stakeholders by either leaving
problems unsolved or making excuses for mis-
takes (Fund, 2018; Vecchione & Valvo, 2018). A
lack of accountability has been recognized as one
of the common barriers to government agencies’
productivity, and indeed, performance in such
contexts may be difficult to measure, making
accountability all the more difficult (Ammons,
1985). Overall, we suggest that a lack of
accountability (either externally imposed or
internally assumed) is possible in many organi-
zations, and it is largely the result of a combina-
tion of low communal and exchange norms.
Individual differences affecting
accountability
Similar to communal and exchange relationship
norms, Clark, Oullette, Powell, and Milberg
(1987) proposed that there are individual dif-
ferences that are relevant to individuals’ ten-
dencies to follow communal versus exchange
192 Organizational Psychology Review 9(2-3)
norms in their relationships with others. As
presented in Table 1, individuals with a duty
orientation have an intrinsic desire to provide
care to others, including those with whom they
have close relationships, as well as strangers
(Bryan et al., 2000). Duty orientation, as a rela-
tively stable trait, represents one’s willingness to
serve others voluntarily and faithfully and to
sacrifice one’s own benefits for the sake of col-
lective goals (Hannah, Jennings, Bluhm, Peng,
& Schaubroeck, 2014; Waldman & Balven,
2014). When organizational members have a
strong duty orientation, they often go above and
beyond the expectations and specific requests of
stakeholders. Moreover, members with a strong
duty orientation focus on long-term relation-
ships, even sacrificing their own interests to
serve others. We suggest that it is likely that
people with a high duty orientation will tend to
display more internally assumed accountability
to better serve stakeholders’ interests.
In contrast, Table 1 depicts how individuals
with an exchange orientation expect to have
their actions and efforts reciprocated by others
in terms of immediate or comparable rewards
(Murstein, Cerreto, & MacDonald, 1977).
Organizational members with a strong exchange
orientation may serve customers to simply attain
tangible benefits (Schwartz, 1983). Thus, they
are more likely to ask for something in return or
to focus on short-term reciprocity from their
organization based on customer satisfaction
(Shamir, 1991). Therefore, members with a high
exchange orientation may only adhere to exter-
nally imposed accountability toward customers,
rather than developing a sense of internally
assumed accountability.
Bandura’s (1986, 1989) social cognitive
theory would suggest that the influence of
relationship norms on employee accountability
might vary depending on differences in indi-
viduals’ duty and exchange orientations. When
the normative cues are strong and clear (either
high communal/low exchange or low commu-
nal/high exchange), people are more likely to
conform to the norms (Meyer, Dalal, & Her-
mida, 2010; Mischel, 1973). Moreover, people
are more likely to pursue norm-driven beha-
viors when there is a consistency between the
norm and their own personal orientation. For
example, high duty-oriented people may find it
easier to stick to strong communal norms and
behave consistently. Thus, the relationship
between high communal/low exchange norms
and internally assumed accountability may be
enhanced by a high duty orientation on the part
of organizational members, because such an
orientation is more consistent or fits with high
communal norms. Similarly, the effect of the
combination of high exchange and low
Table 1. Comparison between personal orientations.
Duty orientation Exchange orientation
Definitions An intrinsic desire to give care to others,
including those with whom they have
close relationships, as well as strangers
(Bryan et al., 2000)
Desire to have one’s actions and efforts
reciprocated by others in terms of
immediate or comparable rewards
(Murstein et al., 1977)
Example behaviors Go above and beyond the expectations
and specific requests of stakeholders
Focus on short-term reciprocity, and do
what is expected in terms of a quid pro
quo
Likely outcomes in
terms of follow-up
and corrective
actions
Engage in corrective action toward
negatively affected stakeholders, and
address the root causes of
performance failures
Reluctance to admit and fix performance
failures or only fix failures to obtain
extrinsic (e.g., monetary) returns
Wang et al. 193
communal norms on individuals’ perceptions of
externally imposed accountability may be
strengthened if members have a strong exchange
orientation.
However, when the situational cues are
ambiguous or equivocal, there is inherently
more individual discretion to behave con-
sistently with one’s personal orientation (Meyer
et al., 2010; Mischel, 1973). The high com-
munal/high exchange norms context can be
considered a weak situation because the two
relationship norms send mixed signals to
organizational members. Members can choose
to follow either high communal or high
exchange norms based on their personal
orientation. Therefore, members with a high
duty orientation may act more consistent with
communal norms and thus have more intern-
ally assumed accountability. Conversely, mem-
bers with a high exchange orientation may act
more in line with exchange norms and only react
to the externally imposed accountability that is
stressed in their organizations.
