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Varieties of Neoliberalism in Brazil (2003–2019)

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Abstract

The main feature of capital accumulation in Brazil during the administrations led by Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) was the continuity of neoliberalism of two varieties: inclusive (2003–2006) and developmental (2006–2013). The PT’s attachment to neoliberalism was mitigated by the party’s (shifting) commitment to (mild) developmental outcomes, redistribution of income (at the margin), social inclusion (within narrow limits), and democratization of the state (bounded by the 1988 Constitution). Achievements in these areas were further constrained by the inability or unwillingness of the PT to confront the institutionalization of neoliberalism in the fields of economics, politics, ideology, the media, and class relations. The political crisis unfolding in Brazil since 2013 and the imposition of authoritarian neoliberalism after Rousseff’s impeachment can be examined from the perspective of the contradictions in the dominant varieties of neoliberalism under the PT and the limitations of the party’s political ambitions.

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... In relation to the following administrations, led by the Workers Party (PT) from 2003-2016, Saad-Filho [135] (p. 11) shows that it was, essentially, a neoliberal administration: "( . . . ) economic growth (within the limits imposed by the tripod), industrial policy (without compulsion, targets, or monitoring of private capital), redistribution (at the margin, because of the imperatives to preserve the distribution of assets and secure large fiscal surpluses), employment creation (limited by continuing deindustrialization and reprimarization of the economy), and the promotion of citizenship (accommodating staggering inequalities)". ...
... Following the periodization proposed by Saad-Filho [135], the country is brought to a turmoil after 2016 when the administration led by the former Vice President Michel Temertogether with the support of the political and economic elites, judiciary and most of the legislature-imposed an accumulation strategy based on an unprecedented exclusionary, authoritarian and internationalized variety of neoliberalism. This represented only the first administration to walk down this path, since in 2018, Jair Bolsonaro was elected and, at the time of writing this article, his administration seems to be deepening the same economic and political reforms. ...
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Financialization is one of the most relevant processes embedded in the functioning and evolution of the contemporary capitalist model and presents differential characteristics in the peripheral economies of the world-system. In turn, land grabbing is also one of the most relevant phenomena taking place in the field of farmland and land use, with particular significance also within the Global South. After presenting an in-depth analysis of both phenomena for Latin America, we specifically study the case of the two Latin American countries (Argentina and Brazil) where land grabbing has a greater qualitative and quantitative importance. In our article, we analyze the main interrelationships between both processes and show how financialization has played a fundamental role (together with the policies designed and the de-regulations implemented by respective states, and the participation of other domestic actors) in the land grabbing process in both countries.
... Essa trajetória precisa ser interpretada à luz dos paradigmas que orientaram os governos de coalizão liderados pelo PT. Embora as discordâncias predominem quando o assunto é a caracterização precisa desses paradigmas -principalmente em virtude da heterodoxia de algumas políticas em um arranjo mais amplo que não promoveu rupturas expressivas com o paradigma neoliberal prevalecente nos anos 1990 (Saad-Filho, 2020;Balestro & Monteiro, 2019;) -, em geral admite-se que esses governos criaram um arranjo institucional fundado em uma nova espécie de pacto social entre capital e trabalho. Esse pacto foi viabilizado pela expansão econômica e, sobretudo, pelo "boom" das commodities. ...
... Diversos autores já argumentaram que os fundamentos do paradigma neoliberal continuaram presentes na ação estatal durante os governos liderados pelo PT, sobretudo na gestão das políticas macroeconômicas (Fonseca, Arend & Guerrero, 2020;Saad-Filho, 2020), mas também no setor agrícola (Niederle & Grisa, 2020). No entanto, o paradigma que ganhou força a partir de 2016 já não abraça o mesmo discurso de "livre mercado" dos anos 1990, aberto à participação popular, e em defesa da liberdade dos consumidores. ...
Preprint
O Brasil é um dos poucos países que implementou, em escala nacional, políticas públicas especificamente voltadas a apoiar processos de transição agroecológica. Atualmente, ao mesmo tempo em que sua experiência tem chamado a atenção da comunidade internacional interessada na construção de sistemas alimentares sustentáveis e saudáveis, a literatura aponta para um processo de desmantelamento dessas políticas. Esse artigo identifica as estratégias de policy dismantling (i. extinção ou substituição; ii) adensamento institucional; iii) inefetividade da política e seus instrumentos; iv) mudança no vínculo institucional e objetivos; v) discursivo e simbólico) para, a partir disso, analisar como elas articulam-se à mudança do policy paradigm que orienta a ação do Estado. Os resultados sugerem que a formação de um paradigma "clientelista-corporocrático" legitimou estratégias ativas e com alta visibilidade, tais como a extinção de instrumentos de políticas e a deslegitimação da agroecologia por meio de mecanismos discursivos e simbólicos. O artigo também destaca como o desmantelamento dos espaços de participação social e a sabotagem da burocracia tem impactado na desestruturação das redes que construíram as políticas. Palavras-chave: Agroecologia; Políticas públicas; Mudança institucional; Brasil.
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Article
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... We analyse the main features of Turkish presidentialism following Göbel's (2011) three-dimensional framework of authoritarian consolidation, including infrastructural, despotic, and discursive power analyses. The purpose of this article is, therefore, to analyse Turkey's recent transformation from a critical political economy (CPE) perspective (Bieler & Morton, 2018;Brenner & Theodore, 2002;Bruff, 2011Bruff, , 2014Bruff & Tansel, 2019;Crouch, 2011;Jessop, 2014;Peck & Theodore, 2007;Saad-Filho, 2020) and examine the main determinants of, what we call, the 'authoritarian consolidation attempt' of the Erdoğan government. This research also aims to engage in the study of regime change by bringing the CPE approach in. ...