Similarly, a context that is characterized by
low communal/low exchange norms provides
especially weak situational cues because there
are few if any signals about which norms to
follow. No particular accountability toward
customers is stressed by such a context. There-
fore, people are more willing to rely on their
personal orientation to act. Thus, if an organi-
zational member has a strong duty orientation,
under low communal/low exchange norms, she/
he is likely to enact more internally assumed
accountability. However, if a member has a
strong exchange orientation, she/he is not likely
to adhere to externally imposed accountability
toward customers. This occurs because the
absence of exchange norms means that the
organization will tend not to recognize and
reward member behavior, thus removing the
incentive to adhere to externally imposed
accountability. In short, this context will
accentuate a tendency toward a lack of any sort
of accountability on the part of the exchange-
oriented person.
Possible stakeholder outcomes of the
different types of accountability
Accountability, when expressed via concrete
behavior, likely influences how stakeholders
perceive a firm. Here, we focus on two aspects
of stakeholder perceptions that manifest stake-
holder relationships: trust and commitment.
Specifically, trust and commitment appear to
be the most important factors in determining
employee-stakeholder relationships (Morgan
& Hunt, 1994; see also Pirson & Malhotra,
2011). As compared to other attitudes, such as
satisfaction, trust and commitment are more
strongly related to stakeholders’ future inten-
tions to build long-term relationships with the
organization (Garbarino & Johnson, 1999).
Drawing from Mayer, Davis, and Schoor-
man’s (1995) integrative model of trust, stake-
holders’ trust toward organizational members is
based on three aspects of members’ trust-
worthiness: (1) ability to perform, (2) integrity,
and (3) benevolence in serving stakeholders. If
members are high on these three dimensions,
they are more likely to be trusted by stake-
holders (Schoorman, Mayer, & Davis, 2007).
This appears most likely in the case of
internally assumed accountability. First, such
accountability reflects members’ intention to
ensure the benefits of stakeholders. A mem-
ber’s internally assumed accountability toward
stakeholders will likely increase stakeholders’
trust because it shows that the member has the
ability, or at least the intention, to correct
wrongdoings and perform better, especially
when the wrongdoings are relevant to his/her
competence (Kim, Dirks, Coopers, & Ferrin,
2006).
Second, internally assumed accountability
for negative outcomes implies that organiza-
tional members acknowledge what they—or
their organizations—did wrong. This can
increase members’ integrity in the eyes of sta-
keholders, because the members are willing to
accept negative repercussions for unwanted
actions. Integrity may be especially important
194 Organizational Psychology Review 9(2-3)
for prospective stakeholders, such as people in
the greater community, who do not have first-
hand information regarding the organizational
members who are serving them (Pirson &
Malhotra, 2011).
Lastly, internally assumed accountability
implies that organizational members deeply
consider stakeholders’ welfare and serve their
interests, which is likelytoincreasestake-
holders’ perceptions of the benevolence of
members. In particular, if there is a failure to
serve stakeholders’ needs, members are pre-
disposed to put stakeholders’ welfare above
their own. Further, Gillespie and Dietz (2009)
indicated that acknowledging failure, and sin-
cerely expressing apology, may repair breaches
in trust.
Moreover, internally assumed accountability
may relate to stakeholders’ commitment toward
organizational members. Stakeholders’ com-
mitment refers to an explicit or implicit promise
of building consistent relationships between
stakeholders and members (Dwyer, Schurr, &
Oh, 1987). There are three types of commit-
ment: affective, continuance, and normative
(Meyer & Allen, 1991). Stakeholders’ affective
commitment reflects their emotional attach-
ment to members (Buchanan, 1974); con-
tinuance commitment refers to stakeholders’
cost-induced bond with members (Meyer &
Allen, 1984); and normative commitment is
stakeholders’ perceived responsibility and
loyalty to members (Wiener & Vardi, 1980).
Internally assumed accountability is likely to
be associated with each of these aspects of
commitment as follows.
First, internally assumed accountabilityshows
members’ concerns and responsiveness to sta-
keholders’ needs, thus increasing stakeholders’
affective commitment. For instance, researchers
have found that stakeholders may develop more
affective commitment with members if those
members are reliable and responsive to their
needs (Gruen, Summers, & Acito, 2000).