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The aim of this article is to analyze Turkey's recent authoritarian transformation from a critical political economy perspective and to examine the main determinants of, what we call, the ‘authoritarian consolidation attempt' of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). For that purpose, first, we sought answers to the following question: why did the AKP engage in a more authoritarian political agenda in the 2010s? We critically review the literature on the contemporary dynamics of authoritarianism, particularly focusing on two explanatory frameworks, competitive authoritarianism, and authoritarian neoliberalism. We argue that the crisis of authoritarian neoliberalism did not end up with democratization in Turkey in the 2010s, rather the power bloc initiated a strategy of the authoritarian fix as a reaction to the multiple crises that were a combination of the state crisis and the crisis of capital accumulation regime. Second, we analyzed how authoritarianism in Turkey is en route to consolidation in the aftermath of the transition to the Turkish presidential system in 2018, and what the fundamental factors of this consolidation are. We investigated the main features of Turkish presidentialism following the three-dimensional framework of authoritarian consolidation, including infrastructural, despotic, and discursive power analyses. As a result, we suggest a critical political economy account to unfold contemporary dynamics of authoritarianism based on the Turkish case.
... Furthermore, financialisation has led to domestic and international short-term capital playing a stronger role in monitoring, supervising and punishing developing countries' fiscal situation while placing a more significant burden on public capital to make productive investments (Agénor and Pereira da Silva 2019; Bonizzi 2013; Storm 2018). These factors explain why 'new developmentalism' has been characterised by simultaneous attention to state activism and macroeconomic stability, often being labelled 'neo-developmental liberalism' or 'liberal neo-developmentalism' (Ban 2013;Saad-Filho 2020;Sato 2019). ...
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... El debate incluye simpatizantes y opositores de la estrategia que siguieron los sucesivos gobiernos brasileños dirigidos por el Partido de los Trabajadores (Partido dos Trabalhadores [pt]) durante más de una década, al que muchos han denominado, incluso con diferentes prefijos, "desarrollista" (Ban, 2012;Bielschowsky, 2015) o "variedad del neoliberalismo" (Saad Filho, 2017), en analogía con el concepto de "variedades del capitalismo". 1 Como dice Fonseca (2014), el desarrollismo es un término bastante ambiguo que se alimenta tanto de conceptos teóricos como de experiencias de política económica. ...
Book
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Varios países de América Latina pasaron de crecer aceleradamente, reducir la desigualdad y la pobreza durante la primera década del siglo XXI, a una crisis económica y, en el caso de Brasil y algunos otros, a una política. Además, en el momento en el que escribimos, todo el continente está siendo fuertemente golpeado por la complejidades económicas derivadas de la pandemia. A pesar de que todos los países comparten varios de los mismos problemas y circunstancias, no hay que dejar de ver las diferencias derivadas de sus trayectorias históricas. En este libro, analizamos cómo algunos países de AL han enfrentado la crisis que inicia con la baja del precio de las commodities desde mediados de la década. Nos preguntamos si la situación por la que han pasado estos países es el reflejo de la ausencia de una variedad de capitalismos en América Latina y de la existencia de uno solo; si los choques externos tienen como consecuencia la desaparición de los contrastes entre países que se evidenciaban cuando estaban creciendo o si, por el contrario, es posible seguir pensando que perviven. Los distintos capítulos de este libro postulan esta última idea, que no han desaparecido las variedades de los distintos capitalismos latinoamericanos y que estos acarrean distintos tipos de crisis en función de sus conformaciones económicas, sociales y políticas. Nos hemos centrado en los dos casos más contrastantes : Brasil y México, aunque se hacen numerosas referencias a otros países para ejemplificar la idea de que las diversidades, lejos de desaparecer, se acentúan en tiempos como los actuales.
... A primeira é aquela que, enfatizando as mudanças abruptas nos regimes políticos decorrentes da chegada ao -e também da retirada do -poder do PT, acentua a passagem de um modelo neoliberal de Estado para outro de cunho social-desenvolvimentista (Bresser-Pereira, 2010;Diniz & Boschi, 2007). A segunda é aquela que, concentrando sua atenção menos no Estado e mais nas racionalidades da acumulação capitalista, destaca processos mais graduais de transição, caracterizados pela continuidade do neoliberalismo -apesar das variações que este demonstrou em diferentes momentos(Ban, 2013;Saad-Filho, 2020). Ambas as interpretações apresentam problemas, evidentes ao contrastar os setores da agricultura, mineração e aviação. ...
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... They also reveal the crisis of the Brazilian state founded upon the positivist principles of 'order and progress' symbolising, at least rhetorically, the belief that modernity would promote the rational development of a nation that attempted to distance itself from its colonial past. Associated with industrialisation, urban modernism, and the emergence of a technocracy, successive governments promoted state-led modernisation, later abandoned in favour of a neoliberal pro-market agenda (Caldeira and Holston 2016;Saad-Filho 2020). In the 2000s, an economic boom enabled a process of redistribution that turned around decades of slow growth and rising inequalities. ...
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In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, masks and the act of masking have become emotive subjects for social and political debate. In Brazil, one of the countries most severely affected by the pandemic, the seemingly mundane act of mask-wearing has become part of a deep social, political and economic crisis at the centre of which is the far-right president Jair Bolsonaro. In this paper we explore the politics of (un)masking in Brazil from three vantage points in which the mask serves to dramatise the country’s current moment. Firstly, we trace the connections and disjunctions between the politics of mask-wearing and the genealogies of hygienist policies associated with the modern aspirations of the Brazilian republic. Secondly, we consider how masks are incorporated into the everyday life of the city through popular economies, which reveal the potentialities and limitations of work beyond the modern ideals of waged labour. Finally, we explore the incorporation of masks in urban street-art. We approach graffiti and murals as situated performances of symbolic resistance that contest and reveal the incoherences of Bolsonaro’s anti-science discourse. In tandem, these three perspectives foreground practices of (un)masking that expose long-standing tensions and new contemporary challenges that characterise the politics of a ‘crisis society’.
... Despite the ups and downs of neoliberal policies in Brazil at least since the mid-1990s, up until the election of the current Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro, neoliberal ideologies were marked by trends of privatization, marketization, commodification and deregulation, but not necessarily by a complete abandonment of the fundamental roles of the state or open and wide disrespect and disregard for individual liberties (Saad-Filho, 2019;Ruckert et al., 2016;Walton, 2004). ...
Article
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... Mostly governed by center-right governments in the previous quarter century, countries began to follow new policy paradigms that, although divergent in terms of their methods and the extent of their reforms, brought the state back into power. Progressives, post-neoliberals, developmental neoliberals, and social developmentalists represented some of the attempts to define these policy paradigms (Saad-Filho, 2019;Balestro and Monteiro, 2019;Silva, 2018;Wolford and French, 2016;Bresser-Pereira and Theuer, 2012). However, following the recent conservative and liberal turn in Mercosur' countries, since 2016 Reaf has been undergoing several political and institutional changes that have clearly reduced its contribution to the formulation and improvement of public policies, directly impacting the social reproduction of family farmers in the region. ...
Article
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... Esta agenda do Custo Brasil colocou os industriais a favor de ações liberalizantes como privatizações, concessões em infraestrutura e as reformas trabalhista, previdenciária, administrativa e tributáriaprincipalmente após o golpe contra Dilma Rousseff, durante os governos Temer e Bolsonaro (Saad-Filho, 2020). Isso fica claro, por exemplo, na agenda internacional da indústria, da CNI (2020a, p. 26) em que atribuem os resultados econômicos ruins à falta de aprofundamento das mudanças neoliberais em marcha -quando são sua provável causa: "A economia brasileira voltou a ter fraco desempenho em 2019, e o crescimento ficou em torno de 1,1%. ...
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This article analyses the political processes surrounding the implementation of a neoliberal economic agenda by the Brazilian President, Michel Temer’s government, from 2016 to 2018. With its point of departure in the literature on authoritarian neoliberalism, the paper argues that the impeachment of the democratically elected President, Dilma Rousseff, led to a ‘democratic vacuum’ in which neoliberal reforms were instituted on a fragile mandate of elite support. The processes defining the approval of the public spending ceiling, labour reform, and the failed attempt at pension reform are analysed as an expression of authoritarian governance through the insulation of policy-making from wider public scrutiny. In the Brazilian case, these policies were pursued within a formally normal institutional context, which nonetheless was characterized by a lack of democratic legitimacy and electoral accountability.
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SANTOS, Bruna; ROCHA, Bruna; FREITAS, Felipe et all. Reflexões sobre a tradição autoritária brasileira e a desdemocratização no Governo Bolsonaro. In: Frederico A. Barbosa da Silva;Monique Florencio de Aguiar;Tatiana Lemos Sandim. ASSÉDIO INSTITUCIONAL NO BRASIL: AVANÇO DO AUTORITARISMO E DESCONSTRUÇÃO DO ESTADO. João Pessoa: EUEPB, 2022.
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From their independences to their early 21st century, the Myth of Inevitable Prosperity has characterized Latin American countries due to their natural resources’ abundance. Since Prosperity has not been achieved and LAC countries remain in the condition of subordinated periphery to the Global North, there has been a long debate about the economic and political limits to capitalist development in the region. This problem has been mainly analysed without taking into account the articulation between the economic and political limits for development, associated with the ruling classes and their relations with the State. Both liberal and the reformist/structuralist approaches provide limited answers for understanding the region’s development status, since they do not articulate the interests of the ruling classes, the role of the State, and regional capital accumulation (one of its main elements being exports based on natural resources). Therefore, this text aims to identify and analyse the economic (external constraint and productive structure) and political limits (configuration of class fractions in the power bloc and the role played by the State) for capitalist development in Latin America at the beginning of the 21st century, in the context of the rise of China and US hegemony. For this purpose, a political economic analysis is carried out, on both the balance of payments and the GDP dynamics, to identify which fractions are leading the power bloc in Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, and Brazil (BCAB); and to evaluate its impact on shaping public policy. The originality of this work lies in the use of the balance of payments (BOP) constraint articulated with the Poulantzian power bloc (“empirical” identification of class fractions) and the possibility of relative autonomy for the State and its public policies in a specific historical context. Then, this research, divided into three parts, is guided by the following questions: (i) How does the global dynamic interact and allow or block capital accumulation in the region? What role do Latin American states play? (ii) How is capital accumulated in the region? What is the role played by the State? Which capitalist fractions in the power bloc lead this process? And, (iii) how does this accumulation dynamic affect the subaltern classes’ insertion in the labour market? These questions are intended to be answered throughout this document taking into account the segmentation of time and geography and the connection between economics and politics.
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Capítulo a ser publicado no livro do Iº Seminário Internacional "Neoliberalismo, espaço urbano e pobreza"
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Brazil is one of the few countries that has implemented policies aimed at supporting agroecological transition processes on a national scale. While its experience has caught the attention of the international community interested in building sustainable and healthy food systems, recent literature points to the dismantling of these policies. This article identifies the variety of dismantling strategies to analyze how they are linked to the modification of the policy paradigm. Results suggest that the formation of a ‘clientelist–corporocratic’ paradigm legitimized active and visible dismantling strategies, such as the extinction of policy instruments and the delegitimization of agroecology through discursive mechanisms.
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With the Brazilian military governments of the 1960s, systematic economic development of the Amazon began. Social and environmental concerns have entered Amazonian discourses and policies only since the 1990s. Since then, reports of threats to forests and indigenous people have alternated with reports of socioeconomic progress and environmental achievements. These contradictions often arise from limited thematic, sectoral, temporal, or spatial perspectives, and lead to misinterpretation. Our paper offers a comprehensive picture of discourses, policies, and socio-environmental dynamics for the entire region over the last five decades. We distinguish eight historical policy phases, each of which had little effect on near-linear dynamics of demographic growth and land-use expansion, although some policies showed the potential to change the course of development. To prevent local, national, and international actors from continuing to assert harmful interests in the region, a coherent long-term commitment and change in the collective mindset are needed.