Second, by accepting sanctions and commit-
ting to corrective action to amend a relationship
with stakeholders, organizational members
increase stakeholders’ continuance commit-
ment. More specifically, members’ acceptance
of negative repercussions for performance
problems demonstrates their goals and concerns
for increasing stakeholders’ benefits; thus, sta-
keholders may expect continued benefits from
staying in the relationship (Sharma, Young, &
Wilkinson, 2006).
Third, internally assumed accountability is
also likely to increase normative commitment
on the part of stakeholders. By accepting
ownership of responsibility and any negative
sanctions for performance failures, organiza-
tional members connect with stakeholders by
showing moral concern for stakeholders’ needs.
If members have genuine concern for stake-
holders and do not act opportunistically (Groza,
Pronschinske, & Walker, 2011), stakeholders
are more likely to internalize those members’
values and goals and identify with their moral
activities (Sen, Bhattacharya, & Korschun,
2006). This internalization and identification
bind stakeholders with members and increase
stakeholders’ perceived responsibility and loy-
alty to members (Wiener, 1982).
In contrast, high mixed-loci accountability
may lead to ambivalent trust and commitment.
We define ambivalent trust and commitment as
simultaneously high and low trust and com-
mitment (cf. Ashforth, Rogers, Pratt, & Pradies,
2014). Stakeholders may develop ambivalent
attitudes toward organizational members’
mixed-loci accountability actions because
those actions reflect members’ contradictory
goals and values (Ashforth et al., 2014; Lee
et al., 2017; Sluss & Ashforth, 2007). Stake-
holders may be confused about the intentions
behind members’ actions, since members may
find ways to avoid negative repercussions
from the organization while serving stake-
holders. Along similar lines, researchers have
found that stakeholders may develop different
attitudes toward employees’ different service
strategies (e.g., a positive attitude toward being
served sincerely, while forming a negative
Wang et al. 195
attitude toward fake emotions) (Grandey,
2003; Groth, Hennig-Thurau, & Walsh, 2009).
On the one hand, if employees display
mixed-loci accountability, stakeholders may
feel more trust and commitment toward them
because they show concern for stakeholders’
benefits by demonstrating ownership of poor
performance. On the other hand, stakeholders
mayalsobeabletodetecttheinstrumental
component of employees’ actions (Ekman,
2009). Thus, they may feel that employees
are acting opportunistically to look good in
terms of how their organization is assessing
and rewarding stakeholder satisfaction (Pless
et al., 2012), and therefore develop less trust
and commitment toward them (Groza et al.,
2011).
Both externally imposed accountability and
lack of accountability toward stakeholders are
likely to decrease trust and commitment on
the part of stakeholders. To fulfill and satisfy
expectations from the organization, members are
likely to blame external circumstances or others
for mistakes or actions that could be detrimental
to stakeholders. In the British Petroleum exam-
ple mentioned earlier, Tony Hayward even
appeared to blame other companies (e.g., con-
tractors) for mistakes so that he might avoid
personal blame, and he attempted to be person-
ally excluded from the oil spill event. With that
said, we return to our earlier caveat that orga-
nizational members may eschew internally
assumed accountability to avoid legal liability
and personal credibility issues. Nevertheless, in
many circumstances, fears of legal liability are
not relevant, and we discuss the more nuanced
risks to personal credibility and one’s career in
the “Discussion” section.
In any event, organizational members/lead-
ers are likely to violate stakeholders’ ethical
standards if members try to mitigate their
ownership of performance failures by blaming
others for reasons that stakeholders perceive as
illegitimate (Shaw, Wild, & Colquitt, 2003).
Thus, stakeholders may have little trust and
commitment toward those members. In addition,
for members with no accountability toward
stakeholders, a lack of ownership for failures
may be perceived as badly as actually blaming
others. Ignoring the problem does not mean that
the problem has been resolved, and stake-
holders may become very concerned about if
and when the problem will be solved. Research
indicates that stakeholders are likely to have
negative reactions if organizational members
fail to give sufficient explanations for mis-
conduct or poor performance (Shaw et al.,
2003). Stakeholders attribute this to members
not caring if they fail to exhibit an appropriate
level of effort. Clearly, this attribution will hurt
their relationship with the members.