Chapter
This chapter serves to develop a classification of economic and social upgrading trajectories according to the theoretical approach introduced in the first chapter of this book, and to present empirical results according to this framework. Based on this classification and theoretical debate tentative policy recommendations for economic and social upgrading in global value chains (GVCs) are provided. In order to analyse the possibilities and challenges for economic and social upgrading in different industries and countries, a correspondingly open and complex theoretical research strategy is needed. We firstly suggest supplementing the analysis of value chain governance modes with economic approaches on power relations and rent-seeking possibilities in different market forms. Secondly—since the expectations of mainstream economists regarding economic and social upgrading opportunities for countries in the Global South through involvement in GVCs have not materialized—we take the concerns of institutionalists seriously, who underline that upgrading also depends on a country’s capacity to shape the national competitive and labour market situation through a series of political measures such as labour regulation and industrial policy. Therefore, in our interdisciplinary view, GVC approaches should be further integrated into debates on labour power, industrial relations and industrial policy.
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A central issue in the scholarly literature on the Latin American Pink Tide is the renewal of state-led development, or neo-developmentalism, and dependence on primary resources or the so-called resource curse. In this article, we consider the question of neo-developmentalism during the Pink Tide and state capacity, analyzing whether the three ‘radical’ Pink Tide governments in Ecuador, Venezuela, and Bolivia were able to achieve their respective neo-developmental political objectives. We employ a comparative approach building on the theory of ‘broadened embedded autonomy’ as conceptualized by Peter Evans. We argue that while reliance on resource extraction posed a challenge for the construction of state capacity for Pink Tide governments, national-level differences help explain why some governments were relatively more successful than others at inducing neo-developmentalism. A comparative approach focused on the politics of state-society thus provides a promising analytical framework for interpreting variations across cases.
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‘Neoliberal populism’, as both concept and mode of government, has peculiar capacities and strengths. But the concept should not be overstretched, and the strength of pure neoliberal populism should not be overestimated. The most resilient of the regimes that have been labelled ‘neoliberal populist’ (Erdoğan’s Turkey and Orbán’s Hungary) could not go beyond ten years without mobilising statist tools much more heavily than others. In comparison to them, earlier Latin American, Eastern European, and Southeast Asian neoliberal populist governments have had relatively short tenures. Moreover, our theoretical approach to populism needs to be thoroughly revised to make analytical sense of the mass organisational bases of some rightwing regimes. The strongest of today’s rightwing populist regimes are differentiated from earlier and contemporary neoliberal populist cases by their statist policy tools and mass organisational underpinnings.
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This Forum Debate explores the confluence of neoliberal, populist, conservative and reactionary influences on contemporary ideologies and practices of social policy, with a focus on the poorer peripheries of global capitalism. Several fundamental tensions are highlighted, which are largely overlooked by the social policy and development literatures. First, many recent social policy innovations have been discredited by their association with neoliberalism. The rising political Right has been much more successful than the Left at exploiting this discontent, despite simultaneously deepening many aspects of neoliberalism once in power. At the same time, right‐wing movements have proactively used social policy as a political tool to fashion the social order along lines deemed amenable for their interests and ideologies, expressed along nationalist, racialized, ethnicized, nativist, religious, patriarchal or other lines, and to innovate practices of segregation, exclusion and subordination. While these synergies of neoliberal and right‐wing populism are observed globally, they need to be carefully and differentially interpreted from the perspective of late industrializing (or late welfare state) peripheral countries. Nonetheless, common themes occurring across both centres and peripheries, as identified by the invited contributions to this Debate section, include exclusionary identity politics, hierarchical and subordinating inclusions, and patriarchal familialism. In this context, segregationism is an ominous possibility of post‐neoliberal social policy.
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RESUMO Diferentes razões apontam para a dissolução da coalizão produtivista e a formação de uma frente única burguesa antidesenvolvimentista. Com a intenção de acelerar o passo do lulismo, Dilma cutucou muitas onças com varas curtas. O ativismo estatal teria alienado camadas de empresários, resultando na unidade abrangente antidesenvolvimentista. Sustentar a ofensiva demandaria sólida aliança interclassista e/ou intensa mobilização dos trabalhadores, o que não foi feito.
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Under favorable external circumstances, the pragmatic political and economic strategy of Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) helped to secure short-term political stability, boosted growth, and supported an unprecedented distribution of income. However, it also meant that the PT had to accommodate to rather than transform the constraints on growth in Brazil and that stability would involve unwieldy political alliances preventing deeper reforms. When it was confronted with deteriorating global economic conditions and increasingly ineffectual economic policies, the PT’s strategy immobilized the party, facilitated the dissolution of its base of support, and expedited its ouster from power. The Brazilian experience suggests that political pragmatism can, within limits, support progressive economic change but that the outcomes depend heavily on external circumstances and the stability of the political coalitions supporting the administration. Em circunstâncias externas favoráveis, a pragmática estratégia política e econômica do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) ajudou a assegurar a estabilidade política no curto prazo, impulsionou o crescimento e apoiou uma distribuição de renda sem precedentes. No entanto, isso também significou que o PT teve que se acomodar a, em vez de transformar, as restrições ao crescimento no Brasil, e que a estabilidade envolveria alianças políticas comprometedoras, impedindo reformas mais profundas. Quando foi confrontada com a deterioração das condições econômicas globais e apresentando políticas econômicas cada vez mais ineficazes, a estratégia do PT imobilizou o partido, facilitou a dissolução de sua base de apoio e acelerou sua saída do poder. A experiência brasileira sugere que o pragmatismo político pode, dentro de certos limites, apoiar a mudança econômica progressista, mas que os resultados dependem muito das circunstâncias externas e da estabilidade das coalizões políticas que apóiam a administração.