Discussion
The literature stresses externally imposed
accountability whereby others (or a system)
hold individuals to account for their perfor-
mance. In this article, we address a critical
limitation of accountability research by offering
a new perspective on accountability; specifi-
cally, internally assumed accountability. More-
over, based on a typology of two types of
relational norms in organizations (i.e., com-
munal vs. exchange), we propose four different
types of accountability that commonly exist
in organizations, including internally assumed
accountability, mixed-loci accountability, exter-
nally imposed accountability, and lack of
accountability. In addition, we propose that
individual orientations can predispose individ-
uals to either a strong sense of internally
assumed accountability (i.e., duty orientation),
or alternatively, a strong sense of externally
imposed accountability (i.e., exchange orienta-
tion). In turn, and in line with social cognitive
theory, these individual orientations help deter-
mine how individuals will react to the different
relational norms that may be stressed in an
organizational context. We further considered
the possible outcomes of the different types of
accountability in terms of stakeholders’ trust and
commitment, given the importance of these two
196 Organizational Psychology Review 9(2-3)
aspects of relationship norms to long-term sta-
keholder relationships. Our overall framework
is shown in Figure 2.
Suggestions for future research
Extending the accountability construct. Future
research should extend our notion of account-
ability in several ways. First, our model directs
attention to accountability for negative perfor-
mance outcomes. Future efforts might extend
the typology to positive outcomes and deter-
mine how accountability dynamics may con-
verge and diverge for positive and negative
outcomes. Second, we only discussed generic
stakeholders, given our interest in stakeholder
relationships. Future research may be extended
to multiple types of stakeholders involved in
accountability actions. It is possible that dif-
ferent stakeholders, such as shareholders
and suppliers, may have somewhat conflicting
interests. Members may need to decide which
group(s) of stakeholders matter more (Agle,
Mitchell, & Sonnenfeld, 1999) or try to balance/
optimize the interests of multiple stakeholder
groups in different ways (Bundy, Shropshire, &
Buchholtz, 2013). Further, members may have
alternative forms of accountability (i.e., exter-
nallyimposedvs.internallyassumed)todiffer-
ent stakeholders based on different norms. How
broadly people assume their accountability
across stakeholder types may also be an inter-
esting research question to explore.
Third, although we focused on the relation-
ship between organizational members and sta-
keholders, this accountability typology could
Accountability
Internally-
assumed
Accountability
Ambivalent Trust
Ambivalent Commitment
High Communal /
Low Exchange
High Communal /
High Exchange
Mixed-loci
Accountability
Low Communal /
High Exchange
Low Communal /
Low Exchange
Externally-
imposed
Accountability
Lack of
Accountability
High Trust
High Commitment
Low Trust
Low Commitment
Personal Orientations
Figure 2. Overall theoretical framework.
Wang et al. 197
also be applied to stakeholders within the
organization (i.e., internal stakeholders), such
as leaders, peers, and followers (Leana & Van
Buren, 1999). This suggests some interesting
research questions pertaining to accountability
at the higher leader level. For example, research
pertaining to inspirational or visionary leader-
ship (Sully de Luque, Washburn, Waldman, &
House, 2008) has not explored which precise
behaviors are perceived as inspirational (Van
Knippenberg & Sitkin, 2013). We propose that
accountability may serve as one behavioral
indicator of inspiration. Leaders who are will-
ing to internally assume accountability could
be perceived as more inspirational, while
leaders who lack a sense of internally assumed
accountability might be seen as much less
inspirational. Moreover, instead of looking at
unidirectional accountability, future research
can explore bilateral or mutual accountability
between two or more parties.
Accountability and corrective action. Contexts
(i.e., high exchange norms) and individuals
(i.e., high exchange orientation) that stress
externally imposed accountability may not
engender corrective action on the part of the
individual to improve performance issues.
Instead, immediate victims of poor perfor-
mance (e.g., negatively affected customers) and
underlying causes of a performance problem
may not be addressed. Conversely, it is possible
that individuals (i.e., high duty orientation) in
contexts (i.e., high communal norms) that are
more conducive to internally assumed account-
ability will be more likely to take corrective
action toward negatively affected stakeholders,
and moreover, address the root causes of per-
formance issues. With that said, future research
is necessary to disentangle the connection
between different forms of accountability and
corrective actions that might be taken by
individuals.
Moreover, whether people will take further
corrective actions may depend on their attri-
bution styles. Individuals can be characterized
by internal/external and stable/variable attri-
bution styles (cf. Kent & Martinko, 1995;
Peterson et al., 1982). People who internally
assume accountability, but make internal-
variable attributions (i.e., where the cause is
within themselves but not stable, such as
insufficient effort), are likely to engage in
constructive responses since they believe that
they can rectify the problem. However, intern-
ally assumed accountability combined with
internal-stable attributions (i.e., where the
cause is within the individual but stable, such as
insufficient skill) is more likely to be destruc-
tive since the attributions may contribute to
rumination and depression, potentially foster-
ing a pessimistic attributional style (e.g.,
“What’s the point of trying?”; Harvey,
Madison, Martinko, Crook, & Crook, 2014;
Seligman, 1998). Thus, no further actions may
be implemented. It follows that individuals with
internal-stable attributions for performance
failures will be less likely to take corrective
actions. However, research indicates that
training can change a pessimistic attributional
style into more of an optimistic style (i.e.,
where negative events are less likely to be
attributed to internal and stable causes)
(Proudfoot, Corr, Guest, & Dunn, 2009).