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Neste artigo, apresentaremos uma análise sobre as greves que aconteceram no Brasil no período dos governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores: de 2003, primeiro ano do primeiro mandato de Lula da Silva, até 2013, penúltimo ano do primeiro mandato de Dilma Rousseff na presidência da República. Ainda que tendo como foco esses dez anos, buscaremos, ao final, refletir sobre os dados posteriores para procurar identificar quais movimentos estão se desenhando para o sindicalismo brasileiro no período subsequente. As greves serão analisadas tendo em consideração os seguintes aspectos: frequência e duração das paralisações, as motivações, os encaminhamentos e os resultados desses conflitos. Ao longo do texto trataremos de explicar por que entendemos que essas greves reforçam a tese da existência de um período neodesenvolvimentista no Brasil e refletem as características da configuração específica da luta de classes do período. Os principais dados que utilizaremos foram coletados e sistematizados pelo Departamento Intersindical deEstatísticas e Estudos Socioeconômicos (Dieese)
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The 2000s have brought a renewed debate on strategies of 'developmentalism' in emerging market economies, especially in Latin America. We consider new concepts of developmentalism to be strategies in which the state deliberately pushes the process of development, in terms of structural change, and aims at income redistribution. In our paper, we seek to systematize this debate, comparing the concepts of new developmentalism and social developmentalism. We argue that of particular relevance for this discussion are the policy space constraints for emerging market economies imposed by international monetary and financial asymmetries. We conclude that the latter of the two approaches does not consider appropriately the policy constraints related to these asymmetries, which reduce the space for the implementation of developmentalist policies, while the former sees redistribution as a mere result of export-led industrialization.
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This article examines the theories and practices of neoliberalism across 13 aspects of (‘things you need to know about’) neoliberalism. They include the argument that neoliberalism is not reducible to a cogent ideology or a change in economic or social policies, nor is it primarily about a shift in the relationship between the state and the market or between workers and capital in general, or finance in particular. Instead, neoliberalism is a stage in the development of capitalism underpinned by financialization. Neoliberalism by its nature is highly diversified in its features, impact and outcomes, reflecting specific combinations of scholarship, ideology, policy and practice. In turn, these are attached to distinctive material cultures giving rise to the (variegated) neoliberalization of everyday life and, at a further remove, to specific modalities of economic growth, volatility and crisis. Finally, this paper argues that there are alternatives, both within and beyond neoliberalism itself.
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RESUMO: O Brasil aderiu ao regime de metas de inflação no ano de 1999, na sequência do fim da âncora cambial do Plano Real. Contudo, a gestão deste regime pelo Banco Central – em parte em função de um passado de alta inflação – ainda se inspira na visão do " novo consenso macroeconômico " que antecede a crise recente, o que tem frequentemente levado a uma política de juros bastante elevados, com impactos negativos sobre o crescimento econômico. Nesta perspectiva, o artigo analisa o que se entende por Novo Consenso Macroeconômico, bem como as implicações em termos de governança da política macroeconômica, em particular no que se refere ao regime de metas de inflação. Palavras-chave: Novo Consenso Macroeconômico. Regime de metas de inflação. ABSTRACT: Brazil implemented the inflation targeting regime (ITR) in 1999, following the end of the exchange rate anchor of the Real Plan. On the other hand, the management of the ITR by the Central Bank of Brazil – in part to be due to a long history of high inflation – remains inspired by the vision of the " new consensus on macroeconomics " prior to the recent crisis, which has often led to a very high interest rate policy, with negative impacts on economic growth. This essay focuses on analyzing the meaning of New Macroeconomic Consensus and its implications in terms of governance of macroeconomic policy, particularly with regard to the inflation targeting regime.
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The merit of the present book is that it surveys the theoretical arguments for opening of both capital markets and foreign financial institutions and assesses the empirical evidence. In addition it provides an extensive analysis of one of the Latin American countries, Brazil, that has been an assiduous follower of the Washington Consensus in this regard. It opens a debate that should have taken place before these policies were recommended across the board to developing countries. (Excerpt from the Preface of the book) Jan Kregel - Senior scholar at the Levy Economics Institute of Bard College, USA In this book Luiz Fernando de Paula makes a deep, as well as broad, analysis of the experience with the process of financial liberalization in Brazil. This is a comprehensive and rigorous analysis of the fundamentals of financial liberalisation as it has been applied in Brazil. Not only does the book analyse the theoretical and practical issues of financial liberalisation, but also it is highly critical of it. The book shows that capital account liberalization has not contributed to a more stable macroeconomic environment in the Brazilian economy, as this might have been expected on purely financial liberalisation theoretical grounds. It is also argued in the book that the expected benefits of foreign banks entering the domestic banking sector, such as new initiatives in the credit supply and lower net interest margins, never materialised in the case of Brazil. The message of the book is extremely timely. Anybody who wishes to acquire full understanding of the Brazilian contemporary experience with financial liberalisation should read this book. Philip Arestis - Professor of Economics at the University of Cambridge, United Kindgom
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The political conflicts during the Workers’ Party administrations led by Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff have been driven by disputes between two fractions of the country’s bourgeoisie: the internal and the internationalized bourgeoisie. Their ideologies, policies, institutions, and forms of political representation have determined government policies and outcomes. These processes have unfolded within an authoritarian democracy whose structures have not been challenged by the party. The party’s limited power and continuing timidity have produced an aggressive reaction by the internationalized bourgeoisie and the upper middle class, leading to a severe crisis in the administration of President Dilma Rousseff. Durante os dois governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), chefiados por Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e por Dilma Rousseff, os conflitos políticos têm sido conflagrados por disputas entre duas facções burguesas do país: a burguesia interna e a burguesia internacionalizada. Suas respectivas formas de representações políticas, ideologias, programas, bem como instituições têm determinado políticas governamentais e seus resultados. Esses processos evoluíram em uma democracia autoritária, cujas estruturas não foram contestadas pelo PT. A timidez contínua e o poder limitado do partido têm produzido uma reação agressiva por parte da burguesia internacionalizada e da classe média alta, levando a uma crise severa na administração da Presidente Dilma Rousseff.