Communal norms and their antecedents. Given
the potential importance and benefits of com-
munal norms to accountability, how best to
build high communal norms also deserves
future research. For example, following insti-
tutional theory (Tolbert & Zucker, 1999),
organizational communal norms could be
derived from higher level industry norms. If
communal norms are popular in a specific
industry, it follows that companies in that
industry are more likely to follow those norms.
Lower level collective communal norms within
an organization could also be influenced by
higher level exemplars (e.g., CEOs) who model
such norms (Kahneman & Miller, 1986).
Moreover, communal norms could be sparked
by critical events happening in the organization
198 Organizational Psychology Review 9(2-3)
or by important actions displayed by lower
level employees (Dutton, Worline, Frost, &
Lilius, 2006; Feldman, 1984). Further, if
employee s proactively displayinfluential actions
that are more communal, they may, over time,
shift the organization’s norms toward communal
relationships (Schneider, 1987). These and other
ways of enhancing communal norms should
be explored.
Managerial implications
Understanding accountability and how it forms,
as well as its importance in building long-term
stakeholder relationships, has important man-
agerial implications for organizations. In recent
times, a number of people in various industries
have been accused of taking limited account-
ability when facing scandals (Sloan, 2015). Our
research explicates how limited accountability
is likely to result from some types of organi-
zational cultures. For example, there may be
high exchange norms that cause members to not
internally assume accountability. Or alter-
natively, low communal and exchange norms
likely result in employees simply not being
exposed to externally imposed accountability
nor assuming internal accountability. Accord-
ingly, organizations could increase account-
ability by attempting to identify and correct
cultural causes, although we recognize that
changing culture is an arduous process (Alvesson
& Sveningsson, 2016).
With that said, it may be possible for man-
agers to gradually encourage employees to
assume internal accountability by cultivating
more communal norms in their relationship
development with others. Leader behaviors can
serve as important cues to guide organizational
members’ behaviors. To serve as accountability
role models, CEOs or top-level managers should
adopt more internally assumed accountability
rather than blaming others or taking no
accountability. Thus, in hiring and selection
processes, recruiting teams should select lead-
ers with a track record or sincere belief in
internally assumed accountability. Further,
organizations need to highlight the importance
of developing internally assumed account-
ability to managers in their training programs.
In addition, organizational reward and punish-
ment systems can encourage members to
assume more internalized accountability. Cur-
rently, such systems are often designed to
enforce externally imposed accountability,
rather than encouraging members to internalize
accountability. Rewards such as promoting
individuals who take ownership for mistakes,
even if not their own, send a strong cultural
signal about what is valued in the organization.
Moreover, we noted that personal factors
such as duty orientation may influence how
members internalize those contextual norms.
Personnel selection processes might therefore
emphasize the hiring of people with a general-
ized—and therefore more trait-like—sense of
duty orientation, thereby fostering person–
organization fit and making communal norms
more effective in enhancing stakeholder rela-
tionships. However, because survey measures
of duty orientation may be easily “gamed” by
job applicants (i.e., applicants would likely
sense the social desirability of endorsing a duty
orientation), behavioral or situational inter-
views may provide a better avenue for assessing
one’s orientation (e.g., “Tell me about a time
that a customer of yours was unhappy with your
department”; “What would you do if you dis-
covered that you had made a big mistake on a
report that had already been sent out?”) (Dip-
boye, Wooten, & Halverson, 2004). Further, in
the spirit of how “the people make the place”
(Schneider, 1987, p. 437), by selecting people
with a strong duty orientation, norms of an
organization could shift over time toward
communal norms. Because a generalized duty
orientation is more trait-like and therefore more
or less stable, it is likely less amenable to
training. That said, the cultural signals noted
above may well enhance a more context-
specific state-like sense of duty (Hannah
et al., 2014) that may become institutionalized
Wang et al. 199
over time both in the expectations of the orga-
nization and in the behaviors and attitudes of
organizational members.