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Introduction 1. Materialist Dialects 1.1 Real Abstractions and Mental Generalisations 1.2 Marx, Hegal and 'New Dialects' 1.3 Conclusion 2. Interpretations of Marx's Value Theory 2.1 Embodied Labour Approaches 2.1.1 Traditional Marxism 2.1.2 Sraffian Analyses 2.2 Values from Theories 2.2.1 The Rubin Tradition 2.2.2 The 'New Interpretation' 2.3 Conclusion 3. Value and Capital 3.1 Division of Labour, Exploitation and Value 3.2 Capital 3.3 Conclusion 4. Wages and Exploitation 4.1 Wage Labour and Exploitation 4.2 Value of Labour Power 4.3 Conclusion 5. Values, Prices and Exploitation 5.1 Normalisation of Labour 5.1.1 Labour Intensity and Complexity, Education and Training 5.1.2 Mechanisation, Deskilling and Capitalist Control 5.2 Synchronisation of Labour 5.2.1 Value Transfers 5.2.2 Technical Change, Value and Crisis 5.3 Homogenisation of Labour 5.4 Conclusion 6. Composition of Capital 6.1 Understanding the Composition of Capital 6.2 Production and the Composition of Capital 6.3 Capital Accumulation 6.4 Conclusion 7. Transformation of Values into Prices of Production 7.1 Surplus Value, Profit, and the Composition of Capital 7.2 From Values to Prices of Production 7.3 The Transformation of Input Values 7.4 Conclusion 8. Money, Credit and Inflation 8.1 Labour and Money 8.2 Money and Prices of Production 8.3 Credit, Money and Inflation 8.4 Conclusion Conclusion References
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This article analyses different approaches to ‘developmentalism,’ emphasizing their theoretical origins and identifying their different economic policy implications. Based on the theoretical and empirical characteristics of different growth regimes in Brazil (that is, export-led, demand-led, debt-led, profit-led, and wage-led), the paper recommends that Brazil adopt a ‘social developmentalist’ growth strategy.
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Procedural (formal, liberal, capitalist or bourgeois) democracy is the political form of neoliberalism, and it dominates political thought and state practice today. This modality of management of class relations is currently in crisis, expressed through the evacuation of politics, the erosion of civil liberties and the emergence of authoritarian governance. This article offers a Marxist critique of neoliberal democracy, concluding that neoliberalism is incompatible with the expansion of democracy into key areas of social life. This is expressed by six paradoxes of democracy. Conversely, the expansion of democracy can provide an effective lever for the abolition of neoliberalism. This approach is promising for three reasons: first, the expansion of democracy is valuable in itself. Second, the contradictions between economic and political democracy illuminate the limitations of contemporary capitalism. Third, struggles about the nature and content of democracy can throw into question the limitations of capitalism as a mode of production.
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This article suggests a few hypotheses to understand the new electoral configuration that was formed in 2006. The subproletariat, that has always kept itself away from Lula, accepted in large scale his candidature after the first term of his presidency, at the same time that the middle-class moved away from it. The explanation would be on a new ideological configuration, that mixes leftwing and rightwing elements. The rhetoric and the praxis, that are able to unite the maintenance of stability and the distributive action of the state, are in the origins of the formation of lulism.
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This paper focuses on Foucault's analysis of two forms of neo-liberalism in his lecture of 1979 at the Collège de France: German post-War liberalism and the liberalism of the Chicago School. Since the course is available only on audio-tapes at the Foucault archive in Paris, the larger part of the text presents a comprehensive reconstruction of the main line of argumentation, citing previously unpublished source material. The nal section offers a short discussion of the methodological and theoretical principles underlying the concept of governmentality and the critical political angle it provides for an analysis of contemporary neo-liberalism.
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Across the broad field of heterodox political economy, ‘neoliberalism’ appears to have become a rascal concept – promiscuously pervasive, yet inconsistently defined, empirically imprecise and frequently contested. Controversies regarding its precise meaning are more than merely semantic. They generally flow from underlying disagreements regarding the sources, expressions and implications of contemporary regulatory transformations. In this article, we consider the handling of ‘neoliberalism’ within three influential strands of heterodox political economy – the varieties of capitalism approach; historical materialist international political economy; and governmentality approaches. While each of these research traditions sheds light on contemporary processes of market-oriented regulatory restructuring, we argue that each also underplays and/or misreads the systemically uneven, or ‘variegated’, character of these processes. Enabled by a critical interrogation of how each approach interprets the geographies, modalities and pathways of neoliberalization processes, we argue that the problematic of variegation must be central to any adequate account of marketized forms of regulatory restructuring and their alternatives under post-1970s capitalism. Our approach emphasizes the cumulative impacts of successive ‘waves’ of neoliberalization upon uneven institutional landscapes, in particular: (a) their establishment of interconnected, mutually recursive policy relays within an increasingly transnational field of market-oriented regulatory transfer; and (b) their infiltration and reworking of the geoinstitutional frameworks, or ‘rule regimes’, within which regulatory experimentation unfolds. This mode of analysis has significant implications for interpreting the current global economic crisis.
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Assessing the inflation targeting regime in Brazil- This paper is concerned with ?new? monetary policy, essentially what has come to be known as inflation targeting (IT). While the paper aims to examine this policy in the case of emerging countries, the focus is on Brazil and the application of this monetary policy framework in the case of this country since 1999. The paper begins by discussing the theoretical foundations and operational aspects of IT, before it turns to an examination of the experience of IT in Brazil. The Brazilian experience is compared and contrasted with that of other similar countries. The paper concludes by suggesting that although IT have had the intended impact, non-IT countries have also had a similar experience. Furthermore, the Brazilian experience with IT has been one of low growth and relatively high inflation.
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O Modelo Macroecon�mico Brasileiro tem como Caracter�sticas: Abertura Financeira, uma Estrat�gia de Crescimento Baseada em Poupan�a Externa, um C�mbio Sobrevalorizado, D�ficit em Conta Corrente, um Alto N�vel de Endividamento Externo, uma Taxa B�sica (Selic) de Juros Elevada, uma Infla��o Baixa, Por�m, Inercial, uma Pol�tica Fiscal Frouxa, Poupan�a P�blica Negativa, Alto N�vel de Endividamento do Estado, Baixas Expectativas de Lucros, Sal�rios Estagnados, uma Taxa de Poupan�a Dom�stica Deprimida, Baixo N�vel de Investimento, Alta Taxa de Desemprego e uma Renda Per Capita Pr�xima da Estagna��o. a Economia Brasileira Atingiu uma Estabiliza��o de Pre�os em 1994 Mas, N�o, uma Estabiliza��o Macroecon�mica, na Medida em que n�o se Conseguiu um Equil�brio Intertemporal e Termos Fiscais e nas Contas Externas. o Crescimento S� Voltar� se as Autoridades Reconhecerem que a Economia do Pa�s Est� Presa Numa Armadilha Dupla que Envolve a Taxa de Juros e o C�mbio e Decidirem Inverter o Processo Perverso da Equa��o Macroecon�mica Escorada em Altas Taxas de Juros e Num C�mbio Sobrevalorizado. Entretanto, as Ortodoxias Internacional e Dom�stica que Determinam a Pol�tica Macroecon�mica no Pa�s, Continuam a se Valer da Macroeconomia Convencional para Tentar Compreender Problemas n�o Convencionais E, Assim, s�o Incapazes de Atingir a T�o Desejada Estabilidade Macroecon�mica.
Book
This book critically addresses the model of social inclusion that prevailed in Brazil under the rule of the Workers Party from the early 2000s until 2015. It examines how the emergence of a mass consumer society proved insufficient, not only to overcome underdevelopment, but also to consolidate the comprehensive social protection system inherited from Brazil’s 1988 Constitution. By juxtaposing different theoretical frameworks, this book scrutinizes how the current finance-dominated capitalism has reshaped the role of social policy, away from rights-based decommodified benefits and towards further commodification. This constitutes the Brazilian paradox: how a center-left government has promoted and boosted financialization through a market incorporation strategy using credit as a lever for expanding financial inclusion. In so doing, it has pushed the subjection of social policy further into the logic of financial markets.
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The Programa Bolsa Família (PBF) is one of the largest conditional cash transfer (CCT) programmes in the world. CCTs have been described as a ‘magic bullet’ for development, and PBF is widely regarded as an exemplary programme. Examination of its conceptual underpinnings, features, impact and limitations shows that PBF provides substantial income support to the poorest. However, PBF is also self-limiting and it can offer only limited long-term gains to the poor. More significant outcomes require the expansion of the scope of PBF and other social programmes towards the universalization and decommodification of social provision in Brazil.
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In the 1990s Brazil launched a comprehensive economic liberalization program. It lifted its trade barriers, adopted new market-oriented regulations, opened up its capital market and abandoned earlier efforts to internalize production and to build vertically integrated systems across several sectors of the economy. In spite of the visible gap that separated the top global giants from the large local enterprises, Brazilian companies seemed to be willing to join in an economic liberalization process that was bound to expose them to unprecedented levels of competition, bring about a high degree of uncertainty and, in many cases, ultimately put their own businesses at risk. Big Business and Brazils Economic Reforms examines the most emblematic aspect of the Brazilian economic reforms, the support from parts of the local entrepreneurial class for the opening up of the economy. It investigates the reasons why Brazil carried out these economic reforms in the 1990s, the transition process and the impact of the opening up of the economy on some of its most important sectors, such as the aerospace, auto and auto parts, food processing, oil and petrochemicals, ethanol, steel, telecoms and telecom equipment industries. This book offers an in-depth analysis of Brazils distinctive development paths, from the Latin American economic thinking of the early stages of its industrialization to the neo-liberal stance of the present day. It sheds new light on one of the main challenges facing all the large developing economies in their move to become more integrated into the world economy, the fostering of large enterprises, and is a great resource for students and researchers interested in global business, development economics, and Latin American economic history.
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Em sua reflexão sobre o "campo político", Pierre Bourdieu chama a atenção para duas posturas insatisfatórias na análise da representação política de interesses coletivos: a rigidez de esquemas classificatórios e o descritivismo conjuntural (Bourdieu, 1981). No conjunto de ensaios em A República do capital: capitalismo e processo político no Brasil, Décio Saes encaminha uma estratégia de resposta ao desafio posto pela crítica à análise das relações de classe no campo político. 1 Em linhas gerais, o autor procura articular as determinações estruturais da história com os elementos de uma conjuntura através do conceito de processo político. Saes distingue três dimensões no processo político: uma comportamental, outra institucional e uma outra ideológica. A primeira dimensão diz respeito à orientação das políticas governamentais frente aos interesses coletivos. As medidas econômicas e sociais do Estado suscitam a emergência de grupos opostos na cena política, que lutam em defesa de seus interesses. Numa conjuntura de estabilidade da ordem social, tais interesses de grupos são constituídos essencialmente por frações de classe. Quanto a esse aspecto, a análise enfrenta algumas questões-chave, a saber: qual (quais) desses interesses de frações vem (vêem) a ser hegemônico(s) no conjunto das políticas estatais, e como se forma e se sustenta tal hegemonia? A segunda dimensão do processo político se refere à configuração das instituições políticas: o tipo histórico de Estado, a forma de Estado, o regime político. Sobre esse aspecto, a análise orienta-se por questões tais como: dado o tipo histórico de Estado, quais classes ou frações do bloco no poder estão excluídas de aspirar a hegemonia política? Qual a relação entre a hegemonia política e a forma do Estado/regime político? A terceira dimensão se relaciona às ideologias políticas, na sua relação com a orientação das políticas governamentais (e, assim, também com os interesses coletivos). Encontra-se * Doutorando em Ciências Sociais na Unicamp. 1 O livro compõe-se de um texto introdutório e de sete ensaios. Redigidos em momentos diferentes, os ensaios são os seguintes: "Florestan Fernandes e a revolução burguesa no Brasil"; "A questão da 'transição' do regime militar à democracia no Brasil"; "Estado e classes sociais no capitalismo brasileiro dos anos 70/80"; "Populismo e neoliberalismo"; "A política neoliberal e o campo político conservador no Brasil atual"; "Democracia e capitalismo no Brasil: balanço e perspectivas"; "A evolução do Estado no Brasil (uma interpretação marxista)".