Finally, organizations should pay more
attention to the negative consequences of
externally imposed accountability and lack of
accountability. Members who have externally
imposed accountability may think opportunis-
tically that stakeholders may forgive them if
they attempt to shift the blame for negative
stakeholder outcomes to others—either internal
or external to the organization. Or members
who try to escape punishment by being vague in
terms of ownership may imagine that stake-
holders will forget their lack of accountability
as time passes. However, this lack of internally
assumed accountability is likely to reduce
stakeholders’ trust and commitment. Stake-
holders may subsequently move their rela-
tionships to other organizations if members
with whom they interact blame others or avoid
actively facing relevant performance prob-
lems. Thus, members should not be implicitly
or explicitly rewarded for withdrawing their
personal accountability for performance
problems.
Career outcomes of internally assumed accountability.
While internally assumed accountability was
argued to foster customer trust and commit-
ment, it should be noted that it may carry risks
to the individual’s personal credibility and
career. In a high exchange norm-based culture
or a culture that does not encourage account-
ability, individuals who internally assume
accountability may endanger their career
because accepting blame is not normative and,
thus, such individuals are easy to single out
and vilify. Accordingly, individuals may be
deterred from displaying internally assumed
accountability. As Kerr (1975) famously
argued, it is not reasonable for managers to hope
for A (in this case, internally assumed account-
ability) while rewarding B (externally assumed
accountability or lack of accountability).
What about internally assumed account-
ability in a high communal norm-based culture?
Here, such accountability for performance
failures may actually enhance one’s credibility
and career prospects because owning failures is
expected of organizational members. That said,
significant or repeated performance failures
may nonetheless damage one’s credibility and
career even while one’s internally assumed
accountability is lauded. From the standpoint of
the individual, then, mixed-loci accountability
may be a more likely stance in the face of sig-
nificant or repeated performance failures in
order to balance his or her self-interest with
other interests. That is, if internally assumed
accountability can be thought of as an aspira-
tional goal, career concerns in the face of sig-
nificant or repeated performance failures may
induce him or her to settle for mixed-loci
accountability—to exercise judgment when
selectively accepting responsibility for perfor-
mance failures. Similarly, in a culture that
promotes both communal and exchange norms,
the latter provide some cover for the individual
such that judiciously applying mixed-loci
accountability becomes an attractive means
of mitigating the risk of negative career out-
comes caused by credibility-threatening per-
formance failures.
Nevertheless, from the standpoint of the
organization, given the importance of stake-
holders’ trust and commitment, organizations
should encourage their members to assume
more internal accountability by building a
high communal norm-based culture. Such
a culture would generally make it more
acceptable and less damaging career-wise for
individuals to internally assume account-
ability—and with careful selection, training,
and performance management, the likelihood
of significant or repeated performance fail-
ures would be lessened.
In conclusion, our framework offers an
expanded view of accountability that centers on
norms, personal orientations, and relationships.
Our hope is that this article will inspire more
200 Organizational Psychology Review 9(2-3)
theoretical and empirical work emphasizing the
connection between accountability and stake-
holder relationships.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the
research, authorship, and/or publication of this
article.
ORCID iD
Danni Wang https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5436-
6495
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Author biographies
Danni Wang is an assistant professor of man-
agement and global business at Rutgers Busi-
ness School–Newark and New Brunswick,
Rutgers University. She received her PhD from
Arizona State University. Her research interests
focus largely on leadership and teams, account-
ability, and organizational neuroscience. She has
published in journals such as Academy of Man-
agement Journal,Journal of Applied Psychol-
ogy,andPersonnel Psychology.
David A. Waldman is a professor of manage-
ment in the W. P. Carey School of Business at
Arizona State University. Currently, his
research and applied interests focus largely
on leadership and applications of organiza-
tional neuroscience to organizational beha-
vior. He has approximately 125 articles in
such journals as Academy of Management
Journal,Academy of Management Review,
Journal of Applied Psychology,Personnel
Psychology,Administrative Science Quar-
terly,andOrganization Science. According
to Google Scholar, his work has been cited
over 25,000 times. He has also published five
books on topics including 360-degree feed-
back, leadership, organizational neuroscience,
and corporate social responsibility. He has
been a principal investigator on grants approx-
imating US$1.6 million. He is on the editorial
review boards of Academy of Management
Journal,Academy of Management Review,
Academy of Management Perspectives,Jour-
nal of Applied Psychology,Personnel Psy-
chology,andThe Leadership Quarterly.He
is a Fellow of the American Psychological
Association and the Society for Industrial and
Organizational Psychology.