Article
These economists say the Korean financial crisis was a watershed in the nation's history. It marked a decline in power of the industrialists in favor of financiers. The authors believe this may ultimately retard economic growth in Korea. T HE causes of the 1997 Korean crisis, together with those of the crises in other Asian countries, have been hotly debated. Especially in the early days of the crisis, many commentators argued that it was caused by some fundamental institutional deficiencies of the Korean economy that encour-aged inefficiencies and excesses by protecting the investors from the adverse consequences of their decisions.^ How^ever, others, including surprisingly many mainstream economists, have ar-gued that the crisis was largely the result of a mixture of the premature and ill-managed financial liberalization (and the dis-mantling of other interventionist policies) and the instability in the intemational financial market.^ This article sheds some new light on this debate from a historical perspective by analyzing HA-JOON CHANG teaches at the Faculty of Economics and Politics at the University of Cam-bridge. CHUL-GYUE YOO is a member cfthe Korea Social and Economic Studies Association in Seoul, Korea. This is a shortened and restructured version of a paper presented at the workshop on the World Financial Authority, organized by the Center for Economic Policy, New School for Social Re-search, New York, July 6-7, 1998. We thank the Center, which also financed our research, for its permission to use the material from the original paper. We also thank the participants at the workshop, especially Jeff Madrick, for their helpful comments.
Article
Is Brazil's economic policy regime a mere tinkering of the Washington Consensus? The evidence suggests that Brazilian governments institutionalized a hybrid policy regime that layers economically liberal priorities originating in the Washington Consensus and more interventionist ones associated with neo-developmentalist thinking. To capture this hybridity, the study calls this regime ‘liberal neo-developmentalism’. While defending the goal of macroeconomic stability and sidelining full employment, Brazilian governments also reduced reliance on foreign savings and employed a largely off-the-books stimulus package during the crisis. Brazil experienced important privatization, liberalization and deregulation reforms, but at the same time the state consolidated its role as owner and investor in industry and banking while using an open economy industrial policy and a cautious approach to the free movement of capital. Finally, while conditional cash transfers fit the Washington Consensus, Brazil's steady increases in the minimum wage, industrial policies targeted at high employment sectors and the use of state-owned firms to expand welfare and employment programs better fit a neo-developmentalist policy regime. In sum, while the main goals of the Washington Consensus were not replaced with neo-developmentalist ones, Brazil's policy regime saw an extensive transformation of policy orthodoxy that reflects Brazil's status as an emerging power.
Article
Fernando Collor de Mello was the first Brazilian president to be freely elected in 29 years. He earned twice as many votes as the total number of voters in the previous presidential election, in 1960. His term was expected to become a landmark in Brazilian history, and it did, although not in the way desired. This paper discusses the politics of Collor's election, his administration, and the movement that resulted in his demise. The core argument is that Collor's modernity, contrary to its meaning at the rhetorical level, involved a great deal of political expediency in the form of clientelistic maneuverings perhaps never before seen in Brazilian history. In addition to the more traditional sources of information (e.g., government documentation, journalistic material, specialized reports, etc.), I use interviews I conducted with members of Congress and the administration in March-April 1992 and the first half of 1995. Some of the more descriptive passages serve to build a supporting framework for the analysis, presenting in a systematic way the events and players that gave the period its shape. I begin with a discussion of the 1989 presidential election and go on to describe how, once empowered, the Collor administration found it difficult to deal with a rather conservative Congress and with the democratic procedures established in the 1988 Constitution. After an analysis of its strategies against the background of its lack of legislative support, I examine the movement resulting in Collor's fall from power. Finally, recalling Marx's view of individuals as "bearers of particular class-relations and interests" ([1867] 1990: 92), I suggest where the analysis of Collor's rise and demise should find its theoretical milieu.
Neoliberal reforms, crisis, and recovery in Argentina
  • Felder Ruth
The Dialectics of the Abstract and the Concrete in Marx’s “Capital.”
  • Evgeny V Ilyenkov
O Ministério dos Industriais: A Federação das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo na crise das décadas de 1980 e 1990
  • Álvaro Bianchi
Bianchi, Álvaro 2004 "O Ministério dos Industriais: A Federação das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo na crise das décadas de 1980 e 1990." Ph.D. diss., IFCH-UNICAMP.
Governos Lula: a nova burguesia nacional no poder
  • Armando Boito
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Austeridade para quem? Balanço e perspectivas do governo Dilma Rousseff
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Neoliberal reforms, crisis, and recovery in Argentina (1990s-2000s)
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Choque recessivo e a maior crise da história: a economia brasileira em marcha à ré
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Brazil’s crisis of hegemony
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Debatendo classes e luta de classes no Brasil
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Jantar com empresários: campos percebeu que o ponto fraco do governo Dilma é a boca
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Brazil: Neoliberalism versus Democracy
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What's happening in Brazil? Exactly what the coup leaders said would happen
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Entrevista exclusiva: Dilma Rousseff sem censura, ou quase
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Brazil: the failure of the PT and the rise of the new right
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