Blake E. Ashforth is the Horace Steele Ari-
zona Heritage Chair in the W. P. Carey
School of Business, Arizona State University.
He received his PhD from the University of
Toronto. His research concerns the ongoing
dance between individuals and organizations,
including identity and identification, sociali-
zation and newcomer work adjustment, and
the links among individual-, group-, and
organization-level phenomena. Recent work
has focused on dirty work, ambivalence, and
respect. He is a Fellow of the Academy of
Management, and he won the Lifetime
Achievement Award from the Academy’s OB
Division as well as the Distinguished Scholar
Award from the Academy’s MOC Division.
206 Organizational Psychology Review 9(2-3)
... Additionally, in terms of public culture, there is a gap in the literature related to the relationship between accountability and trust. Wang et al. (2019) suggested that the relationship between accountability and trust can vary between communities with different cultures, i.e., communal versus exchange norms. Communal norms refer to people who do not demand too much regarding the accountability of a mandated job. ...
... Communal norms refer to people who do not demand too much regarding the accountability of a mandated job. The opposite applies in a society with exchange norms (Clark & Mills, 1979;Wang et al., 2019). While communal norms are more closely related to the collective culture of villages or rural communities, exchange norms are more prominent in individualistic communities such as urban or city areas (Miller et al., 2014). ...
... Theoretically, the study results contribute to the body of knowledge by expanding the literature on good governance practices by public sector organisations and their role in building public trust during the pandemic. This study also extends public sector literature by using a village government and its specific nature, namely people with communal norms, as its setting, as suggested by Wang et al. (2019). Practically, this research provides recommendations to village governments and policymakers in Indonesia in particular and developing countries in general for increasing public trust, especially during the pandemic. ...
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This study aims to examine the relationship between accountability and transparency during the COVID-19 pandemic towards public trust in village governments through the quality of COVID-19 handling services as an intervening variable. This research was conducted among village governments in the Yogyakarta Special Region Province, Indonesia. The data were collected by distributing survey questionnaires, with 116 village governments participating in this study. Respondents in this study were represented by two groups, where village officials measured accountability and transparency practices, while members of the Village Representative Council measured the quality of COVID-19 handling services and public trust variables. Partial Least Square (PLS) was then used to test the hypotheses. The results showed that accountability for managing the COVID-19 response budget only had an indirect positive relationship with public trust through the quality of COVID-19 handling services. Meanwhile, the direct relationship between accountability and trust was negatively significant. Furthermore, transparency in the management of the COVID-19 response budget was not associated with the public trust, either directly or indirectly.
... Drawing on social penetration theory and the accountability literature, this field study investigates the role of leader-felt accountability as an antecedent of leader self-disclosure and leader loneliness. Leader felt accountability is defined as the expectation that the leader's decision and actions will receive an evaluation by salient stakeholders (Wang, Waldman, & Ashforth, 2019). The pandemic has increased work digitalization and remote work practices, thereby increasing the feeling of loneliness at work (Anand & Mishra, 2019;Ozcelik & Barsade, 2018). ...
... We argue that felt accountability, defined as the expectation that one's decisions or actions will be evaluated by a salient stakeholder (Wang, Waldman, & Ashforth, 2019), would be a key protective factor that prevents leaders from experiencing an excessive degree of loneliness. ...
... Drawing on social penetration theory and the accountability literature, this field study investigates the role of leader-felt accountability as an antecedent of leader self-disclosure and leader loneliness. Leader felt accountability is defined as the expectation that the leader's decision and actions will receive an evaluation by salient stakeholders (Wang, Waldman, & Ashforth, 2019). The pandemic has increased work digitalization and remote work practices, thereby increasing the feeling of loneliness at work (Anand & Mishra, 2019;Ozcelik & Barsade, 2018). ...
... We argue that felt accountability, defined as the expectation that one's decisions or actions will be evaluated by a salient stakeholder (Wang, Waldman, & Ashforth, 2019), would be a key protective factor that prevents leaders from experiencing an excessive degree of loneliness. ...
... In particular, a combination of organizational nascence combined with an emphasis on rapid growth makes entrepreneurial new ventures distinct from small and medium-sized enterprises (Gherhes et al., 2016;Harlin & Berglund, 2021). By studying this setting, I incorporate key concepts and insights from the entrepreneurship literature-the aggressive pursuit of growth and its associated job-role fluidity-typically overlooked in accountability and employee task performance research (Wang et al., 2019). Further, I offer several fruitful avenues for future empirical research in this accountability domain by exploring how key human resources functions-such as recruitment and retention, sales structures, remuneration, and bonus incentives, as illustrative examples (see Figure 2, which is elaborated on below)-and related activities are likely implicated in the nexus of these proximal and background factors influencing the cognitive orientations of employees pertaining to felt accountability. ...
... Accountability can be defined as "how an individual takes personal ownership or acceptance of performance outcomes that are relevant to different stakeholders (p.188)". 95 By allowing physicians to control their role, pharmacists may reassign negative outcomes and abdicate their own accountability to patients. These research results supported the recent meta-synthesis where pharmacists "were found to position themselves as not having the right or duty to take responsibility for the patients' outcomes" (p.18), "positioned themselves as dependent on GPs to contribute" (p.12), and "as somewhat dependent on the GPs approval to be allowed to have a clinical opinion (p.18)". ...
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Organizations often turn to extrinsic motivators to improve employee effort and performance, with mixed results. In this research, performance-based benefits and accountability are explored to assess whether they differentially affect where effort is exerted and how they influence overall performance. The study proposes that effort can be divided into two components—strategic effort and execution effort—and that each component will influence overall performance differently. The study uses a scenario-based experiment involving a complex and unfamiliar task. The results indicate that workers motivated by performance-based benefits increase the use of strategic effort, which improves performance through the identification of critical problems, and they develop a better overall strategy relative to workers who are held accountable. The study also indicates that while accountability increased the use of execution effort, the additional effort did not improve performance in the complex task setting. The study highlights the importance of aligning an extrinsic motivator to the type of effort desired for a particular task.
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Although holding oneself accountable is deemed important for effective leadership, CEOs tend to demonstrate a self-serving tendency when reporting their company’s performance to the financial community. Leaders do so by providing internal accounts for favorable performance and external accounts for unfavorable performance. The effects of this strategy on the financial community’s judgments of a company’s value, however, is frequently mixed. Guided by the actor-observer perspective, we propose that observers (i.e., analysts) are likely to provide higher forecasts for firms whose CEOs attribute unfavorable organizational outcomes to internal factors and favorable outcomes to external factors. Integrating this conceptual perspective with attribution theory, we predicted that CEO accounts will have a stronger influence on analysts’ forecasts when the company performs unfavorably versus favorably. Results of archival data analysis (N = 35,676 quarterly earnings conference calls) generally supported our hypothesis, and were then replicated in a pre-registered follow-up field experiment (Study 2; N = 307), showing that analysts’ perceptions of the leader’s integrity mediated the effects of CEO accounts on analysts’ evaluation of the company. The mediating role of leader integrity was only significant when the company performed unfavorably (versus favorably). The present research adds to theory on causal accounts and perceived leader integrity, while offering guidance on how leaders’ accounts can relate to observers’ evaluations of those leaders and their companies.
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When Indonesian village governments were granted authority, independence, and decentralized budget from the central government through Village Law No. 6 of 2014, most people predicted that it would not promote better village development. Instead, such a policy would increase corruption cases and subsequently persuade people not to trust the village government. It might interfere with the legitimacy of the village government's autonomy. Insufficient institutionalization of good governance in the village was one of the reasons. Hence, this study aims to examine the association between transparency after village governance reform—as one of the good governance principles—and village community trust intervened by corruption perception of villagers. This study employed a survey method and involved 128 village governments in the Special Region of Yogyakarta Province, Indonesia, as the samples. The Partial Least Square technique was used for hypothesis testing. This study discovered that transparency was positively associated with low corruption perception and high village community trust. Moreover, corruption perception from villagers was negatively associated with community trust and had a role as a partial intervening variable.
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Medicine is fundamentally a moral endeavor. Correspondingly, those who practice medicine are bound by professional ethics (or professionalism), each of its agents individually, and all of them together, collectively.
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Responsibility acts as a psychological adhesive that connects an actor to an event and to relevant prescriptions that should govern conduct. People are held responsible to the extent that (a) a clear, well-defined set of prescriptions is applicable to an event (prescription–event link); (b) the actor is perceived to be bound by the prescriptions by virtue of his or her identity (prescription–identity link); and (c) the actor is connected to the event, especially by virtue of appearing to have personal control over it (identity–event link). Studies supported the model, showing that attributions of responsibility are a direct function of the combined strengths of the 3 linkages (Study 1) and that, when judging responsibility, people seek out information that is relevant to the linkages (Study 2). The model clarifies prior multiple meanings of responsibility and provides a coherent framework for understanding social judgment.
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